Cloud Racers

The story of two rival pilots chasing a dream during the golden age of aviation.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 37


Adam L. Penenberg is a journalism professor at New York University. He has written for a wide array of publications, including Fast Company, Forbes,The New York Times, Slate, The Washington Post, and Wired.


Editor: Charles Homans

Designer: Gray Beltran

Producer: Megan Detrie

Cover Illustration: Chris Gall

Fact Checker: Riley Blanton

Copy Editor: Sean Cooper

Images: Corbis, Associated Press, Lockheed Martin, Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum, University of Alaska Fairbanks, Alaska State Library, University of Wyoming, Wikimedia Commons, Facebook, Library of Congress

Video: Critical Past, Universal Newsreels, National Archives

A Note on Sources:

All events described and dialogue quoted in Cloud Racers are drawn from contemporaneous newspaper and magazine accounts, newsreel footage, and books. For Wiley Post’s story, these include Forgotten Eagle and Will Rogers & Wiley Post: Death at Barrow, both by Bryan B. Sterling and Frances S. Sterling; Around the World in Eight Days, by Wiley Post; From Oklahoma to Eternity: The Life of Wiley Post and the Winnie Mae, by Kenny Arthur Franks, Gini Moore Campbell, and Bob Burke; and Wiley Post, His Winnie Mae, and the World’s First Pressure Suit, by Bobby H. Johnson, Stanley R. Mohler, and Smithsonian Air and Space Museum. For Jimmie Mattern, I relied on an unpublished autobiography he wrote toward the end of his life, which resides in the collection of the McDermott Library at the University of Texas at Dallas, as well as Around-the-World Flights: A History, by Patrick M. Stinson. In addition, thousands of newspaper column inches were devoted to the exploits of both pilots in the early 1930s, and both men published firsthand accounts of their round-the-world exploits in The New York Times.



Published in May 2014. Design updated in 2021.

Prologue

July 1, 1931

By 7 p.m., the crowd milling around Roosevelt Field on Long Island had swelled to 5,000. When dusk fell an hour later, twice that many were crowding the half mile of fence edging the runway. The police had organized a cordon, complete with a small battalion of motorcycle cops. A dozen planes buzzed back and forth overhead, carrying sightseers and photographers. Every once in a while, one of them would catch the attention of the onlookers, who would burst into cheers before realizing that this was not the plane they were waiting for—that it was not the Winnie Mae.

On June 23, the one-eyed Oklahoman pilot Wiley Post and his navigator, a spindly Australian named Harold Gatty, had set out from Roosevelt Field in hopes of breaking the record for the fastest flight around the world. For eight days radio broadcasts, newsreels, and newspaper headlines heralded the Winnie Mae’s approach: “AVIATORS OVER SEA, TRYING TO GIRDLE WORLD,” “WORLD FLIERS FACING PERILS IN TODAY’S HOP,” “FLIERS’ WIVES HOPE THIS IS LAST STUNT.” As the Winnie Mae crossed continents and oceans, newspaper editorials lauded Post’s and Gatty’s pluck, and churchgoers prayed for their safe return. Schoolteachers based geography lessons on the aviators’ route as they skimmed the northern latitudes over Europe, Siberia, Alaska, and the Yukon. The only people not glued to the latest developments, it seemed, were Post’s parents, busy cutting hay back on their 90-acre farm in Maysville, Oklahoma. “He didn’t have our blessing when he started out in this flying business,” his father groused to a reporter.

Now the duo were completing the 14th and final leg of their 15,474-mile journey, cruising over Ontario, Canada, at 150 miles per hour. There had been times when they thought they might not see Roosevelt Field again—rainstorms so violent that Post wondered if animals might be gathering in twos below, lightning that crackled at their wingtips, crosswinds that threatened to hurl the Winnie Mae into mountainsides, wing-icing cold, clouds so thick that the mist seeped through cracks in the plane’s canvas skin.

A few hundred feet off the runway, Colonel Charles Lindbergh was parked in a limousine. Four years earlier, Lindbergh had crossed the Atlantic in the Spirit of St. Louis, single-handedly ushering in the era of aerial conquest and, in the process, becoming the world’s most famous celebrity. Fans had snapped up Lindbergh china, towels, paperweights, pillowcases, and Spirit of St. Louis weather vanes. A doll bearing his likeness was a big seller at Christmas. Lindbergh had transcended being a man; he had become a tchotchke. Now he looked out at the crowd eagerly awaiting his heirs, two of the many daredevils who had taken to the sky in hopes of outdoing Lucky Lindy.

By 1931, airplane pilots were claiming all sorts of aerial achievements: the first to cross the Atlantic east to west, to traverse the Pacific, to fly from Europe to Australia, to pass over the North and South Poles, to travel to Ireland from America, to zip across the U.S. nonstop from New York to California. But the record for the fastest circumnavigation of the globe didn’t belong to an airplane pilot at all. It belonged to Dr. Hugo Eckener, who had accomplished it two years earlier in an airship, the Graf Zeppelin, in a journey that took 21 days. The two men winging their way toward New York in a Lockheed Vega that evening hoped to beat “the balloon.”

Post and Gatty were a study in opposites. Thirty-two-year-old Post was short—barely five foot five—and thick, built like a piston, with untamable dark hair framing a moon face, a mustache, caterpillar eyebrows, and a gap between his front teeth. A farm boy with an eighth-grade education, he wore a white eye patch, the legacy of an injury he had sustained seven years earlier while working on an oilfield. He had a glass eye he would pop in for photographs, but otherwise he didn’t bother with it, especially while flying—at high altitudes it froze and gave him headaches. Gatty, by contrast, was a spit-polished wisp of a man who could emerge from the other side of a rainstorm as dapper as he’d entered it. A 28-year-old veteran of the Australian navy, he was, according to Lindbergh, “the best navigator in the country, if not the world,” so gifted that he could mark his location by studying the flight patterns of birds.

Unlike Lindbergh and Amelia Earhart, who donned leather jackets and scarves while flying, Post and Gatty wore business suits, though by now theirs were rumpled and stained with oil, mud, and sweat. More than a week into their journey, they were running on little more than adrenaline, lightheaded from gas fumes and the unwavering drone of the engine. Post’s leg was sore from kicking the wooden pedals he used to steer the plane, and his one good eye was bloodshot from sleeping only 15 hours in eight days. Gatty’s shoulder was stiff and purple from a whacking dished out by the Winnie Mae’s propeller in Alaska.

From the cockpit, Post could see the Manhattan skyline. The Empire State Building, completed just two months earlier, nosed up into the clouds, the lights coming on as day retreated into evening. “We had gone all the way around the world,” Post would later recall, “for a glimpse of it from the west.”

Brooklyn, Queens, Mineola blurred into one long run-on sentence before Post’s lone bleary eye. He was coming in over the Roosevelt Field hangars when he saw the crowd massing to greet them. Planes crowded the airspace above the runway, the photographers on board snapping away. Post was anxious to land before one of them smashed into the Winnie Mae. “Make a turn and give them a chance,” Gatty shouted through the vacuum tube they used to communicate, barely audible over the engine’s rasp. “I would rather let them have it up here than be made to walk the plank afterward.”

Post marveled at his navigator’s naïveté. They had been dogged by reporters, photographers, and curiosity seekers at every step of their journey, even in remote parts of Siberia. The closer to New York, the more intense the reception they received. In Cleveland, well-wishers ripped Gatty’s jacket pocket.

Post took a wide, triumphant turn for the benefit of posterity, then, against a southeasterly wind, eased in for the final approach. The Winnie Mae dipped her left wing, and, tail down, landed in a cloud of dust against a sky streaked pink by the sunset. “It was as if messengers had come out of the skies to the earth dwellers with promise of greater victories,” The New York Times gushed, “for man has not yet come to the limit of his striving with the forces of sea and air and land.”

As Post taxied up the dirt runway, he was blinded by lights. Thirty policemen on motorcycles chugged through the dust to form a chain around the plane. Motion-picture trucks gunned their engines and sped toward the Winnie Mae. Radio announcers dragged skeins of wire; cameramen sprinted across the field. Then they came, from the far side of the field: hundreds of people, tumbling over the fence that divided the runway from the old Westbury golf course, running toward the plane.

The spectators cut through the line of motorcycle cops, scrambled up the Winnie Mae’s undercarriage, banged on the windshields, shoved, elbowed, and punched one another. Afraid the propeller might decapitate some unfortunate soul, Post cut the engine, and the blades came to a rest. His ears still ringing, Post called back to Gatty, “Well, here we are, kid.”

Unable to quell the riot, Nassau County police resorted to their billy clubs. The vice president of an airfield-services company was dragged from his car and beaten. A photographer was clubbed unconscious. In the heart of the melee was 21-year-old Mae Post, afraid for her life. She had been separated from her husband for six weeks and cried as her beloved “Weeley” jumped to the ground and swept her up into his arms. Before leaving her hotel to greet the plane that evening, she had told reporters, “I hope he never does anything like this again.”

The airmen were ushered to a waiting automobile and driven to a nearby hangar for an interview with Pathé News, which had paid them for an exclusive. “Do you feel tired?” the reporter asked.

“Oh, not very tired,” Post said. In fact, he was exhausted, his ears still ringing with the roar of the engine. It would take days to get his hearing back.

“What was the worst part of the trip?” a reporter shouted.

“This,” Gatty replied, “is the worst part.”

The men in the Winnie Mae were heroes of a sort that would vanish by the close of the decade, as aviation became normalized with the spread of commercial air travel. In 1931, however, the world was not yet thirty years removed from Kitty Hawk; the sky remained a largely untamed frontier, and long-distance flight remained a dangerous, perhaps foolhardy, endeavor. Navigational instruments were just beginning to evolve beyond the compass and sextant, and the steel fuselage was still a rarity. Planes like the Lockheed Vega were little more than canvas stretched over plywood, powered by a single 420-horsepower engine (about the power you’d get in a present-day sports car). Breakdowns were common, radios had limited range, maps were unreliable, and bad weather could be a death sentence.

But each new boundary-pushing, attention-grabbing flight had the quixotic effect of making the world feel a little smaller, a little less boundless—you could read a lot into the way newspapers described Post and Gatty’s endeavor as a race to “girdle the globe.” Every new first claimed by an aviator focused attention on how few firsts there were left to claim—and by the time the Winnie Mae touched down at Roosevelt Field, there was really only one that mattered. Even as the crowds rained ticker tape upon Post and Gatty in their car rolling through Manhattan the day after they landed, the world’s pilots were wondering who would be the first to do what Post had done, but without a Gatty seated behind him in the cockpit—who would be the first to circle the world alone.

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Wiley Post, left, and Harold Gatty ride through Manhattan on July 2, 1931, the day after completing their record-breaking round-the-world flight. (Photo: Corbis)

Part I: Getting Off the Ground

One

1923

Near Pearl Harbor, a Curtiss Jenny open-cockpit biplane descended from the sky and crash-landed in a sugarcane field. A crowd gathered; the pilot, a U.S. Army second lieutenant, was alive but still trapped in the plane, and a few good Samaritans tried to pull him from the wreckage. “There were two fellows in that plane,” someone said. “Where is the other guy? He must be tangled in the wreckage and probably dead now.”

A teenager on the edge of the crowd, a rail-thin 18-year-old boy, spoke up. “I’m the other one who was in that plane,” Jimmie Mattern said, and promptly fainted.

It figures that the first time Mattern flew, the plane crashed. Later he would become one of the greatest pilots of his generation, and equally famous for walking away from crashes that would have maimed or killed others. Once, after engine trouble forced him down in the wilds of Alaska, he lived off the land for three days until he was rescued. Another time he vanished over the Texas prairie, where he was discovered a couple of days later munching on fried chicken in a farmhouse. Then there was the time he received a telegram in Chicago inviting him to be a judge at an air race in Florida. Borrowing a plane, he started south but plowed into an Indiana cornfield. He scrounged up another plane, making it as far as Georgia before he flopped down into some sand hills. A pair of pilot pals heading in the same direction offered him a lift to Florida, where he arrived the night before the race. Then a friend invited Mattern to tag along to a party on a yacht, which broke down at sea. He didn’t get back to shore for two days and missed the judging.

Mattern was born in Freeport, Illinois, the fourth of four children of a German émigré who owned a small chain of shoe stores. His family enjoyed a modest middle-class existence until he was 15, when his father died. The shoe stores were liquidated, and his mother found herself with no means of support and barely enough money to make it through the year.

The family moved to Calgary, where Mattern was taken out of school and worked variously as a cowboy, limousine driver, window washer, and bus boy before finding his way to Seattle, where he met an Army recruiting sergeant. A hearty meal and one night in a real bed at the local armory was all the convincing Mattern needed. A few days shy of his 17th birthday, he lied about his age and enlisted.

Following boot camp, he heard about an opening in the bugle corps for a drummer and got himself transferred to Hawaii. He was passing the time near Pearl Harbor one afternoon, watching aircraft take off and land, when he met the second lieutenant, who pointed to an approaching biplane and told Mattern, “When that plane up there comes down, I am going to take it up and wring it out.”

“Can I go with you?” Mattern asked.

In those days, plane-crash survivors were rushed back to the air so they wouldn’t develop a fear of flying. That night, Mattern flew in an old bomber, up front in the plane’s transparent nose, peering down on the lights of Oahu. There and then, Mattern decided he wanted to become a pilot.

Three years later, in 1925, he was honorably discharged and given $300. After a hitch with a cruise-ship jazz band, he returned to Seattle and married his girlfriend, Delia, a pretty, curly-haired blonde from Walla Walla, Washington. But Mattern didn’t stick around long after the honeymoon. In 1926, he traveled to San Diego, where Ryan Aircraft kept its headquarters. The place was fast becoming a hotbed of aviation, where would-be pilots like Mattern flocked to learn to fly. The factory had just received an order for a plane from a young pilot named Charles Lindbergh who was preparing for a nonstop solo flight from New York to Paris.

Aviation was so young then that the 500 flying hours that Mattern’s instructor had logged made him a grizzled veteran. (Today, a flight instructor might rack up four times that many hours and a commercial pilot could log 20,000 hours in a career.) The instructor took Mattern up in a surplus Jenny and showed him the basics over Dutch Flats, a dirt airstrip near the Ryan factory. After three hours and 20 minutes, Mattern was soloing. “The biggest thrill of all is the first time you find yourself up there all alone,” he later wrote. “It’s a once in a lifetime feeling. You never had it before but you have it now.”

It wasn’t long before Mattern hopped a train to Troy, Ohio, and plunked down his savings for a Waco 10, a three-seat open-cockpit biplane similar to the Jenny. When the Waco factory representative found out how inexperienced Mattern was, he refused to let him fly it home and arranged for a pilot named Freddie Lund to chauffer him back west. “Fearless Freddie” Lund was a legendary silent-movie stunt pilot and wing walker for the renowned Gates Flying Circus, who was famous for his loop-the-loops. With Mattern as his passenger, he navigated over the Midwest and through New Mexico to California by following railroad tracks—what he called the iron compass. Lund and Mattern both stuck around Los Angeles, and Lund showed his young charge his arsenal of tricks. A couple hundred hours of practice later, Mattern officially became a pilot. His license, only the 576th ever issued by the International Aeronautical Federation, was signed by Orville Wright.

Around this time, Mattern learned that a motion picture called Lilac Time, a romance between an American aviator—played by Gary Cooper—and a French farmer’s daughter during World War I, was about to start shooting. The next day, Mattern flew to the set in Santa Ana and put on a show, auditioning with a few moves Lund had shown him. He uncorked a series of snap rolls, power dives, wingovers, loops, and barrel rolls, the power of the engine urging him on to wilder and wilder acrobatics. Mattern was offered a job on the spot.

His first scene was particularly dangerous: a power dive from 5,000 feet, descending from above the clouds down through a bomber formation of more than 50 planes, a tactic made famous by the Red Baron. His motor running full throttle, Mattern plunged through a narrow space in the formation, struggling with the controls as he battled the wash of the other planes’ propellers. He felt sick when he finally pulled out of the dive, the ground rushing toward him. But when he landed, the other pilots congratulated him; in his first on-camera flight, he had pulled off a rare one-take stunt. Mattern felt like he had aged ten years in ten minutes. Still, he knew he would like this line of work.

A few weeks later, he was hired for another film: Hell’s Angels, produced by Howard Hughes, himself an avid pilot, although Mattern was skeptical of his flying ability; the enigmatic millionaire had even fewer hours in the air than Mattern. One day, near the set, he watched Hughes climb into the cockpit of a plane that Mattern had just test-flown, a Thomas Morris Scout with a rotating engine. Less than 200 feet up, Hughes banked steeply to the right—a maneuver Mattern had specifically warned him against. The plane spun in and went into free fall. Mattern was over the runway fence as soon as Hughes hit the ground, pulling him out of the wreckage. Hughes emerged with only a gash on his forehead. An hour later he was back on the set, a bandage wrapped around his head, yelling, “On with the show!”

As much as he enjoyed the adrenaline rush, Mattern was ambivalent about courting danger. Life was cheap for stunt pilots, he knew. He couldn’t think of anyone who walked away from the job with a bankroll stuffed in his pocket and his body in one piece. One of the pilots on the set tore the wings off an old Fokker and barely got out alive—then had to do it again, because the first take had been marred by glare on the camera lens. Three pilots died during the filming of Hell’s Angels, and Mattern wondered if he would be next.

On the ground, however, life was good. Chumming up to a millionaire had its advantages. Jimmie Mattern and Howard Hughes became fast friends and often went on double dates with starlets Hughes cast in his movies. (Mattern neglected to tell Hughes about his wife back in Seattle. Then again, Hughes was married, too.) Mattern once surreptitiously borrowed a Rolls-Royce from the back lot of a movie set and drove it around Hollywood for months. “It wasn’t the most comfortable for making love,” Mattern recounted later, “but what car is?” When Hughes found out he made him return it, and “the Hollymoon,” as Mattern called it, was over.

Less than a year later, the Depression struck. Money for death-defying aerial stunts was in short supply, and Mattern, until recently one of the most in-demand pilots in show business, found himself barely able to eke out a living. He flew as a bush pilot in Alaska, carted frozen seafood over the Gulf of Mexico, worked for a rich wildcatter on the Texas oilfields, and eventually became chief pilot for Cromwell Airlines, which operated in Texas and Oklahoma. When Carl Cromwell, the airline’s oilman founder, died in a car accident in the fall of 1931, the company went belly-up and Mattern was out of a job again.

The bankruptcy had a silver lining: Mattern inherited one of the company’s planes. As luck would have it, it was a Lockheed Vega, perhaps the most iconic airplane of its time. Amelia Earhart had flown a Vega 5B across the Atlantic, and Wiley Post and Harold Gatty had used the subsequent model, the 5C, to circumnavigate the globe.

The Vega was built for speed and distance, but it was also beautiful to behold. Its outward look was influenced by the curvilinear forms and geometric motifs of art deco. The fuselage was composed of plywood sheets wrapped around a wooden skeleton and covered in canvas. The propeller sported rounded tips and the fenders were shaped like guitar picks. The paint job was tasteful and minimalist, all white except for accents in two shades of blue. In a few years, wooden planes would be obsolete. But in the early 1930s, the Vega was the epitome of technological progress. Mattern wanted to see what it was capable of.


Mattern had keenly followed Post and Gatty’s progress in 1931 as they circumnavigated the world. He dreamed of claiming his own place among the world’s highest fliers, but at the time he was too busy hopping from one Southwestern dust trap to another, ferrying packages and people, trying to make ends meet. Now, suddenly, he was free of responsibilities and in possession of a plane that was up to the task.

But smashing aviation records took money—lots of it. Mattern lost his savings along with everyone else after the 1929 stock-market crash, and he had no way to cover the fuel and maintenance costs that a major aerial expedition would entail. Until he could come up with a plan, he stashed his Vega in a hangar in Fort Worth and joined the Air Corps Reserve—not only to keep his flying skills sharp but also for the three square meals a day.

As it happened, Mattern’s roommate at the Air Corps’s Randolph Field barracks near San Antonio was Bennett H. Griffin, a former World War I flying ace. Once Mattern showed him his Lockheed Vega, the two began hatching plans. “Benny,” Mattern asked, “how would you like to be my partner in an attempt to break the around-the-world speed record?”

It took them ten minutes to agree and ten months to raise the money and overhaul the plane. They installed ice detectors, a new compass, and what were then state-of-the-art communications systems: an internal telephone connection and a tube through which they could pass notes in a small aluminum bucket. In all, it cost them $50,000—a small fortune in 1932.

Mattern and Griffin spent a week at the training center at Randolph Field in Texas learning to fly by instruments—so they could fly blind, if need be—while Mattern tried to work out the logistical challenges. The plane would need to carry 450 gallons of fuel, he figured, which would weigh more than a ton. That easily exceeded what the Vega could hold in its fuselage. Much of it would have to be stored in wing-mounted barrels, which Mattern didn’t yet have. The man who sold him a set of the tanks was none other than the man whose record he aimed to beat: Wiley Post.

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Wiley Post with the Winnie Mae. (Photo: Smithsonian Institution)

Two

1932

The earthbound life had never treated Wiley Post well. Born in 1898 on a farm in West Texas, he had moved with his family to Oklahoma when he was eight. Life there was precarious—Post’s father was barely able to keep the homestead afloat—and the family treated Post as an afterthought. He was short for his age, shy and unassuming, and did poorly in school, unlike his eldest brother, Jim. But he did have an independent streak and a way with a wrench. By the time he was 11, he was earning money as a door-to-door mechanic, repairing sewing machines and lubricating farm equipment, tweaking gas generators and sharpening reaper blades. At 13, he dropped out of school.

One summer day in 1913, Post convinced his father to allow him to travel with Jim to a county fair in Lawton, Oklahoma, a 50-mile journey from Maysville. They set out after dusk in the family’s horse and buggy and arrived at the fairgrounds the following morning. Post was making a beeline for the farm machinery when he spotted the oddest-looking contraption he had ever seen sitting alone in a field. He figured it must be that “aeroplane” he had been hearing about. “To this day,” he would later recall, “I have never seen a bit of machinery for land, sea, or sky that has taken my breath away as did that old pusher.” Mesmerized, he measured its height in hands, just like he had seen his father do with horses. When his brother found him that evening, he was still sitting in the rickety cockpit.

Post was a teenager when the United States entered World War I, and he joined the Students’ Army Training Corps, where he studied radio, math, and chemistry. His brothers were fighting in Europe, and Post expected to join them. He hoped the Army would train him to fly, and in his spare time he hung around the local military airport, watching the planes come and go. Just as he was set to graduate, however, the war ended, and instead of Europe, Post found himself in Walters, Oklahoma, earning $7 a day as a handyman on the oil patch. He tried his hand at drilling and wildcatting himself, but the price of oil dipped, and soon he was broke, his savings evaporated, without a job in sight.

Desperate, he resorted to armed robbery. He set up a barricade on a quiet country road, and when a car stopped he pulled a gun on the driver. A spate of similar thefts followed for months, until Post stopped the wrong car and was overpowered by four men. He was arrested, tried, convicted, and sentenced to ten years in the State Reformatory in Granite, Oklahoma. There he fell into a deep depression, refusing to speak or eat. A prison doctor diagnosed him with a “melancholic” state that “was steadily growing worse.”

Post was paroled on June 5, 1922, after serving 13 months, and set about distancing himself from the criminal he had become; years later, when he was famous, he lived in fear of his fans learning of his secret past. He returned to the oil fields. But one day, on a drilling job near Holdenville, he saw a plane overhead, and the urge to fly swept over him again. He quit on the spot and headed for Wewoka, Oklahoma, where Burrell Tibbs’s Flying Circus, a troupe of stunt pilots, had decamped.

The three men in charge possessed two beaten, battered planes. The parachutist had taken three successful jumps that week but injured himself on the fourth. Post volunteered to make the next jump. The fact that he had never before been in a plane, let alone thrown himself out of one, seemed of little consequence.

The moment Post stepped onto the wing he forgot the few cursory instructions he had received that morning. When the pilot cut the throttle and shouted, “OK, get ready!” Post just stared at him. The pilot glared back. Post threw a leg over the side and inched his way to the wing’s edge. He buckled his harness to the snap rings of the parachute and dropped to his knees. The pilot turned the plane into position over the drop zone, pointed to his right, and yelled, “Let’s go!”

Post backed off the wing, then found himself swinging helplessly underneath. He hung there for several seconds before he remembered to pull the release cord. Then he was falling, the quilted expanse of central Oklahoma wheeling beneath him. He felt a sharp tug as the chute opened. Off course, he was heading for a field instead of the fairgrounds. When he finally hit, his knees buckled. He tried to run the way he had been told and fell flat on his face. By then, he already knew: the sky was where he belonged.

Within a week, Post became a regular jumper with the flying circus. But the business soon stagnated; airplanes weren’t the rarity they had once been, and fewer and fewer people were willing to pay to see them. If he wanted to live his life in the sky, Post realized, he had to become a pilot himself. To do that, he needed to buy his own plane.

On October 1, 1926, Post was working on the Seminole oil field in central Oklahoma, trying to put together the money, when a roughneck pounding a bolt with a sledgehammer launched a shard of metal in Post’s direction, striking him in the eye. Post lay in the hospital, in complete darkness, for several days. When the bandages were removed, he could make out shapes and light with his right eye but nothing with his left.

After doctors removed his eyeball, Post stayed with an uncle in southwest Texas to convalesce. As the sight in his right eye gradually returned, Post worked on depth perception. He would look at a hill or tree and estimate how far he stood from it, then step off the distance, his four-mile-per-hour gait acting as a guide. Little by little his calculations improved, until he realized he was better at judging distances with one eye than most people were with two. Meanwhile, the Oklahoma State Industrial Court awarded him $1,800 in workman’s compensation, which he spent on a used Canuck open-cockpit airplane. “I bought a plane,” Post said later, “but it cost me an eye.”


Years later, when he had obtained some measure of fame, people would remark that Post seemed more at ease around machinery than men. Machines he could fix—one look at a wheat thresher or car engine and he knew exactly how it worked or why it didn’t. With people, though, he never knew what they wanted. When he addressed a crowd, the best he could do was mumble a few platitudes and skulk away. Reporters did their best to get him to say something, anything, interesting; he rarely obliged. He flew planes and tinkered with cars. What other hobbies he had tended toward mechanical obsession, like synchronizing his collection of wristwatches.

In the clouds, however, Post was transformed. As one of his peers later put it, “He didn’t just fly an airplane; he put it on.” In the air, Post was bold, a daredevil and a speed demon; a pilot, it was said, who could land on a mountain peak. “He apparently didn’t have a nerve in his body,” a businessman who often flew with him later recalled. “When other people were scared, Wiley just grinned.” His takeoffs were a sight: From a near standing start he would shoot up vertiginously and then bank right. It was a risky move, but one born more out of pragmatism than anything else. It helped the one-eyed pilot better orient himself in the sky.

By late 1927, in spite of his natural gifts as an aviator, Post once again fell on hard times. He was living in Oklahoma City, sharing a small apartment with his 18-year-old wife, Mae, whom he’d met and married earlier that year, and barely eking out a living as a pilot. Unable to afford necessary repairs to the Canuck after a minor crash, a desperate Post approached F. C. Hall, a wealthy Oklahoman oilman he had flown for in the past, to see if he’d be interested in employing a full-time pilot.

Hall, a onetime drugstore owner, had demonstrated an almost supernatural ability to strike oil where others hit bedrock. Over a decade, he drilled 300 gushers and only two dusters. When Post made his offer, Hall didn’t need much convincing. His business depended on staying one step ahead of the other oilmen in Oklahoma, and he had recently missed out on a deal because he couldn’t get to the other side of the state fast enough. He offered Post a salary of $200 a month and bought a new airplane, a three-seat Travel Air. There was only one condition: Post had to earn his pilot’s license.

At the time, flight was just starting to become civilized, and there was talk that all pilots would be required to hold licenses. Post feared that his ocular disability would disqualify him, so instead of pursuing a license, he’d confined himself to out-of-the-way airfields where no one would check his credentials, or he’d deplane after dusk in the hopes that airport officials would have gone home by then. But Hall was able to help Post wrangle a waiver for his disability, and eight months and 700 flying hours later, Post received license number 3259 from the Aeronautics Branch of the U.S. Department of Commerce. Like Jimmie Mattern’s, it was signed by Orville Wright.

Post quickly proved his mettle as a pilot. One day he was flying Hall over the Texas Panhandle when the open-cockpit Travel Air got caught up in a storm; Post was able to make a smooth landing in spite of the conditions. The experience convinced Hall to invest in a new craft that would protect him from the elements. Post flew to California to pick up a Lockheed Vega—one of the first to roll out of the factory in Burbank. Hall named it Winnie Mae, after his daughter.

When the Depression hit, Hall was forced to cut his payroll and sell the Winnie Mae back to Lockheed, where the newly unemployed Post secured a job as a test pilot. The change turned out to be a blessing for Post, who itched to venture into the more glamorous precincts of aviation and had tried without success to persuade Hall to let him try his hand at air races and transcontinental speed-record-setting flights. Now he was rubbing elbows with famous aviators like Amelia Earhart, for whom he tested a used Lockheed plane. (She called it “third-hand clunk”; he called it dangerous and convinced the company to sell her a different one.)

Months later, Hall phoned to tell him that times were better and offered Post his old job back. Sweetening the deal, he told Post he could buy a new plane—“and,” Hall added, “I’ll let you make some of those flights you were figuring on last year.” Post agreed, and Hall asked him to order a new Vega and to make any improvements to it he wanted.

Post later described the day the Vega came off the assembly line as one of the greatest of his life. It was “about the last word in airplanes,” he wrote to his wife. The new Winnie Mae cost $22,000 and could seat seven, with a 420-horsepower Pratt & Whitney Wasp engine. He had Lockheed set the wing at a slightly lower angle to lessen wind drag at high speeds and took four inches off the tail to prevent it from bouncing on rough landings. The design tweaks made the plane ten miles per hour faster than the factory models, and with an extra 350 gallons’ capacity in its additional fuel tanks, it could travel farther, too.

Post entered his first race in 1930, an air derby between Los Angeles and Chicago that, with a purse of $7,500, had attracted the world’s top pilots. Looking for an edge over the competition, Post sought out Harold Gatty, a navigational savant who Will Rogers once wrote could  “take a $1.00 Ingersoll watch, a Woolworth compass, and a lantern, and at twelve o’clock at night tell you just how many miles the American farmer is away from the poorhouse.” Gatty stayed up all night before the race and handed Post his charts and maps just prior to takeoff. This was Post’s first attempt at flying with navigational tools; until then he had flown strictly by feel. When Post hit Chicago on August 27, beating the second-place pilot—who, as it happened, was flying the original Winnie Mae—by 11 seconds, his victory was so unexpected that race officials didn’t even know who he was. And in Gatty he had found an accomplice for his next great venture.

Hall, who bankrolled Post and Gatty’s around-the-world expedition the following year, predicted that Post would become a rich man if he succeeded. But when they hit the promotional circuit upon their return, Post and Gatty—neither of them known for loquaciousness—had trouble drawing a crowd amid the deprivations of the Depression. The ghostwritten book Around the World in Eight Days, which detailed Post and Gatty’s historic flight, was far from a bestseller. Post and Hall, meanwhile, were arguing over Post’s insistence on using the plane for personal appearances. Post finally demanded that Hall sell it to him, and Hall drew up a bill of sale on hotel stationary. By September, Post had scraped together the agreed-upon $3,000 down payment. The Winnie Mae was his, but it had cost almost every penny he had.

Once again, he scrambled to earn a living. Flying jobs were difficult to come by; people found it hard to trust a one-eyed pilot, even one with Post’s impressive résumé. Post was famous, but not famous enough—not like Charles Lindbergh, with his movie-star looks, or Earhart, with her well-oiled publicity machine, lecture tours, and merchandizing empire that now included everything from books to a line of clothing. Post was still a country boy with rough-hewn manners and a cotton-mouthed drawl. Some newspapermen even suggested that Gatty was the brains of the operation. Meanwhile, F. C. Hall, perhaps out of spite, bought yet another Vega, which he christened The Winnie Mae of Oklahoma, and hired another pilot to undertake a round-the-world flight in it. (The plan never got off the ground.)

By the winter of 1931, Post was downright morose. Sitting on the edge of the bed in a Chicago hotel room, he told a reporter for the North American Newspaper Alliance, “Our flight didn’t prove a thing. No stunt flying does.” The reporter asked if Post would retire. “That’s a good one!” Post scoffed. “Lindbergh is the only guy who made enough off his flight to retire. The day of moneymaking flights is past.”

When he sold the Winnie Mae’s wing tanks to Jimmie Mattern, Post didn’t have much use for them himself. By 1932, he was so broke he couldn’t afford fuel. Between March and September of that year, he spent just 14 hours in the air. He wasn’t the only struggling airman. That year there would be just five trans-Atlantic flight attempts. When Mattern and Griffin set out on July 5 to break Post and Gatty’s record in Mattern’s own Vega, called the Century of Progress, the skies were virtually empty.


Mattern and Griffin’s journey began less than promisingly. Flying beneath a bank of fog hanging over the Atlantic, they almost plowed into an ocean liner, then got lost over Newfoundland and again outside Berlin, where a crowd of people organized themselves into an arrow pointing toward Templehof Airport. Nevertheless, they managed to break the trans-Atlantic record set earlier that year by Amelia Earhart and were well ahead of Post and Gatty’s time as they crossed into the Soviet Union from Poland.

Fifty miles from Minsk, disaster struck. The entry hatch broke loose and hurtled back into Mattern’s section of the cockpit, shredding the control panel and nearly decapitating Mattern, then flew back against the plane’s tail, clipping off the vertical fin. Mattern struggled to keep the craft level as gasoline sloshed back and forth in the tanks. With so much fuel aboard, he knew, he was piloting a flying bomb. Below, a field dotted with haystacks was visible in the moonlight. He throttled down, gently dropping the plane onto the edge of the field. Mattern was congratulating himself on a perfect landing when the wheels sank into the earth. What had looked like solid ground was, in fact, a peat bog. The plane’s nose hit the ground, propeller spinning, and the fuselage pirouetted in the air.

Mattern revved the engine and the plane flipped over on its roof. Upside down, he was trapped in his seat, straddling the red-hot motor, which seared his knees. A fuel tank had ruptured and gas was streaming down his neck. He could hear Griffin outside the wreck. “Well, Jimmie,” his copilot drawled, “what ocean is this?”

With Griffin’s help, Mattern dug his way through the earth beneath the plane, until Griffin could pull him out by his ankles. Mattern emerged covered from his face to his knees in mud and lacerated by the twisted metal and sharp rocks. Griffin looked worse; a five-gallon fuel can had left a deep gash on his forehead. Griffin screamed obscenities as Mattern poured iodine over the wound. The sun was rising, and Mattern could see that the plane was not just upside down but also broken in two.

After the engines cooled and the threat of fire passed, the two men crawled onto the upside-down wing and lay there. Before long they found themselves surrounded by a platoon of armed soldiers, who poked bayonets into their chests and shouted at them in Russian. For several hours, Mattern and Griffin remained prisoners on the wing of the wrecked plane, unable to communicate with their captors. Eventually, an officer appeared, trailed by a pack of reporters who had been waiting for the fliers at the airport in Moscow. The two Americans were placed under house arrest. Before a military tribunal in the Kremlin, they were accused of spying, questioned for a day and a half, and then suddenly freed. When they returned to the United States, an invitation awaited from President Herbert Hoover to visit the White House.

Mattern’s mother told a niece that when “your Uncle Jimmie gets back this time, we’re going to tie a ball and chain to him so he can’t ever get away again.” But Mattern was already trying to recover his plane so he could prepare for an even more daring adventure. He would try the same route again, but this time he would fly it like no pilot had flown it before—all by himself.

Part II: Lost

Three

June 3, 1933

Jimmie Mattern felt as if he had been asleep about five minutes when he heard the knock. “C’mon, Jimmie!” said the muffled voice behind the door. “This is your big day.”

The 28-year-old hadn’t even undressed from the night before. He had returned to Coney Island’s Half Moon Hotel at 7 p.m., hoping to make it an early night, but a pack of reporters chased him across the lobby and all the way to his room. He tried to clear them out, but they kept pushing for one more question, the room filling with popping flashbulbs and cigarette smoke. After what happened on his last expedition, who knew if they’d get another chance at an interview? When Mattern ordered dinner from room service, a few of them cracked Last Supper jokes.

Finally, Mattern switched off the lights, but he was too jittery to sleep, tossing and turning until his sheets twirled in knots around his ankles. Just as he was dozing off, the phone rang. It was his meteorologist, Dr. James H. Kimball, who informed him that he would have clear skies for the first 1,200 miles. Then, midway across the Atlantic, the weather would turn cold and possibly overcast, and there would be storms the rest of the way to Europe. On the bright side, Kimball said there was a strong chance of westerly winds all the way across the Atlantic.

“That’s good enough for me,” Mattern said. He would fly blind through snow, rain, or molasses if it meant a steady tailwind. He telephoned the field to order his plane made ready and went back to bed while mechanics began fueling. Three and a half hours of sleep, he figured, was better than nothing. He rose and slipped his flight suit on over the same leather windbreaker and knickerbockers he wore on his flight with Griffin the year before. An hour later he arrived at Brooklyn’s Floyd Bennett Field, where a completely retooled Century of Progress was waiting.

The plane had come back from the Soviet Union in two crates a year earlier, and Mattern had set out to rebuild it. An engineer at Standard Oil, Ed Aldrin, whom Mattern had befriended, offered up three spare Vegas he had in a hangar for parts. (Aldrin had a son named Buzz, whom Mattern would bounce on his knee; when the younger Aldrin traveled to the moon 36 years later, he had Mattern’s pilot’s license with him aboard Apollo 11.)

Mattern refurbished the engine and pulled the tanks from his plane while salvaging a fuselage, wings, and a tail from another that had once made a record flight to Buenos Aires. He visited Vincent Bendix, of the Bendix Corporation, and arranged to have everything on his console overhauled. Mattern lowered his landing gear and added shock cords to handle the weight of 702 gallons of fuel—enough to stay aloft for 28 hours—and aid in rough landings. He installed a controllable pitch propeller, which not only enabled him to start the engine from inside the cockpit without help but also improved fuel efficiency and speed. The final touch on the new Century of Progress was a patriotic paint job: red, white, and blue, with a menacing eagle running the length of the fuselage.

There were things that Mattern would’ve liked to have added and didn’t: a radio, deicers, an automatic pilot. His Vega was a single-engine monoplane, so if the motor—well, he didn’t want to think about it. But Mattern considered technology less important than the man behind the throttle. Sheer force of will, he believed, would make all the difference.


After the Soviets released Mattern in 1931, he wasn’t home more than a few days before his marriage unraveled. Delia was tired of being married to an absentee husband, and she was especially leery of his new venture. The way Mattern saw it, it was either his wife or his airplane. He chose the plane. Delia moved back to Walla Walla to live with her sister, though she would continue to play the dutiful wife whenever reporters came knocking.

Mattern had plenty to worry about beyond his personal life. He had to find financing for his solo round-the-world expedition, and he had to do it quickly. Rumors abounded that Wiley Post was also mulling a solo circumnavigation. Whoever could raise money first would take off first.

Mattern’s failed circumnavigation with Griffin might have been a disaster, but it granted him enough minor celebrity to open doors. Once he got people face-to-face, his natural charm took over. Even at the nadir of the Depression he was able to sell his new expedition idea to Hayden R. Mills, of the Mills Novelty Company, a manufacturer of slot machines, jukeboxes, and player pianos, and Harry B. Jameson, a partner in the Arrow Mill Co., a maker of wooden plates for storage batteries. Together they put in the lion’s share of the $50,000 Mattern needed to get off the ground.

His plan was to fly across the Atlantic and beat Lindbergh’s solo record to Paris—the technology had improved enough in the past six years that he was sure he could do it—then continue around the world to Moscow, make a few stops in Siberia, and cross the Bering Sea to Alaska and arrive home by way of Canada. Even if he didn’t break Post and Gatty’s speed record, he would still be the first to circumnavigate the world alone. And since he had heard that Post had pegged July 1 as his departure date, he hoped to beat him to the air by a month.

The reporters gathered at Bennett Airfield to see him off. “I’ll see you in about a week, I hope,” Mattern told them. Pathé News was paying Mattern to shoot exclusive photos for the agency during his flight, and as he made preparations to leave, a representative handed him a 35-millimeter box camera. In a small storage bin built in his cramped cabin, he also packed six oranges, some Japanese green tea, and two thermoses holding hot and cold water, one labeled “Happy” and the other marked “Landings”—gifts from the artist George Luks, a fan of his.

Mattern’s mechanic had warmed the engine and parked the Century of Progress at the far edge of the runway, its tail resting on the grass so that every possible inch would be available for takeoff. The plane held almost double its weight in fuel, and Mattern wanted to be sure he could clear the expressway. Glancing around the airfield, he half expected his one-eyed rival to sidle up next to him, but last he heard Post was still in Oklahoma City, struggling to retrofit his plane with finicky new technology. Mattern, who had kept the fact that he was flying solo secret until the last minute, had won this stage of the race.

He revved the engine and nodded to the mechanics, who pulled away the wheel chocks. At 5:21 a.m., the Century of Progress started down the runway. At 60 miles per hour, the wings bit into the westerly headwind and the tail came up. The plane lifted clear of the runway. Mattern pulled back on the stick as hard as he could, and the plane struggled to clear Flatbush Avenue by 30 feet. By the time he was over Jamaica Bay, he was at 1,000 feet. He banked a wide left turn and flew back over the airport, above the cheering spectators, who watched the Century of Progress disappear into the Long Island haze as the sunrise bled across the horizon.


On his way north, Mattern hugged the Eastern Seaboard, reveling in the clear weather and 15 mile-per-hour tailwind. By the time he hit Harbour Grace, Newfoundland, he was ten minutes off Post and Gatty’s pace from two years before—but since he didn’t need to refuel, he was actually a couple hours ahead. Seven hours and 49 minutes after leaving New York, Mattern’s plane was heard near Lewisporte, Newfoundland, then over Fogo Island, in Notre Dame Bay, where his engine’s roar startled several fishermen. By late afternoon, he was sighted over the tiny Wadham Islands, off the extreme northeastern coast of Newfoundland, the last scrap of land Mattern would see before the Continent.

Airfields in Europe eagerly awaited news of his whereabouts. Finally, at 8:15 a.m. the following morning, Western Union operators on Valentia, an island off the southwestern coast of Ireland, claimed to have seen the Century of Progress overhead. At 9:30 a.m., the steamship Hastings reported an eastbound plane overhead in the English Channel; another report from Ireland’s County Kerry had the plane flying in the opposite direction. But as one claimed sighting after another receded into ambiguity, the truth became harder and harder to ignore: Mattern, it seemed, was nowhere to be found.

Crowds maintained a ceaseless vigil at Le Bourget Field in Paris. As the hours ticked away, anticipation turned to fear, and fear turned to despair. The Le Bourget dispatcher reluctantly switched off the floodlights that had burned through the night. Weary newsmen at Berlin’s Tempelhof Airport dragged themselves off to bed. English telephone operators made last efforts to raise remote stations.

MATTERN MISSING ON WORLD FLIGHT,” cried a June 5 New York Times headline. “Eighteen hours overdue on the first stage of his world flight, James Mattern is feared to have been lost somewhere in the Atlantic.” “MOSCOW HAS NO WORD FROM AMERICAN FLIER,” read the Boston Globe’s headline; “SILENCE SWALLOWS AMERICAN AVIATOR HEADED FOR PARIS,” declared the Spartanburg Herald Journal. Mattern’s manager, Jack Clark, ventured that his exhausted client might have landed in a remote corner of Ireland or France and fallen asleep in his plane, but when almost 48 hours had passed, even he began to fear the worst.

“I never give up hope and I won’t,” Delia Mattern told an Associated Press reporter, her “light brown eyes showing just a hint of anxiety.” Her husband had landed in rough places before. She had never understood his daring air escapades. She would ask if he was afraid and Mattern would reply, “Of course I’m not afraid. If I were I wouldn’t be going.” He didn’t seek her counsel. He did things his own way.

Four

June 3, 1933

As long as land was near, Mattern didn’t bother to mark his position on the map; he had flown the same route less than a year earlier. Now that he was over open sea, however, his compass informed him that he was several degrees off course. Sipping green tea, he realized that the thermoses might be magnetized, drawing the iron compass needles toward them. He smashed both containers and stuffed the shards through one of the plane’s tiny windows. Still, the compass remained off kilter.

Then Mattern remembered the Pathé News camera. He snatched it up and passed it from his left hand to his right, watching the compass needle follow the camera’s path. He rapped the heavy camera body with his knuckles: Metal! But the windows were too small to ditch the camera. He was stuck with it. All he could do was move it from one side of the cockpit to the other every 15 minutes and hope he didn’t veer too far off course. Forget Paris, he thought. He would be lucky to find the Continent.

Less than a third of the way across the Atlantic, the Century of Progress smacked into whiplash turbulence, gale-force winds, and pelting rain. Trying to evade the storm, Mattern climbed higher, but that soon proved equally untenable. The temperature in the cockpit plummeted. With ice forming on the wings, slowing and weighing down the plane, he veered south and then north in search of calmer, warmer air. He dove back into the heart of the storm, close enough to the water that he worried he might plow into the surf.

Then there was a bolt of lightning and a sickening noise from outside. From the sound of it, Mattern assumed his wing had cracked. Heart racing, he thought: I guess I’m going to join all of the others who tried and didn’t make it. He thought of his mother, sitting by the radio, waiting for word of her son, and his father, long gone from this earth. But miraculously, the wing held. The wooden frame complained but didn’t break, and the Century of Progress flew on.

For ten hours he battled the swirling North Atlantic storm, struggling to keep the plane on course as he hurtled through rain, sleet, snow, and wind. Soon darkness enveloped him. He was flying blind, relying solely on his instruments, and cursing himself every time he was a minute or two late repositioning the camera. The night felt like a year.

Sleep deprivation posed as great a danger to Mattern as any lightning storm. It could lead a good pilot to make bad decisions. Lack of sleep had almost been Charles Lindbergh’s undoing on his trans-Atlantic flight six years earlier. Seventeen hours after leaving New York, he began to hallucinate. “My back is stiff; my shoulders ache; my face burns; my eyes smart,” Lindbergh wrote in The Spirit of St. Louis, his account of the journey. “It seems impossible to go on longer. All I want in life is to throw myself down flat, stretch out—and sleep.”

The Washington Post, in its coverage leading up to Mattern’s flight, reported that he did not fear falling asleep: “If he dozes off, and the plane falls, a gadget fastened on to an altimeter squirts water when the plane tumbles down to a minimum altitude of safety.” Perhaps this was Mattern having fun at the expense of a gullible reporter. In reality, his system was much more prosaic. When he needed to sleep, he attached rubber bands to the stick from his console, so the plane would list slightly to the right, and then he crossed his legs and pushed down on the left rudder with his right foot to equalize the drift. This kept the Century of Progress on an even course while Mattern took quick catnaps—but he couldn’t risk it in weather like this.

Twenty hours after takeoff, Mattern finally made it to the other side of the storm, but now a new problem presented itself. Fighting his way through the squall had cost him precious fuel, and he knew he would be cutting it close with what was left in his five main tanks. He still had the reserve 70-gallon tank Amelia Earhart had given him as a going-away present. But when he tested it, the engine quit—something was blocking the fuel from injecting into the motor. He switched back to one of the main tanks until it ran dry and tried again. Still the engine couldn’t draw the fuel from the reserve. Mattern was going to need that tank, and it wasn’t like he could pull off to the side of the road to repair it.

Leaning into the rising sun, Mattern finally spotted land on the horizon. His last main fuel tank was almost dry, and in desperation he flipped the switch to the reserve. The engine coughed, stopped, and, this time, kicked on again. Later he would learn that a small piece of felt had lodged in the line. When he turned on the gas this time, it was finally forced out. As sea gave way to land, Mattern looked down at the landscape of mountains and glaciers and wondered how far north he had ventured.

With no airfields in sight and only a few minutes’ worth of fuel left in his emergency tank, he searched for a place to land. He spotted a small island with a sandy beach where sunbathers frolicked and cut the engine to bring the Century of Progress down in a glide. As he approached, he saw too late that he was coming down on a patch of pebbles and large stones. It was a bumpy, teeth-chattering ride; Mattern thanked his foresight in installing shock cords. Even so, the rough landing knocked the tail out of alignment and blew one of his tires.

Mattern checked his watch. He had shaved ten hours off the 33 Lindbergh had taken to cross the Atlantic. Elated, he squeezed through the hatch and sank to his knees on the beach. “I just flew nonstop from New York,” Mattern told the first people to arrive to greet him, two boys and two fishermen. “I need your help.”

None of them spoke English, so the boys ran to fetch someone who did. They returned with a man who introduced himself as Jens Søre, a mechanic who had lived in the United States, who informed Mattern that he was in Jomfruland, Norway—80 miles from Oslo and 1,000 miles north of Paris. Mattern told Søre that all he needed was some gas and oil and he would be on his way, but Søre urged him to rest while he dispatched a message to Oslo. While Mattern napped, a seaplane arrived with the chief of the airport in the nearby town of Horten, who was astonished that anyone could have set a plane down on that beach without wrecking it. In addition to the misaligned landing gear and blown tire, one of the Century of Progress’s wingtips had been damaged by flying stones. There was also a more serious gash in one of the wings—caused, Mattern surmised, by the lightning strike.

The airport chief had brought along a couple of mechanics and supplies of fuel and oil. It took them four hours to mend the plane and fill it with enough gas to make Oslo, where Mattern could refuel for the long haul to Moscow. Mattern was determined to return to the sky, but his hosts convinced him to grab a little more sleep and wait for dawn.

When the sun rose, Mattern made his way back to his plane, which had been pulled by horses up onto a grassy hillock so the mechanics could make their repairs. Overnight the wings had been covered with graffiti: the scrawled names of female admirers in Jomfruland.

Mattern revved the engine, the airport chief and the mechanics pulled the rocks they had used as makeshift blocks away from the wheels, and the Century of Progress started rolling. The beach was too rough for a takeoff, so Mattern taxied down the knoll. The improvised runway was pocked with sandpits large enough to swallow a wheel. As the plane picked up speed, however, Mattern saw them: A handful of Norwegians were waist deep in the holes, waving their arms frantically, operating as human traffic cones. Brave people, Mattern thought as he climbed into the sky.

Five

June 5, 1933

It wasn’t until Mattern swooped out of the clouds over Moscow’s muddy airfield that the world—save for a handful of Norwegian sunbathers and a few airport personnel in Oslo—learned of his whereabouts. It had been a short hop from Jomfruland to Oslo, where Mattern had handed his troublemaking camera to the airport manager to ship to New York. At 6:40 a.m., he started on his 1,100-mile flight to Moscow, over Sweden, the Baltic Sea, Estonia, and Latvia. He had completed the first third of his journey in 51 hours and 31 minutes, three hours faster than Post and Gatty’s record time.   

A reporter told him that many feared he had been lost. Mattern grinned. “Fooled ’em, didn’t I?”

In the reception room at the Moscow airdrome, a physician took his pulse and told him he needed to rest. Mattern brushed him off, promising to take a two-hour nap before taking off again. He ate sparingly from the spread of caviar and steak laid out in his honor. After a shower, a shave, and a nap, he joined the Soviet mechanics who were working on his plane. Later, back in the airdrome, a group of Soviet pilots advised him on the best route over Siberia; his maps—which showed only a few lakes, mountains, and settlements—were almost useless.

At one point, Mattern looked outside and saw people swarming over the Century of Progress; a guard was supposed to be watching the plane but was nowhere to be seen. The fans seemed particularly enamored with the metal propeller. Mattern ran out, gunned the engine, and took off shortly after midnight, bound for Omsk—a large city in southwestern Siberia, just east of the Ural Mountains, about a third of the way across the Soviet Union.

Over the Urals, the Century of Progress got caught up in a lightning storm. Once he was in the clear again and dawn broke, Mattern followed the tracks of the Trans-Siberian railway as Post and Gatty had two years before, battling stiff headwinds. At full throttle, he managed only 120 miles per hour, at least 40 miles per hour below his usual cruising speed. It took 12 and a half hours to cover 1,400 miles. Dropping out of the sky in Omsk, he was too tired to realize that he was coming down harder than he should have. The plane hit the runway with a jolt, cracking the right landing strut.

On solid ground again, Mattern took a sauna, then fell asleep for three hours while mechanics fixed the strut and refueled the plane. When he awoke, he called a New York Times reporter in Moscow, who informed him that he was only a few hours behind Post and Gatty’s time. “That’s great!” Mattern shouted through the static, his voice hoarse. “I’ll beat ’em yet.”

But the pace was wearing on him and his plane. A third of the way to Irkutsk, a smaller city 1,600 miles east, just north of the Mongolian border, his eyelids began to droop. He was having trouble breathing, too. His head was spinning. He caught a whiff of gasoline and began to retch. His last conscious thought was that a fuel line had broken, but he couldn’t let go of the controls. The Century of Progress plummeted to earth as its pilot blacked out.


Mattern regained consciousness as the ground rushed at him. He pulled back on the stick as hard as he could, and the plane nosed laboriously up from its free fall. Below, the landscape was an unbroken expanse of trees. Mattern opened his window, then turned the plane on its side to let in more air, trying to keep himself from vomiting all over the cockpit.

Finally, Mattern spotted a field that looked smooth enough for landing and coaxed the Century of Progress down onto the dirt. By the time the plane rolled to a stop, he was unconscious again. The next thing he knew, Russian peasants had climbed into the plane and were trying to yank him out of his safety harness.

Coughing from the fumes and shouting obscenities, Mattern staggered from the plane, but once his feet touched earth his legs buckled. One of the peasants, about Mattern’s height and twice as wide, caught him. “You keep those boys from jumping all over that plane, see,” Mattern told him, “and don’t let them take any souvenirs.”

The man seemed to understand. He tapped another man to guard the plane and dragged the wobbly flier into a small wooden shack. Lying down on a bunk there, Mattern once again felt his world whirl out of control. He retched until there was nothing left in his stomach, then retched some more. Finally, toward evening, he felt well enough to stand.

Outside, he found his plane where he had left it, in the middle of a cow pasture, surrounded by dozens of people marveling at the machine. One of them was a short, stocky man who looked about 50; with his gray beard, he reminded Mattern of General Ulysses S. Grant. He was a foreman at a metal-refining plant in the town of Belovo, a few miles from where Mattern had landed, but he had spent time in the United States and spoke fluent English. When Mattern told the General what he needed, the man enlisted members of the crowd to pull the airplane out of the mud.

Mattern could see that the Century of Progress, especially its tail, was in bad shape. With tools and materials from a nearby factory, the newly deputized ground crew tacked sheet metal to the tail until early the next morning, when a plane arrived with the chief engineer from the airport in Novosibirsk, 140 miles away, and his assistant.

The two mechanics worked in pouring rain inside a roped-off square. Soldiers with bayonets on their rifles arrived to guard the plane while a crowd of locals watched. Toward dusk the rain stopped; the crew continued working by the light of torches made from cotton waste soaked in oil. The crowd grew, as if this was their evening entertainment. Mattern tried to eat but nothing would stay down; he could still feel the gas fumes sweating out of his system.

When the repairs were complete, the Century of Progress looked two-thirds airplane and one-third junkyard heap. Mattern figured it would fly lopsided but hold together long enough to get to a city where more-professional repairs could be made. The rain-sodden field, however, was another matter. Mattern walked a couple hundred yards with the General and the mechanics from Novosibirsk shaking their heads.

After unloading as much gas as he could, Mattern started the motor, but the wheels wouldn’t bite. His ad hoc crew laid down ashes and sacking, mobilizing the entire crowd. Still, he couldn’t pull the plane out of the slop.

Mattern suggested they move the plane to higher, drier ground. It would be a very short runway, terminating in a copse of tall trees, but it was better than nothing. “Nyet,” grunted a Russian pilot—not for a plane of the Century of Progress’s size. But Mattern insisted. After they towed the craft uphill, Mattern hopped in and started the motor. With no brakes, he would either get aloft or crash into the trees; there were no other options. He picked up speed and pulled back on the stick. The Century of Progress left the ground just in time, the landing gear brushing the tops of the trees. Six days after leaving New York, Mattern was back in the air.

As he gained altitude, Mattern’s plane flew steadier than the pilot himself felt. Four hours out of Belovo, the rain and fog abated and he saw sunshine for the first time in practically a week. He slid open the window for fresh air and saw a large sugar-loaf-shaped mountain, which he had been told was near where he was headed. Mountains looked awfully good to Mattern after thousands of miles of plains.

Mattern stayed just long enough in Novosibirsk to fuel up for the long haul to Irkutsk and, 2,000 miles later, Khabarovsk, one of the principal cities in the Soviet Far East, near China, his last major stop before the Pacific Ocean. On the way the weather turned nasty over the Zeya River, northeast of the Mongolian border, and Mattern lost his bearings and set down near the river to spend the night. By the time he arrived in Khaborovsk the next day, he was too tired to talk. He rested for a day at a hotel while mechanics readied his battered plane for the haul across the Bering Sea to Nome, Alaska.

Leaving Khabarovsk the next morning, Mattern ran into more foul weather: a mixture of headwinds, rainstorms, and dense clouds. As night fell and the sky turned dark, he lost his way. He realized that he was running low on oil, too; the Russian product was cruder and burned much faster than what he was used to. Without any idea of how to get back to Khabarovsk, he had no choice but to bring the plane down again, regardless of what lay below. He stacked pillows around his head and began his descent, hoping for the best.

Six

June 12, 1933

It proved to be a surprisingly smooth landing. After shutting off the engine, Mattern climbed out of the hatch and jumped eight feet down to the ground, where he promptly fell asleep. At dawn, he awoke to find his plane teetering on a sandbar overlooking a river, across from a small village.

A boat full of peasants rowed across the river and gave him eggs, fish, and black bread. But Mattern was anxious to get flying again and pantomimed that his plane needed oil. No one spoke English, but one of the peasants turned out to be a former pilot in the Soviet army. He dispatched a couple of men to a nearby collective farm, where they found what Mattern needed. He started his abused Wasp engine, which smoked from the change in diet—the oil was intended for tractors, not airplanes—but turned over all the same, and held out long enough for him to return to Khabarovsk.

At four the next morning, June 12, Mattern tried again. On his first stopoff in Khabarovsk, he had eaten dinner with a group of Soviet pilots, who had advised him to take a more southerly route where he would likely come by better weather, but Mattern had opted for a more direct path. This time he heeded the pilots’ advice, heading southeast over the Sea of Okhotsk. Five hundred miles out over open water, however, ice gathered on his wings. He couldn’t shake it off even after dropping so low that he was practically skimming the water. Worse, the Century of Progress was once again mired in thick fog. Mattern decided to return to Khabarovsk yet again. He had flown 1,400 miles over the past three days but hadn’t gained an inch.

Once more in Khabarovsk, he restored himself with a couple of hearty meals and eight hours’ sleep. He was far behind Post and Gatty’s time now, but he was still on track to be the first pilot to fly solo around the world. All he had to do was make it this last leg across Russia and the 500-mile expanse of the Bering Sea. Once he hit Alaska, he figured, he would be home free. Shortly after his Hollywood stunt-flying days, Mattern had spent several months in Alaska working as a bush pilot. He knew the terrain and the weather there well.

Mattern waited through two more days of dirty weather before revving his engine again. The third time was the charm. Several hours later, he was on the far side of the Sea of Okhotsk, the Kamchatka Peninsula below him. The thumb-shaped peninsula, which separated the Okhotsk from the Bering Sea, resembles Alaska, a sparsely inhabited wilderness of thick boreal forest and mountain ranges. Some of the peaks rise as high as 8,000 feet, and Mattern knew he couldn’t fly over them. At that altitude his wings would ice up, and the Century of Progress would come crashing to earth. Winding his way north and shivering in the high-altitude cold, Mattern warmed himself with the knowledge that once he was out of the mountains, he could turn east. At that point, Nome would be just four hours away.

Then Mattern noticed that his oil pressure was dropping perilously low. The low-grade Russian oil was giving the finely tuned Wasp heartburn. Although he had a reserve oil supply stashed in the back with a bicycle pump jerry-rigged to push it to the engine, the pump had frozen. He was losing engine power, with hundreds of miles of open water ahead of him.

Below lay an almost endless expanse of tundra, most likely uninhabited, certainly inhospitable. Drawing on his bush-pilot experience, Mattern looked for little streams and tried to follow them; streams, he knew, usually led to rivers, and rivers led to settlements. Consulting his maps, he reckoned his best bet would be to get within limping distance of the Arctic outpost of Anadyr—but he was still 80 miles away. He would have to find a safe place to land. During the summer months, the Arctic tundra is in many places a soggy patchwork of marshes, bogs, lakes, and streams—not bad terrain for a crash landing. Still, the crash near Minsk the year before flashed through his mind. If Mattern flipped over this time, there would be no one to dig him out.

There was only one thing he could do. Mattern opened the throttle all the way and accelerated to the Vega’s top speed, 200 miles per hour. Skimming over the tundra, he deliberately sheared off his landing gear, then brought the plane down, belly-flopping on the soft ground. The plane bounced and shook. Mattern heard one of the wings crack; he was afraid that the entire undercarriage would tear apart. Feeling a sharp pain in his ankle, he realized that the impact of the landing had forced the engine back against his body. Finally he came to a complete stop. Somehow the Century of Progress—and Mattern—had held together.

The marooned pilot leaned back in his seat and closed his eyes. He said a quick prayer and freed his wounded ankle. It wasn’t a full break—the bones didn’t look like they had pulled apart—but he was sure it was fractured. After staggering out of the hatch, he looked around: barren tundra, tufts of brush and grass, and rocky soil. His plane was a wreck. Wind whistled by his ears and he shivered. Never had he felt so alone.

Seven

July 15, 1933

Before dawn crept over Jamaica Bay, Wiley Post ambled over to the outgoing-flight register at Floyd Bennett Field and signed his name. In the next box he scribbled “Destination same.”

Post had remained cagey about his plans, but word had leaked out in a February 19 New York Times article that he was considering a second round-the-world journey—this time alone—but that he had to conduct “exhaustive tests” before making up his mind. When the morning of his departure from Floyd Bennett Field finally arrived, he watched the mechanics tend to the Winnie Mae and fingered a medal that another pilot had given him as a good-luck charm. It had once been owned by Count Felix von Luckner, a German naval officer who was famous in World War I for never suffering casualties on the ships under his command.

Mae Post watched him. “Are you about gone?” she asked.

“Pretty soon,” he said.

“Be careful.”

“I will.”

Jimmie Mattern’s disappearance a month earlier had set Mae’s nerves on edge. Post tried to reassure her. His plane had every possible modern innovation. He had delayed his departure to wait in Dayton, Ohio, for Army engineers to install a radio receiver. It would enable him to fix his position from broadcasts on ordinary radio frequencies if he knew the call letters of the station doing the transmitting. Post was also counting on his automatic pilot, affectionately nicknamed Mechanical Mike, to do much of the flying for him—it was the first time a civilian aircraft had been outfitted with one—and his controllable-pitch propeller to shorten takeoff runs and squeeze every last mile out of his fuel. Additional wing tanks increased his range, and he planned to complete the journey with just five stops, starting with a direct flight from New York to Berlin.

All these careful preparations, he believed, were what separated him from Mattern. Post was eager to try new technology; Mattern flew by the seat of his pants. In his rush to take off first, Mattern had not considered the effects that sleep deprivation could have on a man, nor had he properly outfitted his plane to address them. Post reckoned his friend had likely crashed in some remote corner of Siberia before he got to the Bering Strait, his demise accelerated by fatigued decision-making.

Seeking to avoid a similar fate, Post had adopted a rigorous training regimen designed to attune his body to the deprivations of his journey. He took short naps instead of sleeping through the night, sometimes sitting up until dawn in the cockpit of the Winnie Mae with his lone eye open. He restricted himself to one meal a day. He worked to attain a Zen-like state, clearing his mind of all thoughts except flying.

Wearing a natty new gray suit and blue shirt and tie, Post climbed into the cockpit. “I’ll be back as quick as possible,” he shouted. He gave the word and the motor jumped to life, the propeller scattering the gravel on the airfield. On board were 645 gallons of fuel, quart-sized thermoses of water and tomato juice, three packages of chewing gum, a package of zwieback bread, a knife, a hatchet, a raincoat, a cigarette lighter, mosquito netting, a sleeping bag, and a flashlight. He also brought fishing tackle; that way, if he ended up marooned in Siberia, he could always fish for food. He had a suitcase containing a few changes of clothes, including three fresh eye patches that Mae had sewn for him, and a piece of equipment he hadn’t bothered with on his last adventure: a parachute.

Post’s Wasp engine crescendoed, spewing exhaust. The white and blue monoplane picked up speed over the concrete runway and, despite the heavy load, quickly climbed, receding into a silhouette against the dawn, a half-moon gleaming overhead. It was 5:10 a.m.

After settling in at a comfortable altitude, Post turned on the autopilot. Later that day, as he approached the British Isles, he encountered tempestuous weather, just as Mattern had the month before, but he kept his radio on until he heard “a special broadcast for Wiley Post” from station G2L0 in Manchester, England, cutting through the static. Post adjusted his radio-compass needle to get a fix on the station; others popped up on the dial as he flew over the Irish Sea, England, the Continent. He was flying blind, but he had never felt so secure in his location.

By the time Post passed over the Elbe River, the weather had improved, and he could finally see where he was. Ahead was Berlin’s skyline. When he landed at Templehof, 25 hours and 45 minutes after leaving New York, he had not only broken Mattern and Bennett’s time by almost four hours but also completed the first nonstop flight from New York to Berlin. As he taxied up the runway, the American flag and German national colors floated above the field. Steel-helmeted Nazi storm troopers with rifles kept 2,000 cheering Germans at bay. Among those in attendance was the commander-in-chief of the Luftwaffe, Hermann Göring.

Post, assisted by a policeman, climbed down from the plane while a band played “The Star Spangled Banner” and Nazi anthems. He wanted to get his plane gassed up and get going as quickly as possible. His new record notwithstanding, he had hoped that he could make it to Berlin in 22 hours; the weather had added three and a half hours to his time. “I don’t want to eat,” he told the reporters gathered at the airdrome. “I don’t want to shave. I just want to clear out of here. I flew here on tomato juice and chewing gum, and that’s enough for me.”

Post was whisked off to the same room he had rested in on his first flight. He took a cold shower and stretched out on a bunk, trying to clear his mind, but he was restless. A lot of people were depending on him. Earlier that year, Post had inked an agreement with a local Oklahoma City businessman to line up investors in exchange for a 10 percent cut of whatever fees he earned from post-trip appearances. Wary of reliving his troubled relationship with F. C. Hall, he insisted on a pool of investors this time around. That way no single person could amass too much influence. The Oklahoma City Chamber of Commerce, eager to assist a homegrown celebrity aviator, had eagerly formed a committee. Eventually, 41 businesses and individuals contributed, and several aeronautical companies came through with donations of equipment, support, and supplies.

Too antsy to nap, Post returned to the airfield to supervise the plane’s refueling, vexed by the slow pace and antiquated equipment. The airport maintenance crew in Berlin were using hand pumps, which Post calculated would add an hour to his time, leading The Washington Post to quip:

The Winnie Mae, the Winnie Mae

She flies to Berlin in a day

And then complains of the delay!

Two hours and 15 minutes after landing, Post climbed back into his plane, with weather charts prepared by Lufthansa sticking out of his pocket. He had planned for Novosibirsk, Siberia, to be his next stop. But as he crossed the Soviet border, he couldn’t find his maps. He tore apart the cabin looking for them, but it was no use. He had no idea where they were. Worse, the autopilot had sprung a leak in its oil line.

Frustrated, he turned back and brought the Winnie Mae down to Königsberg, a city in eastern Germany. Sweat streamed down his face as he climbed out of the cockpit. He found another set of maps at the airport, but the mechanics in Königsberg weren’t able to fix the autopilot; the closest place to get it repaired was Moscow. Should he risk flying the 3,000 miles to Novosibirsk without it, or stop in Moscow for repairs? No one believed in Post’s piloting skill more than Post did, but he was afraid he might lose his way over Siberia. With broadcasting towers few and far between, the radio navigator would be useless for vast stretches. He took the safe bet: Moscow.

Then he went to sleep. When he awoke five hours later to a dawn wakeup call, he learned that the weather between him and Moscow was “quite bad”: heavy rain and fog, according to official reports. He slept for a few more hours. By the time the weather cleared, he was so anxious to leave that he forgot his suitcase, leaving him with only the clothes on his back.

The flight to Moscow was mostly uneventful, and soon he was looking down on the Kremlin, sparkling in the sun. Meeting Post at the airport was New York Times correspondent Walter Duranty. Because Moscow had not been on Post’s planned itinerary, no official was on hand to translate for him, so Duranty conveyed his autopilot repair request to the airport director.

Meanwhile, a doctor examined Post and ordered him to get some sleep. Post told the doctor he wasn’t tired and tried to decline the meal offered to him, too; “Being hungry helps me stay awake,” he explained. The doctor later told Duranty, “I have had 12 years of experience as an aviation doctor, but I never met a pilot with such steady, solid nerves and such a regular pulse after an exhausting effort and such balanced control. When I first heard he was trying to fly around the world in four or five days, I thought it was madness—now I believe he will succeed.”

The forecast called for clear skies all the way to Novosibirsk and then cloudy beyond, with a light southeast wind. Radio stations in Kazan, Sverdlosk, Omsk, and Novosibirsk, briefed on Post’s itinerary, would call every ten minutes on a special wavelength and provide weather updates in English. Post climbed back aboard the Winnie Mae, and at 5:10 p.m. he took off down the runway, the plane, Duranty later wrote, “gleaming like a seagull” as it disappeared into the distance.

The weather forecast, however, turned out to be inaccurate. After five hours of clear skies, Post, flying over the Ural Mountains, ran into the thickest clouds he had ever seen. Taking advantage of the deicers he had installed, Post climbed to 21,000 feet—four miles between the Winnie Mae and the ground. Post stayed at that altitude for two hours, but the lack of oxygen made him woozy, and ice was beginning to overwhelm the deicers. He descended into the fog—a dangerous maneuver while crossing the mountains, but he had little choice.

Post knew how fragile life was. He had learned that lesson the moment the sliver of steel pierced his eye. Still, he had taunted death on plenty of occasions. During his wing-walker days, he had made a habit of pulling his rip cord at the last possible second to see how far he could free-fall, basking in the adulation of the crowd. When he flew with passengers, one of his favorite practical jokes was to let his first fuel tank run dry, stalling the engine, and only then switch to the next and restart the propeller, relishing how much it scared his guests.

Now, however, Post took no such chances. Eye trained on the altimeter and compass, he flew by dead reckoning. His plane might have been flush with the latest gadgetry, but at the moment his safest option was to rely on his own piloting skills. Once he was beyond the Urals, he could bring the plane to a lower altitude and once again follow the tracks of the Trans-Siberian railway until they spidered off in divergent directions.

When Post finally descended into Novosibirsk, he was met at the airfield by Fay Gillis, a 24-year-old American aviator and journalist living in Moscow, whose help Post had enlisted in organizing logistics. Three weeks earlier, Gillis had hitched a ride in the back of a mail plane from Moscow, wedged between bales of letters, and had been waiting in Novosibirsk ever since. She had scared up 660 gallons of gasoline and 150 gallons of oil, more than enough to slake the Winnie Mae’s thirst. She made sure that the landing field was mowed every other day and that qualified mechanics were on hand, and she collected maps and arranged for a room, so that Post could rest while his plane was refueled. “I am saving my last piece of American soap for him, which he ought to appreciate,” she said in an interview.

Gillis had her own motives for assisting Post. She was a stringer for the New York Herald Tribune and hoped to secure a scoop for the paper about Post’s arrival. But as Post reclined on a couch at the airport, eating the bouillon and fruit she had provided him, Gillis learned that he had an exclusive contract with The New York Times. Gillis had to wait to file her own story until after she had helped him file his.

Post stayed in Novosibirsk long enough to refuel, then pushed on to Irkutsk. “The chief marvel of Wiley Post’s spectacular flight around the top of the world,” a July 19, 1933 editorial in The Washington Post declared, “is not the endurance of the machine, but the endurance of the man.” But, it warned, “the most dangerous stretch of Post’s route lies between Khabarovsk and Nome. The Sea of Okhotsk, Kamchatka and Bering Sea are rarely clear of storms and fog.”

The truth was that Post was dead tired. Gillis could see the fatigue etched in his face as he left Novosibirsk—and he had almost half a world to go.

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Jimmie Mattern’s and Wiley Post’s progress as of July 18, 1933.

Eight

June 16, 1933

Jimmie Mattern cried a lot the first two days he was marooned. His plane was crushed and broken. He was 100 miles into the Arctic Circle, equipped with only a set of maps, a tool kit, pliers, a hatchet, three chocolate bars, and the clothes he was wearing. He also had a gun, which had been hidden in a secret compartment for emergencies just like this, and a top-of-the-line Wittnauer watch; the company co-sponsored his trip, and the watch was somehow still ticking after the crash.

He axed a hole in the fuselage to create a makeshift shelter, lining the walls with maps to help insulate against the cold, and jerry-rigged a cookstove and heater from a fuel container and engine cylinder. To give himself something to do, he kept a journal. Someday explorers might find his body, he figured, and he wanted them to know what kind of man he was.

The landscape was bleak—the soggy sod and heather of the Arctic tundra in summer—and his prospects bleaker. Each day, Mattern dragged his injured ankle behind him three miles to the Anadyr River and prayed that a boat would pass. Each night, he trekked back to his plane. He was still bruised and sore from his improvised landing, and soon he had blisters on his feet as well.

anadir-1401475046-71.jpg
The Anadyr lowlands in northeastern Russia. (Photo: F.A. Kondrasho)

He was fortunate, he knew, that he had crashed during summer, when the Arctic weather was reasonably warm and the daylight hours extended well into the night. If it had been autumn, he might already be dead of exposure. Even so, the temperatures dipped into the twenties after dark, and it was only going to get colder. His leather flight suit was a godsend, but it would keep him only so warm. His makeshift heater had its problems, too—there was no ventilation in the back of the plane, and he could only run it briefly before the compartment filled up with smoke.

Game was hard to come by. The animals of the tundra steered clear of Mattern, as if they intuited his desperate intentions. On the third day, however, he managed to shoot a duck. He stashed it in the river to keep it cold, resolving to hold off eating it until the following day, after he finished constructing a raft out of driftwood and baling wire. Anadyr, an outpost for fur traders and explorers en route to the North Pole, was within 100 miles, if his calculations were correct. Without adequate food, he worried that he wouldn’t be able to make it there on foot. But by taking a raft down the river, Mattern figured he could be there in four days, perhaps five, depending on the current.

After another frigid night in the carcass of his plane, he pulled a piece of iron from the Century of Progress’s tail to use as a griddle for roasting the duck, then limped down to the river. He was heartbroken to discover that seagulls had poached his kill; scattered bones and feathers were all that remained.

Glassy and weak from hunger, Mattern was afraid that he was losing his mind. No rational man would have left a dead duck in a stream and expected it to be there the next morning. At six that evening, he returned to the Century of Progress. He thought about making tea but had nothing to boil water in. The wind howled. A storm was brewing.

It rained throughout the night and the following day. Mattern stayed inside, listening to the drops beating against the skin of the plane. He caught a glimpse of himself in a mirror. The ghost that stared back was gaunt, his hair a cubist mess, his face darkened with stubble and grime. The eyes had lost their pilot’s alertness; they were the eyes of a man who might not be long for this earth.

Scrounging around the wreckage of the plane, Mattern found a bag of cookie crumbs. He ate them slowly; it was all he had for the day. Then he wrote in his diary:

I have been thinking about a lot of things lately. I pray every day. I think of my mother and hope that she is not worrying so much that it would affect her health. I, of course, think of so many things. I could have done better with my life. I have always tried to do what is right. I did want to make money. Well, now I realize how useless money is and of no value in the Arctic wastes of Siberia. I have over one hundred dollars in my pocket, and it won’t even make fire to keep me warm… My only hope is to get out of here and back to civilization. That’s all I want. My foolish days of records is over and I want to settle down to a quiet life.

The more he wrote, the more tired he felt. Fog settled over the plane, the air thick and cold. Mattern set out hunting again, his ankles weak and uncertain, his feet cold, wet, and numb. He wasn’t able to bag anything, and the little food he had left—half a chocolate bar, some cookie crumbs—had almost run out. By the river, he lit a fire with green bushes, which smoked and smoldered, hoping someone would see it, either from the air or heading down the river. No one came.

Pilots are taught to stay with their planes in the event of a crash, but Mattern knew his circumstances were different. While he was sure people would be searching for him, the land was so vast and remote that there was little chance they would find him. His only hope was the raft.

The next morning he penned a note, which he left inside the fractured fuselage. He explained how he had crashed and that he was almost out of food, and gave his best guess as to his coordinates: latitude 64’35” west, longitude 175’30” north. I have made a raft and am going down the river, he wrote.

If you locate the airplane and I have not been found, I will be between here and a hundred miles down stream. I will stay to the right bank out of the wind going down… I have a map and a compass so to establish landmarks as I go along. Keep looking, boys, as I want to get out of this mess. I will never give up. Will be looking for you.

The weather was gorgeous, warmer than it had been. Mattern carried his maps, his flight suit, and his gun down to the river. Weak from hunger, he fell several times and had trouble getting back on his feet. He loaded the raft and, after saying a prayer, pushed it into the stream.

It sank.

Mattern jumped into the icy water to save his maps, battling the current as he dragged everything back to shore. Soaked and shivering, he knew he needed to build a fire—a big one, right away. Hovering over the flames, he forgot about the fuel that had soaked his clothes in the plane crash. Suddenly he was on fire, screaming in pain, staggering back into the river.

After he took his clothes off to dry, he crouched in his underwear next to the fire. The burns stung, and his teeth ached from the cold. I am now very discouraged and don’t know how things will turn out, he wrote in his journal. Then he fell asleep, warm for the first time since he’d crashed.

As one week in the wilderness became two, Mattern chronicled his mounting hopelessness in his journal. I have kept the fire going all day and just been looking for a boat, he wrote. I don’t know whether to start walking or not. Really don’t think I should. I would get weak and then if the airplane was located I would not be found. Yesterday I shot a muskrat and ate him. It made me sick but filled my stomach. He camped by the river in the event that a boat floated by, but he was running out of wood for fires—he’d picked clean the entire area.

He set about building another raft. When he was sure it was river-worthy, he piled his few belongings on board and settled facedown on the deck, paddling with his hands, cold water breaking over his head. For several hours he kept at it, until a strong current pushed him back the way he had come. He washed up on a small island across the river from his camp. The tide must have come in from the Anadyr Gulf, he figured. Ten days trying to float his way out of this wilderness and he had barely moved an inch.

On the 15th day, give or take—Mattern had lost count—he was trying to build a fire from grass when two specks a great distance down the river caught his eye—so far away he couldn’t make out what they were. He set his compass on them and went away for a few minutes. When he returned, the specks had moved. Oh God, he wrote in his journal. I hope it is what I think it is. He watched for what seemed an eternity, but this time the specks remained in the same position. Sinking into disappointment, he figured he had been hallucinating.

Then the sky opened up ever so slightly, and a ray of sunlight shone down. Now Mattern could see oars striking water. They were coming straight toward him. He was overcome with excitement. He screamed as loud as he could: “I’m saved! I’m saved!”

Two boats pulled up to shore carrying people who looked to Mattern like Eskimos. In the larger vessel were three men in furs, accompanied by a woman, two teenage girls, a young boy, and two sled dogs. In the other were two adolescent boys rowing a man, a woman, and three small children.

Mattern looked at them. They looked at him. Mattern grabbed a few threadbare possessions and piled into the boys’ boat.

Nine

June 30, 1933

Mattern thought of them as Eskimos, but they were in fact Chukchi: an indigenous people who had come to Siberia after the Eskimos, the largest Native nation (today numbering about 15,000) on the Asian side of the North Pacific. The word Chukchi was derived from chauchu, a Chukchi word meaning “rich in reindeer.”

Not long after Mattern settled into the boat, two ducks floated downstream. One of the men in the other boat imitated their quack and the ducks turned toward the boat, at which point another man shot them. They scooped the carcasses out of the water. Mattern had practically starved for weeks because he couldn’t catch a duck; in half an hour, his new traveling companions had killed two.

The Eskimos never stop rowing, Mattern wrote. How strong they are. They are all dressed in raw furs, the outside of a fox turned inside. The mother is nursing the baby. The boys play with it. They seem very affectionate. The mother makes a noise like a rattlesnake to keep the baby quiet. The dogs sleep all the time. The girls seem bashful. It has started to get cold. I put on my flying suit. You should see them watch me use those zippers. It was wonderful to them, you could tell. They offered Mattern bread, which tasted glorious, especially after his previous meal of half-cooked muskrat.

The two teenage boys paddled until they found a place to pitch camp. The men trudged out onto the tundra looking for geese, while the boys unfurled bearskins and pitched tents made of reindeer hide, and the women built a fire and made biscuit dough from flour and river water. They picked herbs and roots—plants that had surrounded Mattern during his days of starvation but that he had no idea he could eat.

Malnourishment had left his hands clenched and his teeth loose and achy. A woman handed him herbs boiled in water and indicated that Mattern should swallow it; hours later he was feeling better. The children ran up and down the riverbank and played on the damp tundra. Soon the men returned with two of the fattest geese Mattern had ever seen, their necks tied together and draped over one of the men’s neck. The women scooped bear fat out of half a five-gallon fuel can and fried the biscuit dough. They all sat around on their haunches and ate biscuits and honey and drank tea. It was Mattern’s first real meal in weeks.

Later, Mattern would learn that these were actually three families of Chukchi, and he was lucky to have been found by them; they were the only people for miles around. They maintained a trap line 200 miles long, where they collected game, honey, and furs. Once a year they traveled down this river with their furs to trade for flour, guns, and ammunition. They were on their way home when they came upon Mattern.

As Mattern wrote in his journal by the fire, his new companions looked over his shoulder with curiosity.

Mattern produced his map kit and offered two of the boys pliers and another a hunting knife. One was enamored with his Pratt & Whitney tool kit, and Mattern gave that away, too. I feel that God has been great to me, he wrote. My only thoughts of sorrow are my wonderful airplane put to sleep on the frozen tundra north forever.

It took four days and nights before they reached a settlement, a cluster of large reindeer-hide tents. The Chukchi were soon at work in the river, fishing for salmon. They carved out the guts, tossed them in a barrel, and hung the rest of the fish in strips to dry. Mattern slept peacefully that night under furs, with a fire burning in the center of the tent and the smoke drawn up through a small flue in the roof.

The next day he was paddled across the river to meet the tribal chief, who invited Mattern to stay in his tent. They are amazed at seeing me, a white man, dressed in a tanned leather zippered flying suit, he wrote. They gather around as if I were a sideshow attraction. As a matter of fact I am just that. Everyone wants to come to the tent to look at me. If I fall asleep the Eskimo squaws wake me up zipping my flight suit.

When Mattern returned to the other bank of the river days later to visit the families that had rescued him, they were gone. He asked other members of the tribe where they were. Through pantomime he learned that they were traveling to Anadyr, and Mattern grew frantic. No matter how hard he tried, he couldn’t get his point across. Finally, he pulled out the $100 in cash he had. Within a few hours he was bound for Anadyr. I am writing this in the boat with six Eskimos, he wrote that afternoon.

Three rowing, two others and myself in the middle and a very old one steering in the rear with his cape up over his head and the sun setting at his back. What a great feeling to again be moving and what a great picture. The land has sloped gradually to the shore and snow is along the beach with a pink sky, a smooth lake and a boat full of very picaresque people. Every stroke of the oars says, ‘AMERICA.’

Several hours later, they stopped for tea and biscuits and waited until a motorboat pulled in further down the riverbank. Mattern walked down the shoreline to meet it. A few hours after that he arrived in Anadyr, 70 miles north of the Arctic Circle, where Mattern spoke English to another human being for the first time in more than a month. After he took a bath and devoured a meal of canned beef and beans, he went to the telegraph office. His message to his manager consisted of six words: Safe at Anadyr, Siberia. Jimmie Mattern.

Jimmie Mattern’s mother, Caroline, reads a telegram from her son, July 10, 1933. (Video: Universal Newsreels)

Ten

July 5, 1933

From Anadyr, Jimmie Mattern traveled by barge back up the river, accompanied by a score of Chukchi men and two dogsled teams. At the crash site, they salvaged what they could of the Century of Progress. Mattern chopped the motor off the plane’s wooden frame with an ax. He and the other men lifted it onto a platform atop the two dog sleds. There were six ropes and three men to a rope, pulling like mad and bent close to the ground. After half an hour they managed to drag it all the way to the barge, then sailed back to Anadyr, where Mattern boxed up the remains of the plane and sent them to the United States.

All Mattern had to do now was get to Alaska and locate another plane he could pilot to New York. After what he had been through, this didn’t sound impossible. In Anadyr, he waited for an exit visa and a ride to Nome; one of the Soviet Union’s top pilots, Sigizmund Levanevsky, was on his way from Khabarovsk to pick him up. In the meantime, Mattern telegraphed his manager in New York, who set about searching for another plane so that Mattern could complete his flight. The 505-mile hop from Anadyr to Nome aboard another pilot’s plane would mean that Mattern’s accomplishment, if he beat Post, would always carry an asterisk. But at least he could finish the job.

In New York, a group of Mattern’s friends from his time at Floyd Bennett Field were determined to locate a plane for him. While trying to scrape together the money, they met Irving Friedman, the president of Brooklyn’s Kings Brewery. (Prohibition wouldn’t end until December that year, but Kings was doing a brisk business selling low-alcohol “near beer.”) Friedman was not particularly interested in aviation, but Mattern’s friends sounded so sincere that he donated the money to buy the sturdy plane that the pilot Clyde Pangborn had used to fly over the Pacific from Tokyo to the West Coast two years earlier.

The rescue party set out for Alaska in the hopes that they could then leave for Siberia and bring Mattern the plane. But an American plane required Soviet permission to land; Levanevsky, meanwhile, needed U.S. permission to touch down in Alaska. And Moscow and Washington were not on speaking terms. The United States, which cut off diplomatic ties with Russia following the October Revolution 16 years before, did not formally recognize the Soviet Union, so Friedman found himself serving as an informal ambassador, sending and receiving messages that the two countries couldn’t officially exchange with each other. It took a fair amount of wrangling before a deal could be reached that allowed Levanevsky to land in Nome, where Friedman’s rescue plane would be waiting for Mattern. Back in Anadyr, Mattern killed time by taking Russian lessons, learning how to play “Home Sweet Home” on the balalaika, and filing stories about his adventures with The New York Times, which held exclusive rights.

Levanevsky’s plane was delayed by bad weather, and as the days dragged on, Mattern became increasingly agitated. Then he received a devastating message from Nome: Wiley Post was in Siberia, making great time on his way around the world. His rival was in Irkutsk, about to leave for Khabarovsk. Mattern knew he was lucky to be alive, but he was having trouble containing his desire to get back in the race.

Still, there was honor among pilots. If he couldn’t have the record, Mattern figured he might as well assist Post in some small way. He went to the Anadyr wireless station and put his basic Russian to use, working with the operators to translate their weather reports, which were then forwarded to the United States Signal Corps through its station at Nome. Judging by the chatter over the radio, Post was practically overhead.

Eleven

July 20, 1933

Wiley Post motored over eastern Siberia and then turned up toward the Arctic Circle, following a path similar to Mattern’s before he had tumbled out of the sky five weeks earlier. Post was now 3,000 miles east of Novosibirsk. The weather had turned foul, forcing him to fly blind for seven hours. The maps were unreliable and, anyway, were impossible to follow with zero visibility. Post relied on his compass, calculating drift from the way the clouds swirled around mountain peaks, practically the only land he saw.

Piloting a plane under such conditions would have been challenging even for a well-rested pilot, and Post had barely slept since Moscow, 3,700 miles ago. He picked up radio transmissions from WAMCATS—the Washington-Alaska Military Cable and Telegraph System, on the far side of the ocean—while making his way over the Bering Strait. Zeroing in on the signals, he was able to navigate with almost no visibility. When he hit Alaska, he dropped low and edged back toward the coast, following the shoreline around Cape Prince of Wales to Nome, where he buzzed the radio station and airport.

Instead of stopping in Nome, Post decided to keep going to Fairbanks. Although he was dog tired and way ahead of his 1931 time, he felt a tremendous urge to press on. He had heard over the radio that Jimmie Mattern was not only alive but back in the air and on his way to Nome. Post didn’t have a minute to spare. It wasn’t simply man versus machine or man versus nature anymore. It was once again man versus man.

Not long after hitting the Alaskan interior, Post ran into thick fog and his automatic direction finder quit. Radio stations continued to broadcast to him, but he wasn’t receiving any signals. Climbing over the clouds, he expected to pick up Fairbanks, but all he got was static. He was wandering all over the interior now, dodging mountains and following rivers that led nowhere, completely lost.

The husband-and-wife Alaskan bush pilots Noel and Ada Wien happened to be flying to Fairbanks, too, when they spotted the Winnie Mae over the Yukon River. Recognizing the plane, they tried to radio Post with directions to Fairbanks, but Post didn’t respond; he didn’t seem to see them, either. The couple’s Bellanca couldn’t keep pace with Post’s Lockheed, so they continued on to Fairbanks, expecting to see Post there. When they didn’t, they assumed the One-Eyed Wonder must have put his plane in a circling pattern so he could nap. In fact, Post—seven hours after hitting Nome, barely able to keep his eye open and running dangerously low on fuel—was looking for a place, any place, to land.

Midway through the afternoon, he spotted a tiny village with a short, primitive airstrip. He could pick out the wireless masts; wherever this place was, at least he wouldn’t be completely cut off from civilization. Swooping down for a closer look, he estimated that the uneven, pockmarked runway was perhaps 700 feet long, ending in a ditch. He wouldn’t be able to use his brakes; the strip was too bumpy. There really wasn’t enough real estate for him to land safely, but he was desperate. He had been in the air for 22 hours and 42 minutes and hadn’t had a wink of sleep in close to 40 hours.

The Winnie Mae’s wheels bounded over the unpaved surface, and the plane jounced and swerved. Then the right landing-gear support collapsed. The plane’s nose pitched forward, and the propeller dug into the ground. The Winnie Mae tipped forward, tail in the air, and came to a stop.

A man ran over to help the pilot, who miraculously had gotten through the landing unscathed. Recognizing the great Wiley Post, he asked if the Winnie Mae could be repaired.

Post didn’t know. All he knew was that he was a thousand miles from nowhere with a plane that wouldn’t fly, hobbled by a busted propeller and splintered landing gear. He was angry with himself for not stopping in Nome to rest and gather fresh weather reports. If Gatty had been with him, this accident would never have happened. But Post had been impatient, and now he was paying for it.

The man led the exhausted pilot to a nearby shack. Post, almost too tired to care, curled up on a cot and passed out.

Twelve

July 18, 1933

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(Photo: University of Alaska Fairbanks)

After two and a half weeks trapped in Anadyr, Mattern was napping in his room one day when he woke up to the whine of an engine. He put on his boots and raced outside. A two-engine seaplane was circling above him. When the craft landed on its pontoons in Anadyr Bay and pulled up to a boat dock, Mattern went to greet Levanevsky, a lithe, taciturn Soviet war hero and a personal favorite of Joseph Stalin. Levanevsky had set out from Khabarovsk five days before, skirting Japan and flying up over the Pacific to Anadyr. It was supposed to be a one-day journey, but he had run into a typhoon.

Levanevsky didn’t speak English, but he had brought a bottle of whiskey and indicated that Mattern should join him and his small crew. Five hours later, Mattern stumbled back to his room. As he passed out on his bunk, he wondered how Post was doing. He figured he was either right on his tail or perhaps a little ahead. But with a trip like this, a lot could go wrong.

Even if Post got to Alaska first, that didn’t ensure victory. Mattern vowed that just as soon as the room stopped spinning, he and the Russians would leave for Nome.

The next morning, Levanevsky refueled his seaplane—the mosquitoes were so thick that they clogged the funnel his crew was using to change the oil—and, with Mattern aboard, taxied to the center of the bay and opened the throttle. A hundred yards later, however, Mattern knew that they wouldn’t get off the water; there was simply too much weight onboard. Levanevsky dumped 100 gallons of gasoline, and after a few more tries the plane finally staggered into the air. The weather, for once, was all sunshine, and by evening they were over St. Lawrence Island, the westernmost piece of Alaska, directly below the Bering Strait.

As Levanevsky closed in on the final 125-mile leg to Nome, however, fog forced him to turn back to St. Lawrence, where he landed near a remote beach to camp for the night. Mattern was becoming fatalistic, wondering what else could possibly go wrong. He got his answer the next day, when he learned that Levanevsky had dumped too much fuel in Anadyr and didn’t have enough to get to Nome. The nearest land was more than 100 miles off.

Fingers crossed, they took off anyway. To conserve fuel, Levanevsky stayed close to the water, surfing over the waves. Then more fog descended and the Russian pilot struggled to see where he was going. Mattern checked the gas gauges. They had maybe five minutes of gasoline left.

Moments later, Levanevsky spotted land. He followed the beach until he found Nome—an amalgamation of wind-scoured clapboard buildings sprawling along the pebble beach of the Bering Sea coast. The motor quit as he approached, and the plane came down with a splash on its pontoons. They were close to shore, a few miles up the beach from Nome. Mattern almost had to be restrained from jumping in the water to swim the last bit. Levanevsky told his crew to inflate a rubber life raft, and he and Mattern joined him to go ashore, leaving many of the crew aboard. Walking down the beach, they saw several launches heading toward them. A tugboat picked them up and towed the plane to the harbor, where Mattern was greeted as a conquering hero.

A couple of journalists informed him that Wiley Post had crashed in Flat, a gold-mining town 268 miles southeast of Nome. Mattern expressed his condolences, hiding his excitement. He was still in the race. Once he had a plane, he figured, he could be back in New York in two days.

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Jimmie Mattern’s and Wiley Post’s progress as of July 20, 1933.

Thirteen

July 22, 1933

Wiley Post awoke and emerged from the shack to find the Winnie Mae mounted on a wooden derrick, with mechanics working on it. The man who had greeted him as he emerged from the wreck turned out to be the Flat Mining Company’s manager, and he had organized the men from his work crew into a repair team. Being a mining company, it had a full complement of tools.

He told Post he had called over the radio with the news of the crash, and a pilot named Joe Crosson had radioed back. Crosson was famous in the Alaskan bush, highly regarded for his piloting and navigation skills. He was the first pilot ever to land on a glacier, and two years earlier he had flown a shipment of diphtheria serum up to the far northern village of Barrow to head off an outbreak, braving the still-frigid March weather in an open-cockpit biplane. Both Post and Mattern had met him on their travels in Alaska and counted him as a friend.

Crosson told the mine manager that he was bringing a new propeller and tools from Fairbanks and that he’d persuaded the chief mechanic from Pacific Alaska Airways, the regional Pan American subsidiary, to accompany him. By dawn, they had arrived and had gotten the Winnie Mae air-worthy enough to make the short flight to Fairbanks for more significant work. Post followed Crosson’s plane to Weeks Field in Fairbanks, where he asked for “a bath, a shave, a big feed, and some civilian clothes.” While Post slept, Crosson and the mechanics he’d rounded up swarmed over the plane and mended the landing gear, patched the fuselage, replaced a tube in the direction finder, tuned the instruments, and replaced the tires. Post had lost a whole night in Flat and another eight hours in Fairbanks, but at least he was well rested and the Winnie Mae was in fine shape—and he was still ahead of his record.

Out of Fairbanks, at 21,000 feet over the Alaska Range, the temperature in the cockpit plummeted to minus six degrees and ice formed on the wings, the extra weight gradually forcing Post down. He had the motor wide open, but he still couldn’t correct his gradual descent, and soon he was dodging 15,000-foot mountain peaks in the thick clouds. But by Whitehorse Junction in the Yukon, the weather and terrain had improved, and Post needed only nine hours and 22 minutes to make Edmonton.

It was raining when he arrived, as it had been two years earlier when he and Gatty had landed in Edmonton. The runway had been so swamped then that the Winnie Mae was forced to take off from Portage Avenue, a paved road that ran two miles from the airfield to town; Edmonton’s mayor, aware of the international attention, put emergency crews to work pulling down the electric lines strung alongside the road. When Post and Gatty flew over the Hotel MacDonald, where they had stayed, the maître d’ and his platoon of bellhops stood on the roof and offered a salute. This time, Post stopped just long enough to ice his head—it was aching from flying at high altitudes with insufficient oxygen—drink some water, catch a half-hour nap, and refuel. Then it was on to the homestretch, 20 hours and 12 minutes ahead of his record.

Post flew the final 2,000 miles prodded along by a stiff tailwind. He was sighted ten miles northeast of Winnipeg in the late afternoon, and a forest ranger in a fire tower tagged him 28 miles north of Orr, Minnesota, at 5:45 p.m. Post crossed over Marquette, Michigan, on the south shore of Lake Superior, at 7:50 p.m. The next report came from Toronto at 9:47 p.m. By 10:28 p.m., he was coming up on Niagara Falls.

After Toronto, Post dozed off several times, letting the autopilot take over. In his waking moments, the full weight of what he was about to accomplish began to settle on him, and he felt the crush of depression. He was a man more comfortable in motion than sitting still—and after this, what aerial expeditions were left for him? Later he confessed that he had considered landing so he would arrive a day later and miss out on besting his record, just so he could do it again—but better this time.


Tens of thousands of onlookers massed at Floyd Bennett Field early in the day on July 22, 1933. Cars clogged the roads leading to the airport, the worst traffic jam in the city’s history. As night fell, searchlights beamed above the field. At 9:35 p.m., a shrill whistle warned planes to keep clear until Post had landed. Harold Gatty, now an aerial navigation instructor and adviser to the U.S. Army, arrived in a bomber from Washington. “I am tickled to death at the prospect of Wiley beating our record,” he told a newspaper reporter. “After all he’s gone through on this trip, he certainly deserves it.”

The Winnie Mae swung over Newark, across the lower tip of Manhattan, and over the Flatbush section of Brooklyn. Post, arriving on a moonless night, had his motor throttled down so low that he was on top of the airfield before anyone heard him approach. “There’s a plane!” someone yelled.

Lee Trenholm, Post’s manager, sitting in a car with Mae Post and Harold Gatty, cried, “It must be Wiley!”

Earlier that day, Mae Post had posed for pictures, pretending to study a map of North America. “I think,” she said, smiling, “that I would have to kill him if he tried it again.”

Now the floodlights illuminated Post’s white-and-blue plane against the dark sky. There would be no victory lap for posterity like last time. Post set the Winnie Mae down gently in a textbook three-point landing. He was 21 hours ahead of his time with Gatty two years earlier.

A New York deputy police commissioner was the first to reach the plane. As Post sat hunched in the cockpit, he reached up to shake the pilot’s hand. “Where have you been all week?” he asked.

“I couldn’t tell you,” Post replied.

From “Look to Lockheed for Leadership,” a 1940 promotional film. (Video: Lockheed Martin)

Fourteen

July 22, 1933

The Bellanca that Irving Friedman had purchased for Mattern’s rescue group had crashed en route, in Hazelton, British Columbia, near Prince Rupert. Mattern would have to pick it up there, but he had to wait to take off from Nome until the same weather that had vexed Post had cleared. When Mattern finally left Nome aboard a seaplane bound for Fairbanks, Post was in Edmonton, one hop from New York. Just like that, the race was over.

But Mattern was determined to finish his flight, record or no. After three days in Fairbanks, he was flown to Hazelton, where the Bellanca sat on a short field, fixed. The plane’s puny 225-horsepower engine was overmatched by its size, and Mattern unloaded every pound he could do without and still only barely cleared the trees on takeoff. He made it to Prince George, British Columbia—about halfway to Edmonton—and stopped for the night.

Even now, stripped of its world-historical potential, Mattern’s journey seemed to hit every possible obstacle. The Bellanca’s engine stalled as Mattern pulled up from the runway in Prince George. In Edmonton, he picked up another plane, which promptly blew a gasket. After an emergency landing, he was forced to take a car to Toronto and borrow yet another plane. He wondered if, as he later put it, “someone was trying to tell me something.” Relief finally came in Buffalo, where his old friend Ed Aldrin was waiting for him with another Lockheed Vega, an eagle much like the one on the late Century of Progress painted on the side.

When he touched down on Floyd Bennett Field at 4:41 p.m. on Sunday, July 31, Mattern quietly sobbed in his cockpit. Post had arrived ten days before, but it scarcely mattered now—how many times had Mattern wondered if he would ever see this airport again? His sense of humor intact, Mattern quipped to a reporter that his rival might have bested him, “but I beat Magellan by a few days.” The “Robinson Crusoe of the air,” as The New York Times dubbed him, was 15 pounds lighter than when he had taken off from New York nearly two months earlier. He limped gingerly forward to shake hands.

But celebrity is a funny thing. Mattern might have failed in his round-the-world quest, but in the process he had acquired a spectacular story, and he soon found himself to be far more famous than the rival who beat him. Like Post, Mattern was invited to the White House, and he soon signed on for a two-week engagement at New York’s Paramount Theater, where he earned $17,000 a week—roughly $250,000 in today’s dollars—regaling audiences with tales of his ordeal in the Arctic. The following year he starred in a 23-week radio series, sponsored by the Pure Oil Company, that dramatized his life. (There were more than a few embellishments; the radio version had Mattern rescue a woman and her baby from a forest fire.)

It was enough to enable Mattern to ride out the rest of the Depression in style, dating starlets and chorus girls—including a showgirl named Dorothy J. Harvey, who became his second wife. Their courtship was somewhat complicated by the fact that Mattern was technically still married to Delia, who remained in Walla Walla, though they had been separated for almost the entirety of their marriage. Filing for divorce in Chicago in 1937, Mattern charged Delia—not without considerable irony—with abandonment. He rarely if ever talked about her after that; in his unpublished autobiography, which he wrote a few years before he died, in 1988, he scrubbed out any mention of her.

A celebrity in his own right now, Mattern hobnobbed with the rich and famous—including the humorist and actor Will Rogers, the biggest star of his generation. In early 1935, Rogers asked Mattern if he’d fly to Alaska with him. But Mattern was too busy with his radio program and recommended another pilot whom both men knew well.


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Wiley Post in Fairbanks, Alaska, in August 1935. (Photo: Alaska State Library)

Though he had outflown Mattern in his round-the-world expedition, Post fared worse back on solid ground. After returning to Oklahoma, he tried to capitalize on his fame with a cross-country promotional tour sponsored by an oil company. His first stop was Quincy, Illinois, where, immediately after takeoff, the Winnie Mae’s engine cut out 50 feet above the ground. Post lost control, and the plane crashed. The cockpit was a crumpled mess, and Post suffered a fractured skull. Souvenir hunters made off with pieces of the plane while its pilot was taken to a nearby hospital.

After the rest of the tour fell apart due to a lack of interest, Post sank into another depression. He considered other aerial distance records, but none seemed as compelling as the one he had just completed. The only other direction he could go was up, and for a time he focused on setting new altitude records. In 1934, with the assistance of B.F. Goodrich engineers, he designed the first pressurized aviation suit, the direct predecessor of the modern-day spacesuit. With its rubberized fabric exterior and repurposed deep-sea-diver’s helmet, it made Post look like a cross between the Michelin Man and a Cyclops. After one crash landing in the Mojave Desert, he had to calm down a passing motorist he approached for help; the man was convinced he was in the presence of a Martian.

But the Winnie Mae was not built for the high-altitude abuse Post was heaping on it, and in 1935 he was forced to retire the plane, selling it to the Smithsonian Institution. Casting about for work, he approached Pan Am to offer his services as a company pilot. The airline’s executives, however, believed that stunt pilots like Post were good for front-page news but too unreliable for steady commercial work. Lyman Peck, Pan Am’s director of Alaskan development, tried to soften the blow with another suggestion. He pointed Post to a recent weekly column by Will Rogers, in which Rogers mused, “I never been to that Alaska. I am crazy to go up there some time.”

Rogers and Post had met a decade earlier when Post gave him a lift in his plane. They were both Oklahomans who had scrambled up to stardom from nothing, and they became fast friends. Rogers was a strong advocate of aviation at a time when most Americans were still leery of it. Although he got airsick whenever he got in a plane, he flew hundreds of thousands of miles every year and dedicated numerous columns to flight. “Was out at daybreak to see Wiley Post take off,” he wrote in a syndicated column published on February 23, 1935. “Was in the camera plane and we flew along with him for about thirty miles. We left him 8,000 feet over the mountains. He soon after had to land. He brought her down on her stomach. That guy don’t need wheels.”

When Rogers approached Post with his idea for a trip to Alaska, Post grabbed it immediately. Rogers agreed to finance the journey and pay for a new aircraft. Post mixed and matched parts to create his own “bastard” plane, with a wing from a used Lockheed Explorer and the body from a Lockheed Orion 9-E Special, and added pontoons. It was ugly, and it turned out to be nose-heavy, too; Joe Crosson, whose opinion Post generally respected, flatly told him it wasn’t safe and advised him against flying it.

But Post was undaunted, and in August 1935, he and Rogers set off for Alaska, camping, fishing, and hunting whenever the urge struck them. Along the way, Rogers continued to file his weekly columns. Late on the morning of August 15, Post and Rogers climbed into the plane, which was docked on the Chena River, deep in the Alaskan interior. Post taxied to the middle of the river, turned to face the wind, and gunned the engine, climbing rapidly until he disappeared over the trees.

He and Rogers were bound for Barrow, 500 miles north on the Arctic coast. Post hadn’t bothered to check the weather in Barrow. If he had, he would have heard that a thick fog bank had rolled in, obscuring the local airfield. By 7:30 p.m., Post was lost above the clouds and near the end of his fuel supply. He dropped down low enough to spot a family of Alaska Natives camped on the shore of a lake.

The Okpeaha family were surprised when a plane splashed to a stop nearby. Post and Rogers emerged to ask directions, and the father, Clair Okpeaha, pointed to the north and said that Barrow was about 30 miles away. Rogers asked how the hunting had been. It had been good, Okpeaha replied: walrus, seal, caribou, enough food for the winter. Post and Rogers stretched their legs and discussed their situation. The fog made it hard to see where they were going, but Barrow—and a warm bed and hot meal—was only a few minutes away. They decided to go for it.

Post jump-started the engine and took off across the water, rising steeply and banking sharply as he always did. At 400 feet, the engine backfired and the plane stalled in midair. It somersaulted down, hitting the shallow water nose-first, driving the motor halfway up through the cabin. The right wing sheared off, shattering the floats. The plane came to rest upside down. The only sounds were the wind sweeping over the tundra and the hissing of hot steel in the icy water.

Okpeaha ran to the water’s edge. “Halloo, halloo!” he called out. There was no answer.

Fifteen

August 16, 1935

Newsreel report on Wiley Post and Will Rogers in Alaska, August 1935. (Video: Critical Past)

Jimmie Mattern awoke to the sound of a telephone sometime after midnight. A reporter for United Press International was on the line.

“Have you heard the news?” the man asked.

As the reporter told him what had happened in Barrow, Mattern sat on the edge of his bed, numb, and wondering if somehow there could be a mistake. Then another thought came to mind: He had almost taken Rogers on that flight. Would things have ended differently if it had been him in the cockpit?

The nation’s flags flew at half-staff the next day. Charles Lindbergh paid to have the bodies flown back to Oklahoma; Joe Crosson volunteered to do the flying. Crosson’s wife received Post’s and Rogers’s personal effects, which were delivered to her in Fairbanks. Their wallets were still wet, so she placed them by the cookstove where she had prepared their last home-cooked meal two days earlier, when they had stayed overnight. In Rogers’s wallet, she recognized the family photos he had showed her during the visit, and she began to weep.

Post’s funeral was held at the First Baptist Church in Sentinel, Oklahoma. It was a simple service—as simple as Wiley Post the man. In New York City, pilots gathered to pay tribute; a squadron of 24 planes flew over Floyd Bennett Field, into Manhattan, and back to Brooklyn. Rogers’s funeral was the largest in Oklahoma history, and 20,000 people attended a ceremony in Hollywood. “Will Rogers hadn’t a living peer in the affection of millions,” the New York Herald Tribune wrote, “and Wiley Post ranked next to Lindbergh as their hero of the air.”

Two years later, Mattern flew to Alaska for another grim occasion: he was joining the search for Sigizmund Levanevsky, the Soviet pilot who had brought him from Anadyr to Nome, whose plane, it was believed, had gone down somewhere between Barrow and the North Pole. (He was never found and later presumed dead.) In Barrow, Mattern stopped in on Charlie Brower, an Alaskan folk hero whom Post and Rogers were on their way to meet when they crashed.

Known as the King of the Arctic, Brower had lived on Alaska’s northern coast for 50 years as a trader and whaler. He took Mattern to meet Clair Okpeaha, the last man to see Post and Rogers alive. Okpeaha described their final minutes: “We watched from the shore. We heard the motor rev up to a deafening pitch and saw the plane begin moving, faster, faster, pontoons spraying behind as the plane came up on the steps of the floats. Lifting off and starting to climb, it banked to the right, making a turn toward Barrow.”

Of course ol’ Wiley banked to the right, Mattern thought. He only had one eye. Post’s style of banking hard to the right on takeoff was fine in a sleek Lockheed Vega but was precisely the wrong approach to take in a plane like the one he had mashed together from odd parts. His plane was also nose-heavy, and the engine wasn’t fully warmed up. The fog would’ve created condensation in the carburetor. Under those conditions, a steep bank of the sort Post was prone to attempt during takeoff would’ve been a recipe for stalling.

After the plane crashed, Okpeaha went on, “there was a dull explosion, a flash of fire, and then dead silence. Our first instinct was to run away. Then I went a little closer. I went as close as I could and shouted over and over but got no answer.” Okpeaha took off running, 12 miles across the tundra, to find Charlie Brower, who served as the local magistrate. Five hours later, he collapsed at Brower’s feet, so out of breath he could hardly speak. Finally he got out “crash.” One of the men had tall boots, he said; the other had a “sore eye, rag over eye.” Brower knew immediately who he was talking about.

Mattern shook his head. He was confident Post could have handled any situation in any airplane. He believed his friend could have flown to Mars, if he’d wanted to. But the truth was, that “bastard” plane of Wiley’s should have never left the ground.

Charlie Brower gave Mattern the seatbelts that had hugged Post and Rogers when they died, along with the plane’s throttle and some papers Rogers had on him.

That night Mattern opened his journal.

They are not forgotten, he wrote. They were my friends.

Epilogue

Wiley Post’s round-the-world speed record wasn’t broken until 1938, when Howard Hughes—flying a jet with a crew of four—managed to make the trip in three days, 19 hours, and eight minutes. But Hughes maintained that “Wiley Post’s flight remains the most remarkable flight in history. It can never be duplicated. He did it alone! … It’s like pulling a rabbit out of a hat or sawing a woman in half.”

Mae Post used the $25,000 she received from the Smithsonian Institution for the Winnie Mae to buy a small cotton farm in Texas, where she lived for the rest of her life. She never remarried and always wore the wedding band Post gave her.

In 1969 Wiley Post was enshrined in the National Aviation Hall of Fame, and ten years later the U.S. Post Office issued two commemorative airmail stamps bearing his likeness. As the years have worn on, however, he largely faded from the public memory, and is now best known as a character who pops up throughout the Broadway revue Will Rogers Follies, with one recurring line: “Let’s go flyin’!” Eventually Rogers does, and the play ends.


Jimmie Mattern joined Lockheed as a test pilot in 1938. In 1946, after developing spasms and shakes, he was diagnosed with a ruptured blood vessel in his brain, which was blamed on his many vertiginous dives from high altitudes. Doctors gave him only a few years to live; they were off by more than 40. But Mattern never flew again. He and his wife, Dorothy, moved to Phoenix, where they worked as real estate brokers and opened a travel agency, while Mattern operated as an aviation consultant. Jimmie Mattern died on December 17, 1988, two days before he was to be the honoree at Texas Aviation Pioneer Day.

The Copenhagen Job

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The Copenhagen Job

The inside story of Denmark’s biggest heist.

By Line Holm Nielsen

The Atavist Magazine, No. 36


Line Holm Nielsen is an acclaimed Danish nonfiction writer and a journalist for the newspaper Berlingske Tidende. She has twice been nominated for the Cavling Prize, Denmark’s most prestigious journalism award, most recently for Kuppet.

Editor: Lea Korsgaard
Translator: Mark Kline
Translation Editor: Charles Homans
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Researcher: Laura Smith
Photography: Mads Nissen
Additional Images: Danish National Police, Berlingske Tidende, Wikimedia Commons
Audiobook Narrator: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper

“The Copenhagen Job” originally appeared in Danish as Kuppet, an e-single published by Zetland in October 2012.



Published in April 2014. Design updated in 2021.

The screen has gone dark. The video camera flits around in the murky night; only the microphone is picking up anything. “Someone’s coming,” a voice whispers over a walkie-talkie.

“OK, Marco, lemme work, lemme work…,” another voice answers from close to the camera. A foreign accent comes through clearly on the recording. “I’ll be down in ten minutes.”

A picture emerges from the darkness: an arched window of plastic reinforced with wire mesh. The image slowly comes into focus, and it’s clear that the camera isn’t pointed horizontally; it’s pointed down. The person filming lies hidden on the roof of a building that houses an unusual workplace.

A white van is parked 12, maybe 15 feet below the man on the roof. Its open side door faces the large storeroom. The room is filled with bags, cardboard cartons, and stacks of blue and orange plastic boxes.

The driver removes several tall boxes from inside the van, stacks them on a hand truck, and wheels them into the storeroom. The camera follows the driver as he passes below and disappears inside. There are 20 or so boxes to unload. He has no idea he’s being watched.

The radio crackles. “What’d you say?” the man with the camera asks.

“There are three or four people getting off work. They’re coming out now.” The voice on the radio sounds nervous.

“Yeah, OK, OK,” the man on the roof answers. Now the driver down below is rolling out blue metal cabinets on wheels, containing gray cartons. The man on the roof knows exactly what’s inside.           

The cartons are filled with money: millions of Danish kroner and euros. On a busy day, the business receives 200 million kroner—over $37 million—in unmarked, untraceable bills. The money down there isn’t really anybody’s. It belongs to the anonymous masses who have so much. The man on the roof knows a lot of people who could use just a tiny fraction of that money.

To get a share of the fortune down in the storeroom requires only the perfect plan, the right co-conspirators, and a certain daredevil attitude. It’s said that Danes aren’t willing to do what is necessary. To go all the way. The man with the video camera doesn’t have that problem. He wants it.

Wealth and respect are waiting right below him. The man on the roof has just begun.

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(PHOTO: MOGENS FLINDT/BT) 

One

Stine is lost, and it’s her own fault; she didn’t bother to turn on the GPS. It’s only 18 miles home from the pub in the western Copenhagen suburb of Måløv, where she just finished working the night shift. Under normal circumstances she could drive that stretch in her sleep, but she ran into some road construction, and now she’s on a long detour. She has no idea where she is.

A freeway sign pops up; at least she’s headed in the right direction. Stine is pulling the Toyota Corolla onto the entrance ramp when she sees a large blue truck in front of her, parked sideways on the ramp: a garbage truck belonging to the M. Larsen trucking company. A white van has stopped on the freeway’s emergency lane, too. What’s going on? she thinks. Must be an accident.

Then the truck’s cab explodes into flames. In the glow of the fire, she sees a man in a white hoodie emerge from behind the truck holding a gas can. He crosses the freeway, pouring from the can. His hood has slid back; Stine sees that he is light skinned and has short hair. The man leans over and flicks a lighter, and a line of fire shoots across the two lanes. He hurries back to the van, the driver revs the engine, and the two men are gone.

Stine calls the police, but a squad car is already on the way. She still has the phone to her ear when she hears a crash behind her. A green Mazda 323 has a flat tire, and the driver tried to stop. Behind it a Suzuki also gets a flat tire and crashes into the Mazda.

Stine looks at her phone. It’s 4:37 a.m. on August 10, 2008.


At 4:30 a.m., a squad car calls in to Copenhagen’s Western District police headquarters in Albertslund, a suburb just down the highway from Måløv. The patrolmen are outside the station’s underground parking lot but can’t get in. “There’s a truck on fire blocking the parking-lot entrance,” one of them says over the radio.

Peter Grønbek Nielsen, the supervisor on duty, studies the station’s surveillance-camera feeds. They’re right: An M. Larsen garbage truck is on fire outside, and it’s not alone. A blue garbage truck is parked sideways at the station’s main entrance, illuminated by flames. The station’s emergency phones begin ringing all at once; the two dispatchers can’t keep up. Trucks are on fire throughout the district, approach roads and freeway entrances are blocked, scores of cars have flat tires.

“What the hell…?” Grønbek says—but he has an idea of what’s going on even before the words are out of his mouth. He starts calling squad cars out on patrol. Not one or two; he needs every car in the district, and he needs them now. Meanwhile, one of the station’s direct lines is blinking. “Police,” an officer answers.

“Yes, hi, this is Rikke from G4S.” The Western District often receives calls from G4S, the world’s largest security company, which is responsible for protecting numerous stores and industrial facilities in the Copenhagen area. This call concerns Danish Value Handling, a cash-distribution center located on Kornmarksvej, a road running through an industrial zone in the suburb of Brøndby, east of Albertslund. “I’ve just received a duress alarm outside,” Rikke says, “and a few burglary alarms—”

“Duress alarm at Danish Value Handling?” The officer is paying attention now. “What time did it come in?”

“I got it at 4:38,” Rikke says.

“Zeeero-fourrr-thrrree-eight…,” the officer says.

“Mmm, actually that’s not right, because—”

“They’re out there now! They’re out there now! Confirmed!” The officer’s voice is shaking. “We’re on our way now.”

“Alright, thanks,” Rikke says. She hangs up, but the officer doesn’t, not immediately. The station’s system continues recording the phone call. After a moment, the officer shouts, “We have to get a car through that entrance!”

He’s talking to a colleague sitting in a squad car in the underground parking lot who can’t get out. The main exit is blocked by the burning garbage truck, and the alternative, a fire exit, is locked. The key isn’t in the cabinet where it should be.

The officers inside the headquarters, meanwhile, are staring at the live video from a building a few miles away: the Danish Value Handling facility. “Oh shit,” a female officer says. “Shit!”

A room comes into view on the live video: a white room with a few tables. A wall of metal bars divides the room. In the background, a thick steel door is open. Through it is a vault the size of a small garage. The air in the room is filled with brown dust; the floor is strewn with chunks of brick. The wall near the vault is in ruins. Large men in balaclavas, blue-gray coveralls, and bulletproof vests are working quickly. One of them holds up a Kalashnikov.

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(Photo: Danish National Police)

Two

René Rejnholdt Pedersen’s night shift is about to end, in the early hours of August 10, 2008. The veteran private security guard is sitting in G4S’s coffee room when he receives an alarm at a Brøndby warehouse belonging to Milton A/S, a manufacturer of gas furnaces and hot-water tanks. Pedersen gets in his white Toyota and races off toward Brøndby’s industrial zone.

There have been mysterious incidents at Milton for several weeks. The first alarm at the warehouse was early on the morning of Saturday, July 19. But Pedersen couldn’t find anything wrong or any sign of a break-in and deemed it a false alarm. That evening, however, the alarm went off again. This time the security guard noted that a motion sensor in one room had been smeared with a transparent substance—presumably silicone—but again, nothing had been stolen.

A week later, at 5:51 p.m. on Saturday, July 26, another security guard visiting the Milton warehouse found a window open. The next day, on Sunday evening, another alarm went off, then sometime later that night still another.

When Milton’s warehouse manager showed up for work the following Monday, he called Copenhagen’s Western District police. A number of enormous steel shelves, he reported, had been moved in the warehouse, exposing several yards of wall separating it from the neighboring building. Several boxes had been placed to block the view of a sensor by the door, and a plexiglass skylight on the roof had been damaged. The police came immediately when Milton’s manager happened to mention who the company’s neighbor was: Danish Value Handling.


Kornmarksvej, where the Danish Value Handling facility is located, doesn’t look like much—a broad street lined with faceless office buildings and warehouses. Kornmarksvej 8-10, a sprawling two-story brown building, is no exception. Three companies have facilities there. Facing the street is Faderberg, a valve manufacturer. Milton is in the middle. In the back, farthest from the street and protected by heavy double iron gates, is Danish Value Handling.

Today the company is a subsidiary of a Norwegian corporation, Nokas, which specializes in transporting valuable wares such as gold coins, paintings, and diamonds. But most of its business is picking up the money that stores have taken in each day, counting it, and putting it in the stores’ bank accounts. Millions in cash are also distributed from the center on Kornmarksvej to stock ATMs and cash registers throughout Copenhagen.

Exactly how this takes place is not something that Nokas wants to discuss; the company prefers to keep a low profile. “Let’s just say that we handle a lot of money,” Peter Junge, the company’s managing director, says. Before its acquisition in 2011, however, Danish Value Handling was not so reluctant to supply information. Anyone could visit the firm’s website and find photos of the company’s indoor video surveillance and the boxes used to transport valuables, the company’s location, a figure for how many billions of kroner it handled annually. After all, this was Denmark—a safe country.

A couple of miles east, across the Oresound Bridge that connects Denmark to Sweden, this openness would have been called naive. In the 1990s, when the number of simple robberies committed in Sweden began to fall due to improved bank security, Sweden experienced a mysterious increase in robberies of money transports. From 1994 to 1998, there were 30 to 40 of these robberies annually in Sweden. By 2002, the number had reached 66. When the European association of value-handling firms, ESTA, counted up the number of robberies in 2005, Sweden claimed the dubious honor of having had the most per capita of all European countries. Two hundred twenty-four transports and cash warehouses had been attacked in an organized manner between 1998 and 2004.

It wasn’t only the number of robberies that disturbed the Swedish people and drove the value-handling association to implore politicians to act. It was also how they were committed. In December 2002, an armed robber attacking a money transport in Tureberg, a suburb of Stockholm, shot at passersby and the police and placed a fake bomb in the transport vehicle. In August 2005, a vehicle smashed through the gates of a valuable-goods warehouse in Stockholm and got away with 26 million Swedish kronor. Several weeks later, the police were prevented from getting to the scene of a robbery because the robbers had placed burning cars all around the capital. A few months after that, heavily armed men attacked a valuables transport on a highway near the Stockholm suburb of Hallunda, forced the vehicle off the road, and blew it open with dynamite. Drivers and employees on the transports and in valuables centers went on strike to protest their dangerous working conditions.

No one has been able to explain unambiguously why the epidemic hit Sweden. Terrible security at the private transport companies, some claim. A certain type of immigrant with connections to Balkan organized crime, others say, pointing out the relatively high percentage of immigrants from the region and their descendants among those convicted. A third group—including some of the robbers themselves—believe it may simply be that success is contagious.

From 1998 to 2004, thieves had struck 93 cash transports and warehouses in Denmark, too—more than any country in Scandinavia besides Sweden. But the robberies in Denmark were mild-mannered compared with the paramilitary-style strikes in Sweden—until one day when, according to Bent Isager-Nielsen, the head of investigations for Copenhagen’s Western District, “Suddenly, they were here.”

On the night of Tuesday, April 1, 2008, half a dozen men armed with submachine guns forced their way into the Danish headquarters of Loomis, a value-handling company in Glostrup. They rammed the wall with a boom lift and broke through directly into Loomis’s vault, filled sacks with cash, and fled in dark Audis. Caltrops—clusters of metal spikes designed to puncture tires—were strewn over nearby streets, and a policeman in Copenhagen discovered a suitcase outside police headquarters containing two fake bombs. The take was 60 million kroner, and all clues pointed to Sweden. The Audis used in the theft came from Stockholm; their owners had been waylaid by armed men several months earlier.

The Loomis robbery was something new to Denmark. The size alone, plus the degree of organization and brutality, made it sensational. That was the investigation the Western District police were buried in when the report of uninvited guests in Milton’s warehouse reached a hard-pressed section at police headquarters, the division investigating organized crime.


The case of Milton’s rearranged shelves landed on the desk of Torben Lund, a 50-year-old chief inspector who was one of the few Western District investigators not already on the Loomis case. Lund had set out to be an office worker, not a policeman. He started as a junior clerk at the Danish Tax Administration, but the job lacked human contact and action, and when he was 22 he applied for a position with the police.

Lund is a neat, mild-mannered man, praised by his superiors for his patience, his dogged ability to motivate his detectives, and his obsessive grasp of details. When Lund went over the Milton case, everything looked suspicious to him. There had been eight alarms in nine days. That could be preparation for a spectacular robbery attempt. On the other hand, whoever had sneaked into Milton’s warehouse that summer had to know that the police were aware of it. Would they dare come back? Had they abandoned their plans? Were the break-ins actually failed robbery attempts?

The police discussed their next move. “We didn’t have the manpower or budget to sit out there 24-7 when they might never show up,” Isager-Nielsen says. “This type of robbery isn’t something that two officers in their slippers can handle. It requires specially trained personnel. But how long should these special forces sit there and wait? A week? A month or six months, maybe for nothing?”

The investigators met with executives from Danish Value Handling on July 30, 2008. The police explained what they had seen, how the Loomis robbery had taken place, what could happen to Danish Value Handling. The police had already increased their patrols on Kornmarksvej and asked G4S to contact their control center immediately if alarms went off in the building. The police also made the unusual suggestion of hooking up surveillance cameras with a direct link to the police station’s control center less than two miles away.

The managing director and the head of security at Danish Value Handling listened. They would set up the additional security equipment, they said. But they didn’t seem particularly nervous. They assured the police that they had the situation under control.

Three

There are eight or nine people at work at Danish Value Handling the night of Saturday, August 9. They are taking in boxes of money from drivers, registering the contents, and sending them on to the counting room and the vault, the door to which is wide open. For a long time now, they’ve been talking about the robbery of their Loomis colleagues in April. They’ve been joking about it. “Just wait, at some point someone is coming here, too,” they’ve said to each other. Some of them know about the break-in at their neighbors, Milton, two weeks ago. They’ve talked about how they should be careful, that they should be on the alert, whatever that means.

The first activity outside is registered on a surveillance recording at 2:52 a.m. A camera mounted in Milton’s warehouse, newly installed by the police, looks out across the warehouse interior toward a garage-style overhead door and a smaller door to its left, opening out onto the parking lot. Two figures in hoodies are visible through the overhead door’s windows, approaching cautiously. For several minutes, they scan the inside of the warehouse with powerful flashlights. A small forklift is illuminated. Then the men are gone, and a grainy darkness settles over the screen.

At 4:32 a.m., a light appears again through the windows of the overhead door. Searching. Curious. Two minutes later, a hoodie-clad man swings a crowbar and breaks the door’s lowest window. Two men squeeze through, and one of them examines the doorframe with his flashlight, then pushes a button and the door rolls open.

It’s been raining, and the men’s shoulders are wet. One of them walks near the surveillance camera. He is wearing grayish-blue coveralls with a marine blue bulletproof vest. A balaclava covers his face, and ski goggles are pushed up on his forehead. He has a submachine gun in his hand. He pulls the goggles down over his eyes and walks farther into the warehouse, over to the wall where the shelving was removed two weeks earlier.

At 4:35, a yellow front-end loader rolls into the warehouse. It is a 22-ton diesel Ljungby Maskin 2240, 282 horsepower, designed for logging and construction; it was stolen from a construction site a few hours earlier. It is 11 feet tall and 26 feet long. The shovel alone looks as if it could eat the little forklift outside in one greedy bite. The driver turns sharply to the left and maneuvers the machine into position. The exhaust pipe snorts black diesel smoke when he guns the engine. Twenty-two tons of steel crashes into the wall.

On the other side of the wall, in the Danish Value Holding facility, Niklas, the night-shift supervisor, hears a deep thunk—the kind that shakes a building and carries right on into a body. After a second thunk, he gets up to find out what’s going on. Plaster is falling from the wall separating the counting-room from Milton. The entire room seems to be moving. The Danish Value Handling employees start to run. “They’re coming!” someone yells.

The front-end loader thunders back and forth, slamming into the wall, coughing black smoke. A man in gray coveralls, black balaclava, and white sneakers stands behind it. He’s a big man, not tall, but his coveralls stretch so tightly out over his stomach that his fly is open. Dust fills the room as the loader rams into the wall for almost a minute. On the other side, ceiling tiles, plaster, and chunks of cement fall into the counting room. The 50-ton, cement-and-steel bank vault is being pushed to the right, bit by bit.

In the Milton warehouse, the three robbers look at their identical watches. At 4:39, the man in the middle lifts his automatic rifle into firing position and aims at the wall. Another man hops and claps his hands. The wall has been breached.

A red light shines in the blackness outside. Two dark Audis back up to the open overhead door, so close that one of the license plates, RY 34 265, is visible. The men, including the black-clad driver of the first Audi, grab hockey bags from the car, run past the loader, and squeeze through the hole in the wall.

The Danish Value Handling employees are now in Niklas’s supervisor’s office and watch the robbery unfold on a computer screen. They set off all the alarms and called the police. At the Western District station, the watch commander, Peter Grønbek Nielsen, and the others on duty follow every move the robbers make on their own screens. All the squad cars Nielsen has at his disposal are sent to the scene of the crime, though several of them have to find detours; as far as two miles away, burning garbage trucks block intersections. Some squad cars report flat tires from caltrops.

The counters in Niklas’s office exchange a few nervous words. “These men must have known where the vault was,” one woman says. “They couldn’t have broken through any closer.” She turns away from the monitor in fright; a masked man is on the screen carrying a Kalashnikov.

The men in coveralls work quickly in the dust-filled room in front of the vault. They lay their guns down and stuff cash into the hockey bags, which they haul out to the cars two at a time. A million kroner in 100-kroner bills weighs 11 pounds; the bags look as if they weigh 80 or 100 pounds each. One of the men looks at his watch again. Twelve minutes have passed since the first window was broken. It’s time. The man in the ski goggles and bulletproof vest picks his automatic weapon up off the floor and squeezes through the hole and back into the Milton warehouse. The Audis take off. It’s 4:46 a.m.


Patrol commander Brian Holm Larsen is in the first squad car to arrive at Danish Value Handling. On the radio he hears other officers curse burning trucks and flat tires. By now, Larsen thinks to himself, the robbers have been here so long that they must assume the police have arrived or at least are nearby; they must have a plan for this situation. There’s no sense in playing Rambo now. He slips into a bulletproof vest and turns on his flashing blue lights. The officers in the other squad cars that have made it to the scene do the same. “They’re leaving now,” says a scratchy voice over the police radio at headquarters. Brian looks up and spots a light moving close to Danish Value Handling.


When the G4S security guard, René Rejnholdt Pedersen, pulls into Danish Value Handling, he thinks for a brief moment that the police must have beat him here. Three cars with lights on are coming toward him from the opposite direction as he pulls in behind the Milton building. He steps halfway out his car door to greet them, but Pedersen quickly realizes he’s mistaken. A stocky man in the passenger seat of the leading Audi points a gun at him; he’s parked in their way.

Pedersen nudges his car into reverse, and the Audis drive past him and out onto Kornmarksvej. They hesitate a second. At one end of the industrial zone, to the right, flashing blue lights are visible. Pedersen hears the cars rev their engines. The Audis peel out and turn left. And then they’re gone.


At 4:49 a.m., Nielsen walks into the Milton warehouse alone, illuminated by a squad car’s headlights, gun drawn. He can neither hear nor see anyone. All he sees is the back end of a front-end loader, resting in a chaos of smashed-up bricks, plaster, and torn money wrapping.


Torben Lund is awakened by the phone at his home in the Copenhagen suburbs. It’s happened—they took down DVH, an on-duty officer tells him. The robbers and their getaway cars vanished; several squad cars pursued the two Audis when they drove onto the freeway heading west, but when speeds reached 120 miles per hour, the police in their Ford sedans were forced to abandon the chase. The Audis haven’t been seen on any of the bridges leading away from Copenhagen. The robbers have disappeared.

The counting room is more or less destroyed. The money counters, in shock, aren’t much help. Technicians in white coveralls use tweezers, brushes, and plastic bags to comb through the mess of dropped bills and cement dust, hoping to find even a single clue to help the police get started.

Lund sighs deeply. The investigation now starting, which he has been placed in charge of, could mean months or even years of detective work. Early on this Sunday morning, the police don’t even know how much the robbers have stolen.

Four

The men sit in a living room, counting money. There are several of them, seated around a coffee table in a house they don’t own on Sealand, Denmark’s largest island, early on the morning of August 11. They took over the house simply because they could. The owner, Bjarne, didn’t dare say no to them.

The living room is filthy. The furniture and floors are sticky, the corners are filled with trash, and the smell is nauseating. Bjarne is in his sixties, thin and grubby, with a long beard. He drinks—a lot, as much as three cases of beer a day—and forgets about everything else. The men know that, these men who came busting into the farmhouse early on a Sunday morning.

Bjarne has retired to the kitchen to do his morning drinking. He doesn’t dare do anything else. He barely knows this gang of muscular young men, and now they’re sitting in his living room with their hockey bags like they own the place. One of them comes into the kitchen and grabs the television. He hauls it into the living room, and they turn it on to the teletext news-bulletin station. Bjarne doesn’t let himself hear what they talk about or see what they do. This is not good company, he thinks, not for him and not for John, his almost 40-year-old son.

Another man arrives with food from McDonald’s for the whole gang. This is the man Bjarne knows best—the only one he knows by name, in fact. Marco, he’s called. He’s obviously the gang’s gofer; the others order him around. Nevertheless, Bjarne is afraid of him.

Once, when he was a teenager, Bjarne’s eldest son, Hans, went on a shooting spree at a carnival in Copenhagen. He was thrown in jail and charged with assault with intent to kill, but he escaped. While on the run, drunk and high on pills, he killed his girlfriend with an ax. Many years later, when Hans was out on temporary release and went to visit his parents, he brought along a friend from prison. That’s how the family met Marco.

Bjarne had reluctantly given Marco permission to store some things in a room at the farm. What it was, Bjarne didn’t know. Fishing gear, maybe? Marco seemed to like to fish down by the gravel-pit lake across the road. To repay the favor, Marco brought some cheap booze and strong beer from a low-price store across the border in Germany, and everybody was happy for a while.

Bjarne sees something light up in the yard. Marco has lit a fire, and one of the visitors, a dark-skinned man, comes into the kitchen and pulls some bills out of his pocket, hundred-kroner or maybe thousand-kroner notes. Bjarne doesn’t want the money.


Maxim Bar, near Copenhagen’s Central Station train depot in Vesterbro, the city’s old red-light district, doesn’t try to hide what business it’s in. Shapely women writhe on the facade’s posters facing the street. Inside, the dim lights illuminate a 1980s-vintage Asian-themed interior: a golden Buddha here, a gold lamé curtain there, flower-print sofas. If you look closely in the faint light, you’ll notice that the sofas’ upholstery has seen much better days, but the Maxim Bar is still one of Copenhagen’s most expensive strip clubs. If you have the money, regulars say, you have first dibs on taking a woman back to your hotel room.

Katarina is one of the women. She’s young, in her late twenties maybe, dark-haired, Polish, and doesn’t know many people in Copenhagen other than the girls and bodyguards from the bar. On the evening of Sunday, August 10, she strikes up a conversation with a man from Sweden. He and his three or four friends are hard to miss when they show up at Maxim early that evening. His name is Chris, he tells her in English. He’s very tall, around six foot eight and muscular, 28 years old with a blondish beard. He has a business back home in Sweden that’s doing very well, he says. Katarina thinks he’s a nice guy, and he says she’s the only good-looking girl in the bar. The others look like transvestites, he says.

His friends are less easygoing, and as he keeps knocking back the booze, Chris gets rowdier, too. They all behave as if they’re celebrating something. One of the men in particular, a big guy dressed in sports clothing and sitting on a sofa, is loud; he really doesn’t need any more to drink, Katarina thinks. One of the others, a Danish-speaking guy who’s high on coke and has a loose false tooth and a tattoo of a girl’s name on his arm, is talking to Samira, a champagne girl from South America. He’s buying her vodkas.

Money is flowing; the false-toothed man goes up to the bar and buys a magnum of champagne for 4,000 kroner. Everyone who comes into Maxim that night gets handed a glass of champagne—even complete strangers. Chris and his merry band pay with thousand-kroner notes and tip every time. Chris is wearing loose pants, bodybuilder style. No wallet. Bills begin falling out of his pockets as he gets drunk. A bundle of thousand-kroner bills lands on the floor and Katarina picks it up. At least 50,000 kroner, she thinks.

It’s late when they leave the bar. Katarina is with Chris, and Samira meets up with the false-toothed man later. They disappear into the night, each to their own hotel room for a few hours. The men have stopped looking over their shoulders. They have been reading the news online; the police hunting them, they know, have no leads. 

Five

The Western District police station is awash in recriminations. Several investigators believe that a SWAT unit should have dug in at Danish Value Holding after the Milton break-in; at the very least, a police car should have been stationed on Kornmarksvej. Instead, the police have been thrown onto the field in a match where the robbers have already won the first half.

Judging from the known facts, the police are looking for at least 15 and in all likelihood 20 to 25 robbers. Besides the six men on the surveillance videos, the police reason that there must be at least one driver for every garbage truck and several others to help the drivers get away.

A burned-up Audi is found on Herstedøstervej, near the crime scene. No immediate clues there. It turns out it was stolen several months earlier from an auto-repair shop on the nearby island of Fyn. The trucks that were burned around the district hold more promise. All of them were stolen a few hours before the robbery from the M. Larsen trucking company on Vibeholmsvej, a couple of miles from Danish Value Handling. The torched vehicles are hauled into the police crime lab. In one of them, investigators find a pair of gloves that reek of gasoline but aren’t completely burned up.

Otherwise, the technicians get very little from the crime scene. There’s the front-end loader; it was stolen from a nearby construction site, but there are no fingerprints or DNA found on it. The surveillance tapes from Danish Value Handling and Milton show balaclavas, gloved hands, and coverall-clad male bodies that could belong to anyone.

Torben Lund and his investigators decide they must cast a wider net; they must go to the media. Someone out there must have seen something. As the fragments of information begin to pile up, the police can’t help but regard the robbers with a certain amount of respect. The organization, the planning, the details the thieves had to have known about—the building layout, the security company’s routines, how the garbage trucks were operated, the routes the police took to respond to emergencies—it must have taken months of preparation.

The robbers may have won the first half. But the second half is about to begin. 

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(PHOTO: DANISH NATIONAL POLICE)

Six

Bo from Sengeløse, a small town near Copenhagen, could have ended up in the “irrelevant” pile of police leads. He is the 58-year-old manager at a small gravel pit 19 miles west of the city, located among green fields and horse pastures between Sengeløse and the freeway. You’d have to know it was there or you wouldn’t notice it. But on the morning of Monday, August 11, Bo’s workers call, saying they’re up on the road and can’t get in. The chain lock on the gate was changed, for the second time in two weeks.

It’s annoying and also quite bizarre. Material and fuel being stolen from work sites is nothing unusual, but this pit is almost worked out and seldom in use. And why would thieves lock it up? Even more questions pop up when Bo arrives at the gravel pit. Bo’s company has two 40-foot shipping containers on-site, temporary garages for smaller equipment. Two weeks ago, their chain locks were cut. Vandalism, Bo thought at the time, but it didn’t matter much; the containers were empty.

Now they have chain locks on them again. “This is damn strange,” Bo says to his boss.

Torben Lund doesn’t think the call from Sengeløse is important when a young detective brings it to his attention. It’s Monday, August 11, only 24 hours after the robbery, and many other things are more pressing. But—and this is what caught the detective’s attention—the man who called the police, Bo, mentioned that the chain locks had also been changed two weeks ago, the same weekend the shelving had been moved at Milton. “Send a few people out there,” Lund says.

His phone rings an hour later. The detectives in the gravel pit are on to something.

Hidden inside the containers are two Audis with stolen license plates. One of the plates matches the one visible on the surveillance tape from Danish Value Handling. The police also find empty plastic sacks, ripped-up cardboard boxes, and other packing materials from Danish Value Handling—and two bulletproof vests.

While forensics experts have the cars towed away, the detectives talk. Why didn’t the robbers torch the Audis? Were they planning to use the cars again? Will they come back to pick them up? Do they dare?

Before the end of the day, the investigators have a plan. The police put new chain locks on the containers, with the same combinations as the old ones. Twenty-four-hour surveillance will be put in place, and a SWAT team will sit at the gravel pit while others patrol the area and stay on the lookout.

It’s a long shot.


With the SWAT team in position in Sengeløse, the investigators try to make sense of the other leads. Several pieces of evidence point to Sweden, or at least to a Swedish connection. It turns out that the three Audis from the gravel pit were stolen near Stockholm in May, three months before the robbery.

A security guard at Nokia’s corporate office in Copenhagen’s Sydhavn district, meanwhile, reported seeing something strange on a security camera early on the morning of August 10. A white van with Swedish license plates rolled into the parking lot, and the driver turned off the engine. The security guard zoomed in on the van. The driver, a dark-skinned man wearing a white jacket, got out of the vehicle. A light-skinned man with short dark hair got out of the passenger side and looked around; noticing the surveillance camera, he lifted the plastic sack in his hand and held it awkwardly in front of his face. After abandoning the van, the two men left the parking lot, nodded to each other, and walked off in opposite directions.

When the police take a look at the van, they discover that it was also stolen in Sweden, from a cemetery in Malmö in July. It seems to be the same van that Stine—the bartender who ran into the flaming barricade on her drive home Sunday morning—saw the man in the hoodie climb into after he had spread fire and caltrops onto the freeway.

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(Photo: Danish National Police)

Seven

A few minutes after 5 p.m. on the evening of Saturday, August 16, a week after the Danish Value Handling robbery, a dark Audi pulls off the highway and stops in front of the barrier to the gravel pit in Sengeløse. A man who looks to be about 40 gets out of the car. He has dark hair and is dressed neatly in jeans, a white T-shirt, and a black sport coat. He walks around to the passenger side, takes out a bolt cutter, and runs over to the barrier, which is secured with a thick chain and lock. The man presses with all his might to clip the chain, goes down on his knees in what looks like a parody of a bodybuilder’s squat, then tries a new position. The chain finally gives. Immediately, the man looks back toward the highway.

Three minutes later, four more men show up at the gravel pit’s containers. The SWAT team springs to attention. They’ve been watching for five days; finally something is happening.

The men are dressed in baggy jeans and sneakers. All of them wear white gloves. One of them is holding a plastic bag. Another has several license plates under his arm. The men open the combination locks. When they open the first container door, one of them peers inside. Even from a distance you can see his jolt of astonishment; the container is completely empty. The men rush over and throw open the other container—empty. Their shoulders fall.

As the men move to leave, the police have a choice to make. Should they arrest the men now, or risk everything and see where the men lead them? The decision is made more out of necessity than strategy; the police don’t have enough backup in place to step in at this moment. They have to buy some time.

The five men squeeze into the Audi. When the car pulls away and heads toward Copenhagen, it has company: unmarked police cars, hidden in the sparse Saturday traffic. The man in the white shirt makes a phone call on the way. Obviously, somebody has to be told about what happened at the gravel pit.

The man in the sport coat pulls into Sydhavn rail station, and his passengers get out. Two plainclothes policemen follow on foot. Before the doors of the Copenhagen commuter train close, they hop aboard, unseen by the four men.

The men get off the train in the center of the city, stop at a 7-Eleven, and walk toward the Vesterbro district. The police note that the men are in good spirits again, strangely enough. Much better than could be expected.

Later that evening, guests mill around the marble lobby of the Scandic Hotel, a popular tourist accommodation near Central Station. Among the well-heeled visitors, three young men sit in the lobby’s plush lounge chairs. They’ve ordered drinks. At 6:31 p.m., the man in the white shirt from the gravel pit walks up to the front desk.

Seconds later, two men—one in shorts, the other wearing a cap, a hoodie, and camouflage pants—storm into the lobby. A third man in jeans and a hoodie runs up toward the man at the desk, who barely has time to pull his hands out of his pockets before he is shoved up against the desk. Several more armed police burst into the lobby. The three men in lounge chairs are pushed down onto the floor. It’s over in less than a minute.


While the arrests at the hotel take place, an unmarked police car follows the Audi as it leaves Sydhavn station. After making a stop at an apartment complex in Copenhagen’s Valby district, the driver—the man in the sport coat—leaves the city with the police tailing him. The officers still haven’t decided whether to arrest him when the Audi surprises them by exiting the freeway at Sengeløse and heading back toward the gravel pit. The police try to stay as close as possible, but the road curves once, twice, and the Audi disappears. The officers drive farther on, then turn around and race back. They can’t understand it. There are so damn few roads out here to turn off on, how…?

They lost him.

Then the Audi pulls onto the road from a driveway to an old bright yellow farmhouse, heading back toward the highway. This time the plainclothes officers take no chances. When the car pulls into a gas station in Karlslunde, the officers calmly walk up to the dark-haired man in the sport coat.

It’s August 16, 6:44 p.m., and Marco Kristiansen is under arrest.

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(Photo: Danish National Police)

Eight

The five men appear at a preliminary hearing on Sunday, August 17, 2008, a week after the robbery at Danish Value Handling. Marco Kristiansen, a 40-year-old Dane, is a convicted rapist with a past as a motorcycle gang hanger-on and is the father of two children. The man in the white shirt at the gravel pit is Christoffer Wallin, a 28-year-old Swede with a six-year-old son and a younger stepdaughter. He’s just out of prison, having done time for seven robberies.

The three other men, all in their twenties, prove to be less of a catch. One has proof he was at home in Sweden on the night of the robbery. Another was in jail. A kind of out-of prison party had been held the day before for one of the young men at a Stockholm pub where, the three men tell police, Wallin had offered them easy money—20,000 kroner per man—to fly to Copenhagen with him the next morning, pick up three Audis, and drive them back to Sweden. After arriving in Denmark on August 16, they waited for Marco Kristiansen at the Central Station, then drove out together to Sengeløse. That was it. At most they can be charged with handling stolen goods.

The police turn their attention to Wallin. He doesn’t want to talk; he answers questions evasively, shrugs his shoulders, or stays silent. He denies any involvement in the robbery, saying that he had been given money to pick up three cars.

The police don’t believe him. They ask Swedish police to search his family’s apartment in Stockholm. Interesting things turn up: a parking ticket from Town Hall Square in Copenhagen dated August 8, 2008; a ticket for an adult and one child for a ride at Copenhagen’s Tivoli Gardens amusement park on August 9; and a white plastic key card from the Radisson Blu Royal, also in Copenhagen.

Wallin admits he was in Copenhagen around August 11, but not to do a robbery; it was a last-minute vacation with his kids, he says. Where had he, his girlfriend, and their two kids stayed that weekend? the police ask. Wallin can’t remember. The police question his girlfriend, who had no opportunity to coordinate her statements with him. She, too, can’t remember the name of the hotel the family stayed in, but she does recall that it was close to the Central Station, and also that there was a sign advertising tequila shots for ten kroner on its facade.


While Wallin keeps his mouth shut, Marco Kristiansen babbles his head off—that is, when the mood strikes him. Sometimes he says much more than anyone wants to listen to. Kristiansen is on the ropes. The police searched his residence in Fredericia, a couple hours’ drive west of Copenhagen, and his sister’s home in Valby. They found cell phones, phone cards, and a laptop. They also found a sheet of lined paper with clumsy cursive handwriting and spelling errors, a strange shopping list:

Lamps/lights for the roof. 3 pairs handcuffs. 10 pr ovralls size l and xl, 2 spades, 1 shuvel, 1 Gps … 3 knives, 2 hobby knives, 1 gas can 10 liters, plastic strips, … 10 cans teargas/pepper spray … 10 hairnets, 1 vacuum machine/bags. 1 ladder, 1 bolt cutter.

The police also turned up an Archos video recorder. At first glance, there appeared to be nothing on it, but the IT division discovered two grainy, deleted recordings. One file was recorded on March 15, 2008, the other a week later, on March 22.

On one recording, the video camera is attached to a rod that is lowered into Danish Value Handling’s warehouse through a broken skylight. The camera turns around like a curious eye, peering through ductwork and spiderwebs as it documents the layout of the room. On the other recording, the camera follows a Danish Value Handling employee, a driver who walks back and forth, emptying his vehicle of cash boxes, unaware that he’s being filmed from the roof.

Police investigators are positive that it’s Kristiansen’s whispery walkie-talkie voice that says “Someone’s coming.” The question is whose thick-accented voice answers from up on the roof: “OK, Marco, lemme work, lemme work… I’ll be down in ten minutes.”


Another detail nags at the police: Where was Kristiansen when he was out of sight of the unmarked police car tailing him out by the gravel pit? Was he in the yellow farmhouse?

Kristiansen denies it. He thought he was being tailed, he says, and turned into an unfamiliar driveway to shake his pursuers. The police don’t believe him, so a patrol is sent out to the farm. If the place seems suspicious, or if there is even a microscopic connection to Kristiansen, the officers have permission to search it.

Shortly after, the officers call in to headquarters. “It’s totally impossible out here,” one of them says.

The property had several additions built over the years, rented out to small businesses, which store tools, stock, and all kinds of junk there. A man and his son live in the rundown farmhouse itself. Bjarne is the father, John the son, and they are a pitiful sight. Nice enough, genuinely shocked by the police who are there to turn their home upside down, but also thin and unkempt. The father in particular is so drunk that the police occasionally worry that he’ll fall down and pass out.

Books are turned upside down, desks taken apart, trash cans overturned and their contents sifted through. After a sort of zoological discussion, a terrarium with snakes and other reptiles is emptied out. The search takes 30 officers two days. Almost all the rented storage sheds contain nothing of importance; only one, a small structure in a corner of the farm, catches their attention. After breaking down the door, the team finds comforters, coffee cups, a cake tin; someone has spent the night here. They also find three Kalashnikovs, a sawed-off shotgun, a bomb detonator and military-exercise explosives, three bulletproof vests, coveralls, balaclavas, a bag of PUC codes for Swedish cell phones, an owner’s manual for an Audi, a receipt for two expensive suitcases bought in Copenhagen, a pair of binoculars, work gloves, a Glock pistol, and small drawings with French captions.

When he’s questioned about this trove of evidence, Bjarne says he knows Kristiansen, yes, through his eldest son, the convicted murderer, but he knows nothing about any robbery. It’s difficult for the police not to believe this old man, who is shaking from withdrawal.

In the front yard are signs of a recent fire. There are dozens of twisted, charred pieces of cell phones, clumps of rebar—which, besides being used to reinforce concrete, can be cut up to make caltrops—and a handwritten note in which the numbers from one to sixty have been written and crossed out, as someone counting millions might do. The police are certain: this is the robbers’ hideout.

The media are in a frenzy over these new developments. But suddenly the police are being less informative; the investigations unit has a different agenda now. There are at least 15 criminals at large who, with the arrest of Wallin and Kristiansen, have now been given a warning as loud as a car alarm. The police assume that the conspirators, and the 60 or 70 million kroner they’ve made off with, are on their way out of Scandinavia.

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(Photo: Danish National Police)

Nine

Dorthe Mørch’s stomach begins to ache early Sunday morning when she hears about the big robbery. She had the same reaction several times before, whenever there was news about a cash heist. Each time she thought, It’s him. Her ex-boyfriend.

The last time it happened was the Loomis robbery on April 1. It’s Tayeb, she thought. It turned out not to be, but it was a bit worrying that he didn’t even resent that she thought that about him—that she thought he was the type who would commit a robbery. In fact he seemed irritated that someone else had gotten away with millions from Loomis. The robbery was “fucking mine,” he said.

Now, four months after the Loomis job, an almost identical heist. She has a bad feeling about it. Tayeb calls that day and asks if she’ll pick him up at the station in Nyborg. He wants to visit her for a few days in Odense, the city in central Denmark where she lives, just as they had planned. He sounds calm on the phone, like himself. He’s just fine, he says when Mørch asks. Everything is fine. Mørch crams her waist-high Doberman, Mozart, into her VW Lupo and takes off.

Not many people understand her relationship with Tayeb Si M’rabet, Mørch knows. Sometimes she doesn’t understand it herself. She’s both tough and vulnerable, a thin girl with mousy hair and a nose piercing; she met the self-assured, brown-eyed Si M’rabet at a time when she had few others to help her out. This was in 1999. She was very young then, she’d been thrown out of her home—her father had just died, she was lonely, and she couldn’t hold on to any of the jobs that came her way.

It wasn’t love at first sight when they met at a café in Odense. In fact, it’s possible they’d always had more of a sibling-like relationship. They’d formed an alliance; she was an outsider, a black sheep who would rather be with her dogs than with other people, while he had come to Europe from Algeria on his own—a stowaway on a cargo ship, as he so colorfully told her.

He was rarely in contact with his family—almost never. One day, after Mørch pressed him about it, he called his relatives in Algeria. He was told that his mother had died several years earlier.

But Si M’rabet took care of Mørch, seven years his junior, whenever he was with her, and also when her hemophilia gave her serious problems. He called her Pumpkin, and he cleaned her house from the top of the attic to the bottom of her cupboards. He brought her gifts. Some of them were hot, and she wasn’t happy about that, but the thought was what counted.

Si M’rabet and Mørch confided in each other, and she loved him. She doesn’t shy away from saying that he became the love of her life. He did tell her of his escapades on the wrong side of the law. They were numerous: when he felt talkative, he related incredible stories about prison escapes, threats, and money hidden away in strangers’ kitchen-range hoods. She knew he’d been convicted several times for, among other things, two cash-transport robberies, making threats, and possession of illegal firearms.

He had also been permanently exiled from Denmark. Twice. But he wasn’t worried about that. Once, two officers had put him on a plane to France, where he was a citizen. Mørch went along. As soon as they landed in Paris, they took a train back to Denmark. Denmark seemed to be an obsession for him. Why, Mørch still can’t explain.

Suddenly, a few years after they’d begun their relationship, he disappeared. She looked for several days, and finally she found him in jail in Malmö, Sweden, arrested for “something about some AK-47 rifles.” The most important thing to Mørch was that she’d found him. She and Si M’rabet always found each other. After his release, they moved in with each other and bought a puppy, Mozart.

Mørch, closing in on thirty in 2004, could easily live with Si M’rabet’s skeletons in the closet. A cop had looked her up and warned her about hanging around him; “He’ll get you in trouble someday,” he’d said. Mørch scoffed at the fatherly advice. Her philosophy in life, she says, is to judge people on how they treat her and only her.

As time went on, however, it became harder to endure Si M’rabet’s talk at the dinner table about the robberies he dreamed of committing. He thought it would be so great if the two of them, Tayeb and Dorthe, could become a modern-day Bonnie and Clyde. He asked Mørch strange questions about explosives, about bulletproof vests, phone jammers, and armored glass; she sometimes worked as a security guard. It seemed odd to Mørch, because she didn’t have the impression that he’d grown up in traumatizing poverty or was particularly preoccupied with money. He seemed to be more focused on becoming number one—becoming famous for his skill at robbery, gaining respect in the only circles where he could find a job.

Mørch found it tiresome. “So go do it. Do your robbery, or shut up about it!” she would tell him. She could be sarcastic; she’d tell him that she was ready to drive him to the robbery and pick him up afterward, and pay for the gas out of her own pocket, if he’d just shut up. Then he’d be hostile to her for a while. His eyes would turn to stone until he calmed down. She always forgave him, partly because she herself could be stubborn and hot-tempered. But Si M’rabet became more unstable. He would disappear for longer periods of time. There were also other women. Finally, in 2007, she asked him to move out of their row house in Odense, but they remained soul mates of a sort: two people who despite everything could count on each other.

This is why there is nothing unusual about him coming to visit her on this day in August 2008, even though Mørch has since met another man. Lovers or not, Mørch knows that she is the only one who is really concerned about Si M’rabet. She is the closest thing he has to family in Denmark.

But Mørch knows something is wrong the moment Si M’rabet gets into the car. He seems to be under pressure. Restless. He’s carrying a cardboard box that he says is full of money. He wants to show her the bills, but he’s evasive about where it’s from. He took it from some Swedes on a farm, he says.

Mørch begins to panic. It’s not right to just take money from somebody, she says. And no, she doesn’t want to see it. She doesn’t want the money in her red Lupo or back at her place. She refuses to drive anywhere.

That makes Si M’rabet very angry, in a way that Mørch has seen only a few times before. He sticks a gun right under Mørch’s nose, she recounts later. She cries—though not because she believes he’ll shoot her. She’s hurt that he could involve her in this, whatever it is. She feels that some undefinable line has been crossed forever.

She puts the Lupo in gear. Si M’rabet with his box of money sits in the front seat as they drive back to her house while Mozart wriggles around in his cage in the back. He loves Si M’rabet, too.

Ten


Back home in Odense, Mørch tries to smooth things over, as she usually does. She just wants everything to be nice and cozy, light, like in the old days. It almost works, though Si M’rabet acts like a caged lion—he can’t sit still for more than a few minutes. He plays with Mozart and goes along to visit Mørch’s sick mother. Mørch reciprocates by agreeing to drive him to Copenhagen, to the Nørrebro district, where he takes care of a few things while she waits in the car. She has a feeling that he’s exchanging money. There are places in Nørrebro where no one asks questions about amounts that exceed the legal limits.

Mørch doesn’t dare ask where the money comes from. Several days after the robbery, Danish Value Handling has calculated their loss. Si M’rabet reads it on the Internet: according to police, the robbers made off with 62 million kroner. “They don’t know what they’re talking about, the pigs. It was over 70 million!” Tayeb says. He also talks about “my friend Longi,” who screwed things up when he parked a truck someplace. And about a Marco, who “can’t do shit except pick up food.” Mørch hears this but doesn’t want to know anything about it. The week passes by in a fog.

On August 18, Si M’rabet proposes that they drive to France. He needs an Algerian passport, he says. Mørch brightens up. They’ve been to Paris before to take care of his papers; usually they have good times together there. Normal times.

OK, she says, but she has two conditions. He has to go along with her to the dentist when they get back. Several years ago she knocked seven of her teeth out while riding a horse, and she has finally found a dentist who will take on the job of replacing her temporary dentures with permanent teeth. But she is nervous about the operation and wants him to come along, and he makes her feel safe. He promises to do it.

The second condition is that she won’t allow him to bring the money along. And she will search the bags and the car before they leave Odense. Si M’rabet is enraged. He storms out into the yard, finds a spade, and starts working.


When Mørch wakes up in the hotel room in Paris, she hardly knows where she is. Somewhere close to Gare du Nord, probably. Si M’rabet is gone. She closes her eyes, still tired from the 16-hour drive. When she wakes up again, he’s back.

He has a bag. He’s been out in the city to meet up with a friend, Ripa, a nervous creature who smokes way too much hashish. Ripa also drove from Odense, following a couple hundred miles behind their red Lupo. Now that the bag has arrived, Si M’rabet sent Ripa home without so much as a thank you.

They were en route to Paris, halfway across Germany—without the box of money, according to Mørch—when a breaking-news text beeped on Mørch’s phone: a possible breakthrough in the Danish Value Handling case. Investigators had found the robbers’ hideout near Sengeløse, and it was full of weapons and abandoned articles. The text sent Si M’rabet into a panic inside the tiny car. It was the farm where he’d found the box of money; he’d also touched some weapons there, he said. The panic spread like an airborne virus to Mørch. Will the police be waiting when we get home?

Si M’rabet promised over and over again that it couldn’t possibly happen. Now he’s sitting in the hotel room breaking a different promise: He tells Mørch to drive home, alone. She doesn’t need to help him with his Algerian papers. He put an envelope containing money in her refrigerator. For gas and maybe a new muzzle for Mozart.

“But what about the dentist?” Mørch asks. She weeps all the way home.

Goddammit, he’d promised to go with her to the dentist.

Eleven

It’s not hard for the Copenhagen police to spot the hotel with the “Tequila 10—” sign. This has to be it, two blocks from the Scandic Hotel: Here on Victoriagade in the Vesterbro district, squeezed in between a lesbian club and the intersecting street, Vesterbrogade, lies Hotel Metropol and its bar, Touché.

This place isn’t for kids; even its employees call it sleazy. That’s why most of them noticed the Swedish-speaking family who had checked in on Friday, August 8. The couple had two small children, a boy and a girl, who played out in the dingy halls. Normally, the receptionist would recommend to such a family and the two men who accompanied them that they find a place more suitable to children. But, the receptionist explains to the police questioning her, the men who booked the rooms—one for the family, one for them—were desperate. Copenhagen’s fashion week had begun two days before, and all the other hotels were booked.

The receptionist looks in her registration book. There: The name was Vallin, Room 2, 650 kroner per night. The family’s two friends—a six-foot-four, bald, dark-skinned man in camouflage pants that hung so low that his Björn Borg undershorts were visible, and a somewhat older white man, a fat blue-collar type—were registered in Room 6 under the name Jonson. The receptionist says she saw them haul athletic bags up to their rooms. Long bags, like those used by hockey players.

One of the guests sticks out in her mind. Vallin, a very tall, muscular man with tattoos on his arms, wanted to pay in advance for two nights, both rooms. He pulled a wad of thousand-kroner bills out of his bodybuilder jeans and tossed 3,000 kroner on the desk. “Behåll växeln,” he said—keep the change. A 400-kroner tip for nothing.

Later that weekend, when the receptionist saw the group in the hotel bar, Vallin was waving around wads of money—maybe 10,000 kroner in all, she guessed. The bartender, Alfredo, remembers that he got 50 or 100 kroner every time he did something as simple as pour a beer. It was as if the Swedes were rich or celebrating something. Even before the woman and two children went home the following Monday, Vallin boasted about picking up a prostitute and having a good time with her at another hotel.

It might have been the generous and high-spirited style of the men at the Hotel Metropol that made them so popular there; several other men visiting them went in and out of the hotel. And a Danish-speaking man with dark hair and a tattoo on one forearm had checked in to the hotel and joined them.

Vallin’s name and description match. The team of investigators are certain that it was the man now in custody, Christoffer Wallin, who reserved the rooms. But who are the others: Jonson, the fat man, and the tattooed man who spoke Danish?


A Danish law passed in 2006, known as the Data Retention Directive, compels telecommunications companies to register practically all cell-phone activity on their networks. It’s this new law that investigators put their faith in after their breakthrough of finding the hideout. What follows is the most comprehensive analysis of phone traffic Danish police have ever attempted.   

The police collect data from the towers around Danish Value Handling, the police headquarters in Albertslund where the two burning trucks were placed, and M. Larsen, where the 11 garbage trucks were stolen. As the data are organized, 18 phone numbers stick out from the rest. They have conspicuously common characteristics: Several of them are in numerical order. Most of them were used shortly before the robbery took place and apparently haven’t been used since. They were in contact with each other on the night of the robbery but seldom with anyone else.

Torben Lund’s investigators dub the 18 numbers the DVH phones, for Danish Value Handling. They take a closer look at the calling patterns. It appears that DVH8 and DVH10 made short but numerous calls to the other DVH phones, which were waiting at several places, including an indoor swimming pool and a supermarket. After this chain of calls, the garbage trucks were driven to their destinations and set on fire. The police conclude that the men using the DVH8 and DVH10 phones must be the ones who set the robbery in motion.

The police repeat the entire data-mining procedure with the “prep operations,” as they dubbed the strange break-in at Milton, the spying done from the roof, and the theft of the front-end loader, which the police found parked and abandoned a week before the robbery. The investigators find with a certain satisfaction that, once again, 18 phones stick out.

The traffic on the phones that Christoffer Wallin, Marco Kristiansen, and the three young Swedes had on them when they were arrested at the Scandic Hotel must also be analyzed. There’s also a pattern of phone numbers used for short communications in the period right after the robbery. But the laborious spreadsheet hunt is necessary to answer the decisive question: Who had the phones in their hands?


The suspicious material from Bjarne and John’s farmhouse is examined for fingerprints. The gloves that survived the fire in one of the garbage trucks are sent to the lab for DNA analysis, along with some possible evidence that arrived the day after the robbery. Early that Sunday morning, a woman in Brøndby was checking on her garden when she found a bundle of clothes there: a gray Adidas hooded sweatshirt, a blue Yankees cap, and a pair of work gloves. There were several more pairs of gloves by her toolshed.

The hoodie and the cap don’t immediately yield a DNA match, nor do the gloves from the truck. Only when Torben Lund’s investigators request that the DNA profiles be run through the Swedish database does something show up: There is biological material on the clothes from Daniel Stokic, a 23-year-old self-described hashish smoker who still lives with his parents in Malmö. And on the gloves are traces of DNA from Igor Jakovjev, also 23 and from Malmö, a known master thief.

Meanwhile, the lab reports on the fingerprints on a mug and a coffee can found at the farmhouse hideout come back with two names. One is Lahoucine Mahrir, a 29-year-old Moroccan-born man living in Denmark whose friends call him Longi, a known pickpocket and small-time criminal. The other set of fingerprints, on a spray can of gun oil and the trigger of a Kalashnikov, belong to a man convicted of robbery and later deported from Denmark: a 38-year-old French-Algerian named Tayeb Si M’rabet.

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(Photo: Danish National Police)

Twelve

Frederik Nielsen is about to go nuts. He has been put through a lot in his career as a police investigator, but what he has to listen to on this Saturday night takes the cake. The woman is singing. In fact she’s in the middle of something like a 40-minute karaoke session of children’s songs on the computer. A friend of hers on the other end of the line is peeping along.

The woman doesn’t have the world’s greatest voice, Nielsen is thinking. But there’s nothing to be done about it; he has to listen to everything she says on the phone and the computer in her row house in Odense. He’s reaching his breaking point when he hears a strange beep.

“So, you’re going to talk to two people on two phones?” asks the man she’s been talking to.

“Nah, it’s just my retardo ex calling,” the woman says.

The police have been listening in on Dorthe Mørch for quite some time. As soon as Tayeb Si M’rabet’s name came up in the investigation, her name followed. She was marked down as his ex-girlfriend, her home as Si M’rabet’s favorite place to hang out.

The DNA and fingerprint analyses have added four more names to the list of people who most likely were in on the robbery: Stokic, Jakovjev, Mahrir, and Si M’rabet. The problem is that the investigators have no idea where the two North African men, Mahrir and Si M’rabet, are. The theory is that they left Denmark, but where to? Africa? Asia? The North Pole? Nobody knows. As far as the two Swedes, Stokic and Jakovjev, are concerned, tactics must be carefully considered. If a Danish-Swedish police action against them takes place now, it’s a sure thing that Mahrir and Si M’rabet will never show their faces in Denmark again.

The strategy chosen by Lund’s team—patience and an absolute ban on any information about the case becoming public—is risky, but it’s also the only way to get their hands on who they consider to be the leaders of the gang. They have to convince the robbers that the investigation is stymied again. Then they have to wait for the right moment.

One part of the strategy is bugging Dorthe Mørch. They need to know when and if Tayeb Si M’rabet calls her. He might reveal his whereabouts. The bugging has been going on for weeks; Mørch has spoken with her friends, the veterinarian, her new boyfriend, and the local pizzeria. There’s no trace of Si M’rabet—not until the night when Frederik Nielsen is forced to listen to her sing karaoke. Then it hits him: Of course! Mørch has another phone that the police don’t know about—a Tayeb phone.

Soon after the tap on the phone is in place, Si M’rabet’s voice comes through the police speakers. As expected, he calls Mørch from outside the country, from Algeria. The police can forget about having him arrested and extradited; law-enforcement collaboration there is an uncertain business. Instead, the police have to hope that he comes back to Denmark.

There are indeed indications that Si M’rabet plans on returning. The conversations between him and Mørch take on a strange form, almost as if they’re speaking in code, but the signs are there. At the end of November 2008, the police record a minute-and-a-half-long conversation. “Hi, Pumpkin,” Si M’rabet says.

“How are you doing?” Mørch asks.

“I’m OK. I’ve been in the hospital,” he says, distorting his voice like a playful child.

“What’s wrong with you?” Mørch asks.

“Nothing is wrong with me. Me have fixed something very goooooood,” Si M’rabet says, even more playfully.

“Oh, that’s good, sweetie.”

“No problem. OK? That’s the first thing.”

“Hmm.”

“And the other thing is fixed, too. I’m waiting on the third thing, then I’ll take the high-speed train to you,” Si M’rabet says.

“OK, that’s good,” Mørch says.

Si M’rabet doesn’t ask her how she’s doing. “I got my teeth,” she says.

“You got what?”

“I got my teeth,” she says. After several operations at the dentist in Århus, she is now rid of her temporary upper dentures.

“Oh, OK. Yeah, yeah… yeah,” he says, and continues. “And tomorrow I have to wait for this guy who has to talk to me. I have to talk to him, and then he has to do some things for me, and he has to help with some things, and then everything is good.”

“OK, that’s good.”

“No problems, baby love. I’ll check up on you a little later, baby, OK?”

“No problem. Take care, OK? And say hi to Longi,” Mørch says.

Thirteen

Damn. Of all the days in the year he could return to Denmark, Si M’rabet of course chooses Christmas Eve. For months the investigation has consumed Torben Lund’s time; now Christmas Eve is in jeopardy.

Si M’rabet’s phone left Algeria, and over the past few days it has connected with cellular towers in Spain, France, and Germany. Today, Si M’rabet will reach Denmark, if the police have calculated correctly, and therefore the investigators have come in for a briefing on this Christmas Eve day in Albertslund. Even the top department officials left their traditional holiday meals of marzipan pigs and roast duck behind.

In Odense, Frederik Nielsen is waiting for a signal. He and his two partners sit in a car and receive regular updates from headquarters. Phone surveillance shows that Si M’rabet arrived in Denmark on a ferry from Germany. He just called Mørch from a Danish train station. Mørch’s mother died a few months ago, and though Si M’rabet is a Muslim and doesn’t celebrate Christmas, he thinks that she shouldn’t have to sit alone on Christmas Eve, he told her on the phone tapped by the police.

Si M’rabet steps off the intercity train in Odense. He takes the elevator down to street level. When the elevator doors open, he is met by plainclothes policemen who grab him and drag him out of the elevator. In the midst of the Christmas atmosphere on the street in front of the station, they throw him down onto the cold sidewalk, roll him over onto his stomach, and handcuff him. “Welcome home,” the policemen say.

Nielsen’s assignment is to arrest Mørch as soon as possible after Si M’rabet has been grabbed. He and two other officers wait in a car on the northwest edge of Odense. They know that Mørch has an enormous dog, but they don’t know how aggressive it is. The youngest of the three officers gets stuck with the task of finding out. When the three arrive, he politely knocks on the door. Mørch opens it, and the officer lunges inside with his arm out. Mørch yells and holds her face in her hands; a zipper on his sleeve grazed her eye. Mozart the Doberman wags his tail and rubs up against the guests.

Nielsen eats Christmas Eve roast pork in the police station cafeteria. His only company, an Arabic interpreter, sticks with potatoes.

Si M’rabet and Mørch sit in two separate interrogation rooms. They haven’t seen each other yet and won’t for the entire following year. Si M’rabet says very little. He had nothing to do with the Danish Value Handling heist, he insists. He was in Morocco when the robbery was committed, he says, and he can prove it from the papers in his bags: receipts, cell-phone photos, and X-rays of an injured foot from a Moroccan hospital.

Mørch cried in the car all the way from Odense to Albertslund. The police searched her house top to bottom and found envelopes containing several thousand kroner, some phones, and a computer. Not much else of interest. They have spared her the humiliation of riding in the car in handcuffs, but the thought of having abandoned Mozart back home is unbearable. Is he going to have to be put to sleep? she wonders.

Mørch has consented to being interrogated without a lawyer. She realizes later that this was a mistake, but nobody answered the phone at her lawyer’s office, tonight being Christmas Eve. Nielsen is hard on her. He has a feeling that she has something on her mind, so he pushes her. “Now you’re lying!” he says. Mørch bawls, yells at him, then slumps back, exhausted.

The truth is that the police have never regarded her as an accomplice in the robbery. Nielsen thinks that the girl in front of him is good-hearted and somewhat naive, and she has gotten herself involved with people she should have stayed away from. He thinks Si M’rabet has brainwashed her, and he tells her so. All Mørch says is that she wants to go home to Mozart, no matter what; she is thinking that she’s practically willing to confess to anything they accuse her of, so long as she can be with him.

Close to midnight, Nielsen decides that they’ve gone as far as they can. Mørch will have to go back to jail and appear before a judge the next morning. He writes up his report, sets it in front of Mørch to sign.

Instead, she flings the papers in his face, and for the first time that evening she startles him with an angry question: “When are you going to ask about the four million?”

Fourteen

Torben Lund has finished eating dinner at home when Nielsen calls from the station. “Do you have a spade?” Nielsen asks.

“What?”

“We’ve looked all over the station. We need a spade,” Nielsen says.

“Can’t this wait until tomorrow?” Lund asks.

“No, it can’t. Apparently, we’re better at interrogating than searching.”

Soon they’re sitting in Lund’s car, headed for Odense, Lund and another officer up front and Mørch and Nielsen in back. Christmas Eve has turned to Christmas Day; they’ve been at this for 15 hours now.

Nielsen made an unusual deal with Mørch. “Would you like to know who did the Danish Value Handling job and where the money is?” she asked in the interrogation room. Nielsen would like to know, yes. Mørch demanded that she be released and returned home to Mozart.

Nielsen scratched his head at that. A release was out of the question. But if she told them where the money was, he promised he would personally drive her to her home in Odense twice a week until her trial was over. That way she could take Mozart out for walks.

“It’s under the terrace,” she said. It had been only a few hours since Nielsen was standing out on that miserable terrace behind her house, smoking a cigarette on break. And now Mørch was saying he’d crushed out his cigarette on top of several million kroner?

He is no longer in doubt when they’re in the car. There is something about Mørch that he trusts. She’s not the world’s greatest liar; her shoulders sink when she tells the truth. She seems relieved now, despite everything.

In Odense, on the weed-infested terrace in Mørch’s backyard, is a picnic table. Mørch points under it. Judging from the mixture of sand and soil, it’s obvious when Nielsen and the other officer pry the slabs up that someone has been digging around under there. Mørch notes that the other officer, a woman, does most of the digging. Typical, she thinks.

A few inches below, the spade hits a package, then a plastic box. The contents are packed tightly and wrapped snugly in several layers of plastic sacks, a paper bag from a discount store, and brown tape. The officers cut the packages open. Inside, bundles of 500- and 1,000-kroner bills are neatly stacked. In a freezer bag, rolled up in a checkered tea towel, they find a loaded seven-millimeter Beretta pistol. Mørch gasps. She didn’t known the gun had been there all this time.

“Should we dig farther down?” Nielsen asks, looking at Mørch. She shakes her head.

They drive back to Albertslund with the money, just under four million kroner, in the dirt-smeared sacks. This, Lund is thinking, is the biggest Christmas present he’s ever gotten.


Precisely 3,449,000 kroner is what it comes to when the investigators count the money in the bags the next morning. Putting together what Mørch and Marco Kristiansen have said, this is half of Tayeb Si M’rabet’s share of the Danish Value Handling job. He should have gotten eight million kroner. The police guess that Si M’rabet’s stoner friend Ripa drove the rest to Paris and dropped it off there.

Three and a half million kroner is nothing to sneeze at. But it’s still only 5 percent of what the robbers made off with. Where’s the rest?

The investigators believe that Si M’rabet must have been one of the main organizers of the robbery. The analysis of the cell-phone traffic indicates that one of the 18 DVH phones was his. Several times the phone was tracked traveling from Odense to Brøndby, and it was on Kornmarksvej not only during the robbery but also during several trial runs. Judging from the thickly accented “lemme work” voice heard on Kristiansen’s video recording, Si M’rabet is also the man who spied on Danish Value Handling early that spring. On Mørch’s computer, which Si M’rabet has used, police also find screen shots from Danish Value Handling’s website and Google Earth searches for the company’s handling-center address. 

Fifteen

By the beginning of 2009, the investigation is in its fifth month, and Tayeb Si M’rabet, Christoffer Wallin, and Marco Kristiansen are in jail. So are the three Swedes who came to pick up the cars; Lahoucine Mahrir, the pickpocket whose fingerprints were found at the farmhouse; and Dorthe Mørch. Analyses of Kristiansen’s phone show that he was home in Fredericia during the Danish Value Handling robbery. Assuming there were six robbers and at least 14 or 15 men assisting on August 10, the police still haven’t got their hands on at least 10 to 15 people.

But the list of suspects is growing. Phone conversations and meetings between people who ordinarily shouldn’t know each other pop up in the phone data. Many of the discoveries can be traced back to Wallin’s arrest. In Wallin’s Stockholm apartment, Swedish police find a plastic key card from the Radisson Blu Royal Hotel in Copenhagen. The hotel staff says that it wasn’t given to Wallin, however. The room was rented from August 13 to 15 by a Swedish man, Mikael Senbit.

The guest book shows that this Senbit and his friends were charged a substantial amount for cigarette burns on a coffee table, and someone in the room called an escort service. When the police look up the women who got the job on the night of August 13, they say that their customers had a cardboard box full of cash in the hotel room. “Take whatever you want,” they’d been told when the cocaine dust began to settle at the party’s end. The streetwise escort girls took only an amount that covered their hourly fees, but the men came running after them and stuffed more bills into their bras.

Police compare a photo of 26-year-old Senbit with the image of the man who stepped out of the white van in the Nokia parking lot shortly after the robbery; the Nokia security guard took an excellent photo of him, zoomed in very close. It looks like Senbit. And when the investigators show Senbit’s photo to employees at the Hotel Metropol, they confirm that he’s the tall, nearly bald man in the low-hanging camouflage pants who on August 8 checked in to the hotel under the name Jonson, together with the Wallin family. Senbit’s family also received a call from a pay phone in Copenhagen’s Vesterbro district on August 10, the evening after the robbery.

A detailed combing of telecommunications-company records shows that a call to a woman in Stockholm was made from the same pay phone. The woman is the girlfriend of a 35-year-old Danish man, Morten Rasmussen. This name brings smiles to the faces of the investigators at the Western District police station. The police went through the data from the phones used in connection with the unsuccessful car pickup at the gravel pit. One of the phones’ call history contains a landline number in the town of Randers, Denmark. It turns out that the Randers subscriber has a son in Sweden with sticky fingers. The previous year he was found guilty of blowing up a bank vault. His name is Morten Rasmussen, too.

Going through the phone records, the police also note that one of the phones used in the days after the robbery had called Samira, the champagne girl from the Maxim Bar, several times on the evening of Sunday, August 10. When Torben Lund talks to Samira in her Copenhagen apartment, she tells him that the man she met that evening, besides being high on cocaine, had a loose front tooth and a tattoo of his daughter’s name on his left arm. The description fits Morten Rasmussen exactly.


On January 7, Swedish police in Stockholm arrest Mikael Senbit. In Malmö, Swedish officers take Daniel Stokic and Igor Jakovjev into custody. At the same time, a naked Morten Rasmussen wakes up on his sofa in his suburban Stockholm apartment to an unusual sound.

Rasmussen had come home late last night from his job at a fruit and vegetable wholesaler. He is supposed to go back to work soon. At times he works insane hours, works hard, to earn money that he spends prudently. For recreation—his trips to casinos and his cocaine habit—he finds money elsewhere and spends it with an easy-come-easy-go mentality. When he was young, when he hung out with the rough crowd in Stockholm, the money came from stealing, blowing up bank vaults, or doing favors for others planning bigger robberies. Money came in if the plans were successful. That’s how it works; you contribute by playing a small part in a large operation, and you get paid accordingly. Everything goes smoothly in these circles if everyone has a full stomach, so to speak.

Rasmussen gets up from the sofa. Somebody’s trying to break in, he is thinking. Several weeks ago, his neighbor, a priest, told him that some men had been peeking into Rasmussen’s windows when he wasn’t home. The priest thought they were police. Rasmussen didn’t understand it. Nowadays, his criminal activities are few and far between. He is older now, he has a six-year-old daughter, and he prefers less risky ways of getting ahold of recreational money.    

Rasmussen, still stark naked, grabs an air rifle from his closet and peeks out his kitchen window; 20 to 30 officers are out there in riot gear, with raised weapons. They’ll shoot him if he’s holding the air rifle, he thinks. He puts it back in the closet and returns to his living room. He considers making a run for it, but only for a second. It’s January, freezing cold, and full daylight, and he doesn’t have a stitch of clothing on. Instead, he lies down on the floor on his stomach, his arms and legs spread. He hears a window being broken. A teargas grenade lands in his neighbor’s apartment by mistake. When the Swedish police break into his apartment, yelling and swearing, all he can see from floor level are black boots, smoke, and his toy spaniel, Vaflen—Waffle—hiding underneath the sofa, shaking with fright.

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Morten Rasmussen (Photo: Mads Nissen)

Sixteen

In 14 days, police have made six arrests. There are now eight suspects in custody. For weeks, both the Danish and Swedish authorities haul them into hearings, hoping that they will shed light on the biggest robbery ever committed in Denmark.

But the hopes are mostly in vain. Except for Marco Kristiansen, the suspects refuse to say more than is absolutely necessary. They name no names and deny knowing each other. They claim a variety of alibis, which is a logical enough strategy: The police may have videos of the robbery, but the figures on camera are wearing balaclavas. As long as the suspects keep denying everything, the burden of proof rests with the police.

Still, by the summer of 2009, a rough sketch begins to materialize of the suspects’ activities in the weeks leading up to the robbery. According to the video from Milton’s roof, Tayeb Si M’rabet and Kristiansen had already begun their reconnaissance in the early spring of 2008. On July 26, several cars linked to the suspects drove over the Oresound Bridge to Copenhagen, according to photos at the toll gate. Cellular-tower records show that Si M’rabet’s phone was near the Sengeløse farmhouse around noon that day, and later that same afternoon several men crawled through the window of the Milton warehouse and moved the shelving away from the wall separating the warehouse from Danish Value Handling. The next night, the robbers’ phones connected with a tower close to the warehouse.

On August 3, the license plates that later were on the stolen Audis in the gravel pit were taken off vehicles in Copenhagen. A total of seven robbers’ phones were moving around the Danish Value Handling area the night of August 4 and early-morning hours of August 5, 2008—perhaps a dress rehearsal or a final test of the time it would take the police to respond to an alarm.


In jail, Daniel Stokic—the 23-year-old man from Malmö whose DNA was found on the hoodie and Yankees cap discarded in the garden plot not far from Danish Value Handling—isn’t saying much. But when police search his computer, they discover a number of interesting online chat logs. On August 11, the day after the robbery in Denmark, he chatted with a friend, 24-year-old Naief Adawi, about an article headlined “Big Robbery in Copenhagen’s Western District Last Night.”

“What, does it say the biggest robbery?” Stokic asked.

“No, hell no, brother,” Adawi replied.

The two chatted several times over the next month, exchanges that seemed to be about dividing money among 15 people. Adawi seemed dissatisfied with his share. During one chat, he said he was going to talk to someone named Khalid about his frustration.

“What are you going to say [to him]?” Stokic asked during a chat on September 7, 2008.

“3,2 mill. – hahaha,” Adawi wrote.

“Yeah, he’ll shoot you,” Stokic wrote back.

When the police check Adawi’s phone, it so happens that he received nine calls on the evening of August 11 from a phone linked to the Danish Value Handling break-in. During the preparations and the robbery itself, his phone was turned off; otherwise it never was. A coincidence? Or a pattern? In addition there is this Khalid, spoken of in the chats as “sick” and “brainwashed.”

In Adawi’s and Stokic’s circle, there are three brothers by the name of Zahran, known all too well by the Swedish police. Around July 31, 2008, several of the phones linked to the Danish Value Handling break-in, including Si M’rabet’s, were in Malmö, near the Hotel Ibis, where Khalid Zahran, the middle brother, had rented two rooms. Calls from Zahran’s phone to younger friends in Malmö corresponded precisely with the times involved in the Danish Value Handling robbery. Swedish police move to arrest the Malmö suspects.


It’s now November 2009. Fifteen months have passed since the Danish Value Handling robbery. The case has to go to trial, and soon; according to Danish law, suspects can be held without trial for only one year, unless a judge believes there are “very special circumstances.” Even though Denmark’s biggest robbery surely qualifies as special circumstances, the police prosecutors don’t want to try the court’s patience. The first man arrested, Christoffer Wallin, has now been in custody for 15 months under the terms of a special exemption. Tayeb Si M’rabet has been in jail for 11 months, many of them in isolation. It’s torture; he is going crazy, he complains.

The three young men who went to pick up the cars at the gravel pit were given short sentences for handling stolen goods. Frederik Nielsen, meanwhile, has kept his promise to Dorthe Mørch: He has driven her back and forth from Copenhagen to Odense twice a week so she can spend time with her dog, Mozart. She and the policeman have gradually become friends. When she is sentenced to three years in prison for dealing with stolen goods—a harsh sentence, though it is later reduced to two years—Nielsen has to hold himself back from leaping up and yelling at his own prosecutor, “We’ll appeal!”

The 14 suspects still awaiting trial will be charged with aggravated robbery “under extremely exacerbating circumstances,” arson, possession of weapons, and endangering the lives of others. “This is a crime of such character,” says Kim Christiansen, the district attorney prosecuting the case, “that all those involved must have had knowledge of the master plan, regardless of whether they were one of the robbers or just a driver. The mere risk that someone could happen to talk too much or not execute his job precisely on time was serious enough that they all must have known about the target.”

In his fifties now, Christiansen has spent almost 20 years with the police. In the late autumn of 2009, he is assigned the job of assessing whether the 15 months of work Torben Lund and his team have done will hold up in court. “Because of the fact that we are attempting to prosecute all the defendants as a single entity,” Christiansen later says, “we run the risk that any weak evidence against any one defendant can cause the entire structure to collapse from the bottom.”

The indictment is finally ready in December 2009. But one important thing is missing: a man who has the investigators in a state of limbo and may hold the key to understanding where the rest of the money went. Where in the world, they want to know, is Lucky Lukas Hasselgren?

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Lukas Hasselgren (Photo: Mads Nissen)

Seventeen

Early in the robbery investigation, high-ranking police officials from the Western District began making regular visits to Stockholm, where they hoped to draw on the Swedes’ much greater experience with violent organized robberies. In 2005, the Swedish National Police, fed up with the country’s wave of such crimes, set up a task force to analyze them. Gradually, they compiled a list of over 600 people who were suspected of or had actually taken part in major robberies in Sweden. Two hundred of them were considered to be the nucleus of this crime epidemic.

On one of the Danish investigators’ first trips, the Swedish police pulled out their Top 200 list. One of the names belonged to a stocky 36-year-old Stockholm apprentice painter named Lukas Hasselgren. His nickname was said to be Tjockis, Swedish for “Fatty.” Others called him Lucky Luke, after the Belgian comic-book cowboy.

On August 16, 2008, when Christoffer Wallin, the three young Swedish men, and Marco Kristiansen left the gravel pit near Sengeløse on their way to the Hotel Scandic, Wallin made a phone call—after which the mood in the car brightened considerably. Kristiansen later told police that the man Wallin spoke to reassured the three young Swedes that they would be paid even though the cars had vanished.

After Wallin and his three friends were arrested, when the police went through Hotel Scandic’s surveillance recordings, they found something interesting. At 11:30 a.m. that same day, Kristiansen entered the hotel to rent a room—not for himself, but for an odd couple, a stout man in his mid-thirties and his 20-year-old Filipino girlfriend, who would arrive an hour later. Shortly before that, Kristiansen and the stout man had been captured on a surveillance camera at a store elsewhere in the city, leaving the store with two Samsonite suitcases—the receipt for which would later be found at the farmhouse near Sengeløse.

At 5:32 p.m., 15 minutes after Wallin called a cell phone in the Copenhagen area, the heavyset man and his girlfriend showed up again on a surveillance camera near the hotel lobby elevator, on their way up to their room, only to leave again five minutes later. It was Lukas Hasselgren and his girlfriend, Maya—alerted to trouble, the police believed, by Wallin’s phone call.

The police don’t realize all of this until it’s too late. Later, Hasselgren tried making several unsuccessful calls from a rarely used new phone—including one call to the phone Wallin was holding when he was arrested. Hasselgren and Maya checked in the next day at a hotel in Hamburg, Germany, and on August 18, 2008, they flew to Thailand. Did he bring along the millions from Danish Value Handling?


A liaison officer in Thailand is put on the case. The investigators in Albertslund have the distinct impression that Thai authorities have located the hefty Scandinavian, but first the Thais want a certain document, then another. Time passes.

Meanwhile, the investigators try to firm up the evidence connecting Hasselgren with the robbery. Hasselgren is an experienced man, according to Swedish criminal records. His latest convictions, several years earlier, were for planning a robbery of a valuables transport and for illegal possession of firearms. In both cases, the Swedish police were able to foil his plans before they could be carried out, but the cases have familiar elements: stolen Audis hidden in containers, burning cars, caltrops.

The investigators know that Hasselgren knows Wallin; they’ve done time together. That they know each other proves nothing in itself. But on the farm near Sengeløse the police found a bag with ten PUK code cards—used for unlocking mobile phones—for Swedish phones. One of the numbers ends in 3055 and turns out to have connected to a tower very close to Hasselgren’s residence in Stockholm: 3055 had contacted Christoffer Wallin many times.

On August 8, Wallin’s phone and 3055 followed each other to Malmö, and at 3:11 p.m. the surveillance camera at the Oresound Bridge photographed the Wallin family’s Volvo and Mikael Senbit’s rental car, with another man apparently sitting in the front passenger seat, driving through the toll gate on the way to Denmark. Senbit later explained that Wallin had asked him to bring along to Denmark someone who couldn’t drive. Hasselgren doesn’t have a driver’s license.

That afternoon the mismatched group of people checked into the grubby Hotel Metropol: the Wallins with their two small children, Senbit, and an overweight white male blue-collar-worker type. When the investigators show a stack of mug shots to hotel employees, two of them identify Lukas Hasselgren as the overweight man. And judging by his body shape, he could be the man in coveralls stretched to the point of bursting in the surveillance-video footage from the scene of the Danish Value Handling heist.

Pressure on the Thai authorities from the Western District grows—but soon the Thais report that Lukas Hasselgren has left the country, traveling to the Philippines. In December 2009, as the indictment against the other 14 suspects is nearly finished, immigration authorities arrest Hasselgren in Manila. “The government will not permit our country to become a refuge for wanted foreign criminals,” the country’s immigration minister, Marcelino Libanon, tells the local media.

Awaiting extradition, Hasselgren is locked up in the Bicutan Detention Center, an overcrowded, gang-infested prison in Manila. By now, Maya has left him; he beat her several times, she says during a police interrogation, even in front of her parents. Months pass with paperwork and dragging feet. Back in Denmark, the trials in the Danish Value Handling case must start without Lucky Luke. 

Eighteen

The proceedings begin on March 8, 2010, at Glostrup Court, where cases from Copenhagen’s Western District are heard. Outside the modern judicial building in this Copenhagen suburb, dozens of officers armed with submachine guns stand guard as the accused arrive, each in his own car with sirens screaming. Theoretically, anything is possible; the police calculate that five or six accomplices are still at large.

Escorted by uniformed officers, the defendants are the last ones to enter the courtroom, one by one, each uncuffed as they sit down with their respective lawyers. Some of them are wearing shirts that fit tightly over their muscular bodies. Others hide their heads beneath hoodies and caps.

The charges are serious. Christiansen, the district attorney, wants all of them convicted for robbery “jointly and in prior agreement” and requests a sentence of up to 15 years for every one of them. With the exception of Marco Kristiansen, every defendant pleads not guilty.

There is an enormous amount of material to be presented: testimonies, DNA evidence, fingerprints, surveillance video. But the challenge for Kim Christiansen and his two fellow prosecutors is to present what they call the chain evidence. By reeling off the cell-phone numbers, the placement of the cell towers, and the photos from the Oresound Bridge, the prosecution must establish that the 14 defendants participated in both the planning and execution of the robbery.

Most of the defendants refuse to testify, but Tayeb Si M’rabet has prepared a defense. He was on a trip during the robbery, he says, speaking through a French interpreter. His hotel and medical receipts, cell-phone photos, a ferry ticket, and an X-ray from a Moroccan hospital prove this, he says. No, says the prosecution; all the pieces of Si M’rabet’s evidence are forgeries. In fact, they argue, police found a pad of blank hotel receipts in his baggage when he was arrested.

Then one of the prosecutors makes an unusual demand: “Say in Danish: ‘Lemme work.’”

Si M’rabet leans forward toward the microphone and says the words. The video recorded two years earlier from the roof of Danish Value Handling is then played.

“Are you the one who is speaking on that recording?” the prosecutor asks.

“I’m not Spiderman,” he says. “It’s not me speaking. It sounds like a Turk.”

Dorthe Mørch watches the proceedings, shaking uncontrollably. She has been called in as a witness against Si M’rabet. During a recess, Morten Rasmussen holds his hand in the form of a pistol and points it at her. A jury member and a policeman see him do it, and the entire trial is halted even though Rasmussen denies the whole thing.

Mørch is used to this type of thing by now. She is followed around in prison by the defendants’ loyal aides, who threaten to beat her up. She hardly dares leave her cell to go to the bathroom. Now she studies her ex-boyfriend, whom she hasn’t seen for a few years. “It is Tayeb’s voice on the recording,” she says later. “There’s no way he can talk his way out of it.”

More than two years after the robbery, after a trial lasting 56 days, the verdict is handed down on September 15, 2010. The defendants speak in low voices to their attorneys and rock their knees nervously back and forth as they wait for the judges, who are the last to enter the courtroom.

The presiding judge walks in with an 84-page decision under his arm, amounting to one word: guilty. A century of imprisonment is to be divided among the defendants. Si M’rabet gets ten years; the sentence is particularly long because of his central role. Lahoucine Mahrir, Morten Rasmussen, Christoffer Wallin, Khalid Zahran, and Naief Adawi are sentenced to eight years each. The others get seven years. Mikael Senbit gets a small reduction, because according to the phone evidence, he wasn’t involved in the robbery until a few days before it took place. Marco Kristiansen is sentenced to compulsory psychiatric treatment. The foreign nationals, after serving part of their sentences, will be permanently exiled from Denmark.


Twelve days after the verdict, a message arrives at Copenhagen’s Western District headquarters from the Dutch police. A man is en route to Sweden via Amsterdam. Ten months in a Filipino jail have taken their toll; he is trim now, no longer fat Tjockis. But Lukas Hasselgren is coming home.

Four months later, in February 2011, the prosecutors, a defense attorney, and all the witnesses from the Danish Value Handling trial reconvene, this time with Hasselgren as the only defendant. Taking his place in the witness box, Hasselgren states that he doesn’t know any of the guilty parties in the case except for Christoffer Wallin, a guy he did time with. He explains that he hadn’t been in Denmark prior to or during the robbery. Far from it—he was in a summer house with his mother and former girlfriend, Maya, or he was home in Stockholm. He first arrived in Denmark after the robbery, to party and snort cocaine with his friends.

But Maya, testifying from Manila on Skype, says that Hasselgren was gone probably four or five days in August. Several days after that, Christoffer Wallin’s girlfriend came and picked her up. They were supposed to go to Denmark immediately.

Eight days later, the verdict is handed down. The judges and the jury agree that Hasselgren statements are largely untrustworthy and should be disregarded. Although there is no fingerprint or DNA evidence connecting him to the robberies, the thousands of pieces of telephone data the police and prosecutors mustered to place Hasselgren at the scene of the crime prove adequately convincing. The court cannot establish what his role was, exactly, but it is believed that at minimum he drove one of the trucks. Taking into account his earlier convictions and robberies, he receives the same sentence as Tayeb Si M’rabet: ten years.

By April 20, 2012, it’s all over—the robbers who appealed their cases are denied permission to take them to the Supreme Court. The Danish judicial system provides no more options.

Nineteen

The letter from Tayeb Si M’rabet arrives in early June 2012: a sheet of graph paper with red-ink handwriting influenced by Arabic’s serifs and flowing lines. The letter is sent from Østjylland State Prison, one of Denmark’s most secure facilities, where Si M’rabet will do time until he is thrown out of the country. He has been asked if he will meet and give his version of the story of the great heist.

“Hello to you, Merci pour ta lettre,” the letter begins, in Si M’rabet’s characteristic mix of two or three languages.

I am sorry that it has taken so long to answer you. But if you ask me why … I have been somewhat busy, even though people believe that all we do in prison is eat and sleep …

I had to ask some people about your letter … and so on … If I just do it, people will think all kinds of things, if you know what I mean …

Well, I can talk to you, but not now … it will have to be in some months, or when I get out of isolation. So don’t think I won’t talk to you … I have to look at this from my side as well … I am 100 percent sure this is not the right time for me …

My final words between you and me are:

THE POLICE DON’T KNOW SHIT … Believe me.

Yours truly,

T.

To this day, Si M’rabet claims he is innocent.


Morten Rasmussen is doing his time in Vridsløselille National Prison and is feeling bad. Not just because of the eight years he’s in for the Danish Value Handling robbery. He was just given an extra three months for the hand-pistol threat against Dorthe Mørch in court, a gesture he says was totally misunderstood. “I’ve been in on beating people up who have done something to women,” Rasmussen says in an interview in late 2012. “Now I’ve been sentenced for doing just that. I feel really shitty about that.”           

He sits in the prison visitors room, his case documents ready, arranged in neat piles. He wears reading glasses; he will soon turn 40, and strands of gray are showing in his black hair. He has been inside three years now, and he can barely handle it. His daughter back in Sweden is ten years old. She will be a teenager before he gets out on probation.

Rasmussen still maintains that he had nothing to do with the Danish Value Handling robbery. He was a victim of his marred past, of knowing Christoffer Wallin, and of going to Copenhagen to party on that Sunday, August 10. “When you’ve committed a crime, you’re not up against a single policeman,” he says. “You’re up against a whole society that doesn’t believe you anymore.” He’s the type who uses his whole body when he talks. When he explains why he can’t have been a part of the robbery, he paces back and forth in the visitors room.

He claims that he was at work that Sunday morning. There was nothing to do, so he took off early without anyone seeing him leave, and he drove like hell (“I always drive that way,” he says) to Copenhagen. At 2:30 p.m., he called his girlfriend from a pay phone outside the Hard Rock Cafe on Vesterbrogade. They had quarreled, and he wanted to tell her that he had some big party plans and she wasn’t a part of them—rub salt in her wounds, as he puts it.

Later that evening, he partied at the Maxim Bar. Wallin was there and a few others. He can recall meeting Samira, but he was “so plastered” that now he can’t be sure if Samira was a man or woman. He borrowed a phone from one of the other partiers—a robber’s phone, as it turned out—and called Samira from it later. That is the only thing, Rasmussen claims, that connects him to the robbery.           

“The police don’t have a smoking gun,” he says. “It doesn’t exist, and in Sweden I would never have been found guilty on such flimsy evidence. But they try to get the small things that could have been the smoking gun to be the smoking gun. It’s like it turned into politics for the police. And that’s wrong, man.”

Rasmussen and Lukas Hasselgren try to get their cases heard at the Special Court of Indictment and Revision. If that fails, they will go to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France.

What about the many hundreds of thousands of kroner, maybe even millions, that the police claim he has? “If I was so fucking rich, I could have afforded to have this done,” Rasmussen says, pulling a flesh-colored dental plate out of his mouth. His false front tooth gleams on the plate.


“To hell with them. I hate cops from the bottom of my heart,” says Lukas Hasselgren the next day, in a nearly identical visitors room in the same prison.

Hasselgren’s skin is a montage of direct statements to the world. He pulls up his pant leg and reveals a tattoo stretching the length of his shin, “ACAB”: All cops are bastards. On his left arm is one that reads “Fuck The Police.” “I never spoke to them during interrogation,” he says. “Why should I? They’d already decided I was guilty.”

Hasselgren is no longer fat. He is six feet tall and in good shape, full of explosive energy, ripped and lean in the way that only bodybuilders can be. Free, out of prison, he “drinks like a fish,” he says. When he’s in prison, he gets in shape.

Hasselgren is, he says himself, “thoroughly criminal.” He lives a life where you “do what you want. You get into a brawl if you want to. Do drugs if you think it’s fun. Drive faster than you’re supposed to.” You risk going to jail by doing these things. But, he says, holding his palms out, the advantages usually outweigh the disadvantages. By 2008, however, he says he was finished with the big robberies. After all, he was close to 40.

He says he was on his way to Thailand with Maya that August when he made a quick trip to Copenhagen to say hello and party with some friends. Maya’s tourist visa was going to expire in a week, and as Hasselgren has done regularly over the past 20 years, he was going to Asia for a few months to get drunk, do drugs, hang out on the beach, work out, and be with women who make fewer demands than Swedish women—in short, to live the free and cheap life. It’s not for nothing that he has “Pattaya, love of my life” tattooed on his stomach.

Hasselgren claims the police manipulated evidence and that he was convicted because of his past. “When they started sorting everything out, the police thought, Perfect, here’s the big-time robber Lukas, he’s done this thing before—the machine guns, Audis, the getaway to Asia. Then the cops’ theories start to show some cracks, but they’ve already gone to the media and talked about me being on the run. And so they’re trapped,” he says. “I’ve been involved in a lot, but I swear, I had nothing to do with this.”

He knows who the real perpetrators are, but he howls when asked to identify them. You don’t snitch. You don’t help the police. It’s better to do your time.

Close to his elbow, between other tattoos, a Thai prayer encircles his left upper arm—not because Lukas is spiritual, but because the words have meaning to Thai women who are believers: “Buddha protects me from everything.” Lukas says he has thought about adding a tattoo just below: “Except the Danish police.”

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(Photo: Danish National Police)

Twenty

One question about the Danish Value Handling case still gnaws at Torben Lund and his investigators: Where is the money?

It’s a touchy subject. From 2000 until the robbery in 2008, over 210 million kroner was stolen from Danish cash transports and handling centers; less than eight million has been recovered. Of the over 70 million kroner stolen from Danish Value Handling, only the 3.5 million from under Dorthe Mørch’s terrace have shown up. So where’s the rest?

The police can only guess. Their theory is that Tayeb Si M’rabet’s friend Ripa took the other half of Si M’rabet’s share to Paris. Lukas Hasselgren managed to smuggle his share to Asia, the police guess, though Hasselgren scornfully shakes his head at the idea.

The day after the big heist, as the party began to break up at the Maxim Bar, Marco Kristiansen drove over the Oresound Bridge to Malmö, according to the phone analyses and his own statements. Did he have some of the money with him, to give to the Swedes who were in on the robbery? The police believe so, but they can’t prove it.

Maybe the millions have already been spent—blown on cocaine, vacations, cars, boats, booze, and parties or invested in new crimes. Maybe squandered by so-called friends while the robbers themselves are in prison. “Easy come, easy go,” Torben Lund says. “These people have a different lifestyle. Their lives aren’t as boring as everyone else’s. But they can be sure of one thing, that we’re going to be keeping an eye on them when they get out.”


Dorthe Mørch was released in December 2009, and she is now permitted to visit Tayeb Si M’rabet in prison. They have forgiven each other, and should he show up at her door one day she’ll invite him in for a cup of coffee, even though she’s certain that “the police will be there ten minutes later and bring along the cookies.”

When he gets out and is exiled from Denmark, Si M’rabet will move to Hamburg and do carpenter work. At least that’s what he says; Mørch doesn’t know what to believe. “He probably means it now,” she says, “but someday it’ll be a bank he’s carpentering on.”

One day during a supervised visit in prison, he leans forward and whispers in her ear. “Just wait, Pumpkin,” he says. “I’ll make you a millionaire again.”

Author’s Note

The Copenhagen Job is the result of interviews with investigators, attorneys, prosecutors, witnesses, and technicians who worked on the case of the Danish Value Handling robbery, as well as records of the trials, verdicts, police notes, and interrogation reports. In addition, articles from Swedish and Danish newspapers, the Public Prosecutor’s annual report from 2010, reports from the Prison Service, the Swedish National Police, and the Swedish Crime Prevention Council, as well as two books—The Punishment, by Dorthe Mørch, and Mafia War, by Tobias Barkman and Joakim Palmkvist—were consulted.

Several names have been changed to protect the individuals in question, including John, Bjarne, and Hans from the farm near Sengeløse; Maya, Lukas Hasselgren’s girlfriend; Ripa, Tayeb Si M’rabet’s friend; Samira and Katarina from the Maxim Bar; and Niklas from Danish Value Handling.

The Dead Zoo Gang

On the trail of international rhino horn thieves.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 35


Charles Homans is the digital deputy editor of The New York Times Magazine. He has also written for The Atlantic, The New Republic, The Washington Post, and many other publications.


Editor: Evan Ratliff and Max Linsky
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Researcher: Laura Smith
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Illustrator: Danijel Zezelj

Published in March 2014. Design updated in 2021.

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One

Late on the morning of April 5, 2011, three men walked into the science building on the campus of the University of Coimbra in central Portugal. When a young biologist who worked in the building arrived, around 10:30, she found the men waiting outside a locked door on the second floor, sitting on a pair of couches next to a stuffed ostrich. The oldest of the three looked to be in his mid-forties and was overweight, with red hair and ruddy cheeks. For a half-hour or so, he had been asking anyone who walked past about seeing the small natural-history collection behind the door. He had an Irish accent, and there was something strange about his persistence. “He kept talking about ‘trophies,’” Pedro Casaleiro, the museum’s deputy director, told me. “He said they wanted to see ‘the trophies.’”

The University of Coimbra, which was established in Lisbon in 1290 and moved to its current location in the 16th century, is Portugal’s oldest university, and one of the oldest in the world. Its science department, housed in a stately neoclassical on a hilltop with a commanding view of Coimbra’s terra-cotta-tiled skyline, is of comparatively recent vintage, dating to 1772, when the university hired an Italian scholar named Domenico Vandelli to begin building Coimbra’s science faculty.

Vandelli was a celebrated naturalist, a contemporary and regular correspondent of Carl Linnaeus, who named a genus of plants after him. He was also an ambitious collector, and over his career he built an impressive personal museum in Padua, the kind of wunderkammer that was popular among aristocrats and intellectuals of the era. There were stones from Roman ruins, coins from distant countries, and a 17th-century German automaton, a wind-up centaur fashioned out of silver that hurled arrows. There were also dozens of pieces of taxidermy from the far corners of the world. After Vandelli settled in Coimbra, the university persuaded him to bring his museum along, too. The taxidermy collection—augmented in the next century with specimens brought back from Portugal’s colonies—now occupies an L-shaped wing of the second floor of the science building, at the top of a large limestone staircase.

The natural-history collection was open to the public by appointment only, and the three visitors didn’t have one; they had already been turned away by the receptionist at the university’s main science museum across the street. But the biologist was feeling charitable, and she offered to show them around anyway. She unlocked the door and led them from one darkened room to the next, running ahead to find the light switches. The older man stayed close by her, following her into the darkness in a way that unnerved her. The other two lagged behind, taking pictures with their mobile phones.

After several minutes, they reached the room that contained the bulk of Vandelli’s collection. With its tiled floor, heavy red curtains, and exacting woodwork, the space exuded the slightly stuffy warmth of an earlier century. Its only nods to the present were some subtle light fixtures and, tucked unobtrusively in a corner against the high ceiling, a security camera. Against one wall stood a human skeleton and a peacock in full plumage. Next to them was a lion stuffed by a taxidermist with an uncertain grasp of anatomy, the beast’s face curiously broad and flat, with a hint of a smile, like a person wearing a lion mask. Along the opposite wall, a bank of wood-and-glass cabinets contained an array of tropical birds, small primates, and jungle-dwelling rodents. Standing guard at either door were a pair of stuffed manatees whose oiled hides had aged into something resembling obsidian.

As the tour concluded, the ruddy-faced man—the only one of the visitors who ever spoke—asked the biologist an odd question: Did the university ever loan out pieces of its taxidermy collection for the weekend? She demurred, but he seemed appreciative anyway; he told her they’d enjoyed themselves and would bring their families for a visit later that month.

Sixteen days later, another university employee was walking through the room that housed Vandelli’s collection when she felt that something was not quite right. Upon closer inspection, she noticed that one of the cabinet doors was slightly ajar. Inside, everything appeared to be in its proper place, with one exception: A pair of rhinoceros horns was missing.


“They didn’t damage anything,” Casaleiro told me, pointing to the where the horns had been. “They didn’t even break the glass.” It was a Tuesday afternoon in November 2013, and Casaleiro—a trim man in his forties, with dark brown hair graying at the temples and the bearing of an earnest graduate student—had agreed to show me the scene of the theft. After the horns were reported missing, he told me, the first thing he did was check the security video. “We had cameras in every room,” he said. Reviewing the footage from around 5 p.m. the previous Tuesday, he saw them: two figures entering through the western end of the wing.

They moved quickly toward the room that held most of Vandelli’s collection, walked to the cabinet containing the two rhino horns, and carefully pried the door open. One of the men removed the horns and began zipping them up inside a backpack. When the backpack proved too small, they took off their jackets and rolled the horns up inside them, then tucked the bundles under their arms and left, strolling out of the building into the late-afternoon sunlight.

Beyond that, the video revealed little. The images were curdled and blotty, captured in black and white through infrared cameras in dark rooms. “The thieves wore caps like this,” Casaleiro said, miming pulling a brim down low over his eyes, “so we couldn’t see their faces.” But when the Judicial Police—the law-enforcement authority that investigates serious crimes in Portugal—reviewed the footage, they discovered that the thieves, while careful in concealing their faces, had made a mistake. During the break-in, one of them had pulled out a mobile phone.

Combing through the traffic from that afternoon relayed by nearby cellular towers, the investigators were able to pinpoint a single call made from inside the museum. The receiving number’s country code was 353, and its area code was 086—an Irish mobile phone. Its owner was a resident of a small town called Rathkeale.

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The River Deel flows through Rathkeale, Ireland. (Photo: Charles Homans)

Two

Rathkeale is 19 miles southwest of Limerick, the largest city in Ireland’s Mid-West Region, located amid a patchwork of pastureland divided up by flat-topped hedgerows and ivy-covered wooden fences. Once a lively market town, Rathkeale now has about 1,500 permanent residents. It’s pleasant enough, but like agricultural towns in the emptied-out corners of Middle America, it gives the impression of having been frozen in time partway through the last century. There’s a Main Street with a few pubs, a bookmaking parlor, and a closed-down movie theater with a modish concrete-finned facade. A hand-painted sign advertises the local boxing club. A women’s clothing boutique has a life-size ceramic Marilyn Monroe out front. Most of the people are older; most of the storefronts are vacant.

It’s tempting to say that this was an unexpected place to find the principal suspects in a crime wave that, by late 2013, had caused nearly 100 rhino horns to disappear from museums, auction houses, and private collections in 16 countries across Europe. But then it’s hard to say where you would have expected to find them. The thefts, in the world of natural-history museums, were all but unprecedented. That investigators believed them to be the work of several dozen criminals based out of a sleepy village in Ireland was perhaps less surprising than the fact that they had happened at all.

The crimes had begun several years earlier with a few head-scratching incidents: reports of taxidermists and antiques dealers who had received phone calls from men with Irish accents, asking if they had any rhinoceros horns to sell and evincing no particular concern that transporting or reselling the horns was against the law. Then the thefts began. They were happening once a month at first, but at their peak, not long after the Coimbra museum break-in, they were up to two a day.

Sometimes, as in Coimbra, the thieves were relatively artful, leaving behind no damage save for a few splinters around the edges of a display cabinet. In other cases they had been thuggish, like the men who tear-gassed the staff at a museum in Paris before escaping with a white rhino horn at two o’clock on a Sunday afternoon. Even when perpetrators were caught, the horns were almost never recovered, which surprised no one; they were, everyone assumed, quickly cut into pieces and whisked off to China, where rhino horn is believed to have medicinal properties and is worth something on the order of $65,000 a kilogram. (Cocaine, in the United States, has a wholesale street value of around $25,000 a kilo.) A reasonable estimate would put the missing horns’ collective street value somewhere in the tens of millions of dollars.

Some criminal epidemics thrive on the oxygen of their own strangeness, heists of headline-worthy curiosity begetting copycat heists. At least some of the rhino-horn thefts were probably the work of such imitators, like the thief in Colchester, England, who somehow managed to steal the head off a recently deceased rhino from a local zoo; an antiques dealer was later caught trying to board a plane with its horns concealed inside a fake Viennese bronze sculpture of a bird. The copycat theory would’ve explained one of the most striking aspects of the rhino-horn thefts, which was the ubiquity and apparent omniscience of the perpetrators. They had stolen the horns from well-known museum exhibits, but also from out-of-the-way manor houses in several countries—estates where few people save the owners would’ve even known there was a rhino horn on the premises.

But the relative uniformity of the thieves’ tactics, along with the trails of mobile-phone calls and text messages they occasionally left behind, had led many law-enforcement officials to conclude that most of the thefts were the work of a single network—one that was informal and barely organized, consisting of half a dozen families who operated more or less autonomously but all had roots in the same community. The Irish media and police called them the Rathkeale Rovers.

“My suspicion is the vast majority had the Rathkeale Rovers behind them,” John Reid, a senior analyst for the international police agency Europol who spent years studying the group, told me. “But it’s not something I can prove.” In 2013 alone, Irish investigators tracked the Rathkeale Rovers as far east as Russia and as far west as the Dominican Republic, as far north as Canada and as far south as Argentina, and as far from everything else as Australia and New Zealand. “They’re on every continent except for Antarctica, as far as I know,” Andy Cortez, a special agent with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service who has investigated the Rovers’ American activities, told me.

The thefts caused a panic among natural-history museums, which were caught by surprise by what appeared to be a coordinated assault on what heretofore had been, crimewise, the least eventful corner of the museum world. “I don’t think there’s been anything similar—not in such a coordinated way,” Paolo Viscardi, a natural-history curator at London’s Horniman Museum, told me. As a pattern to the crimes emerged, museums began taking their rhino specimens off display, or replacing their horns with plastic or fiberglass replicas. At first this seemed to work; by mid-2012, the thefts had mostly abated.

Then, at 10:40 p.m. on April 17, 2013, three masked men forced their way into a large storage facility in Swords, a northern suburb of Dublin. The was a former Motorola factory the size of two football fields, located in a sprawl of office parks and modest subdivisions not far from the Dublin airport. It belonged to Ireland’s National Museum, which housed the bulk of its off-display collection there. Among the artifacts in storage were four rhino heads, which had been removed from the natural-history building for safekeeping as the thefts reached a fever pitch.

The burglars tied up the lone security guard and began rummaging through the collection. (“If you’ve ever seen Raiders of the Lost Ark,” Nigel Monaghan, the museum’s natural-history curator, told me, “finding the Ark of the Covenant takes a while.”) After an hour of searching, they found the rhino heads stashed beneath a tarp. By the time the guard untied himself, they had muscled the trophies onto a trolley, loaded them into a van, and escaped into the night.

To Dubliners, the museum’s natural-history building is affectionately known as the Dead Zoo, and the nickname had inspired reporters for the city’s Sunday World tabloid, which had lavished more ink on the Rathkeale Rovers than any other paper, to bestow a second moniker upon the alleged thieves. They called them the Dead Zoo Gang.

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Three

“The rhino’s greatest misfortune,” the ecologist Lee M. Talbot observed in 1959, “is that he carries a fortune on his nose.” This has been true for thousands of years, throughout Asia and Europe alike. Greeks and Romans in the early common era believed that the horn of the Indian rhinoceros was an antidote to poison. European apothecaries sold rhino horn well through the Middle Ages; it was considered a passable pharmacological substitute for the horn of the magical unicorn, and was somewhat easier to come by.

But the appetite appears to have emerged first, and persisted longest, in China. Rhino horn’s medicinal use in China and neighboring countries dates at least as far back as the Bronze Age. One fourth-century Chinese materia medica lists the horn as a cure for everything from snakebites to carbuncles to demonic possession. (Contrary to popular belief elsewhere, there is nothing in the Chinese historical record testifying to its use as an aphrodisiac; that myth appears to have originated with ill-informed Westerners.) Ornately carved goblets made from rhino horn, known as libation cups, were believed to impart life-giving properties to the liquid poured into them.

Until the 17th century, China had its own indigenous rhinoceroses. Today, the vast majority of them are found in Africa, with a few smaller surviving populations scattered across South and Southeast Asia. Most Asian rhino species grow a single horn. The African white and black rhino and the Sumatran rhino have a pair of them: a nub-like posterior horn that usually takes the shape of a dulled shark’s tooth, and a larger anterior horn that, in the African species, can grow to several feet.

The rhino’s horn is not, properly speaking, a horn at all—not like the true horns of buffalo or antelope, which grow directly from the skull and are, at their core, composed of living bone. The rhino’s horn is made of keratin, the same fibrous protein that forms hair and fingernails, compacted into a material with the approximate density and texture of mahogany. Cut it off and it grows back, eventually, following a logarithmic spiral: the pattern of beguiling mathematical elegance that recurs throughout nature in the nautilus shell, the falcon’s gyre, the pinwheeling rain bands of a hurricane. A modern physician would interject here that keratin has no documented medicinal properties—and that, in any case, there is no fundamental chemical difference between ingesting $65,000-a-kilo powdered rhino horn and eating your own toenail clippings. Conservationists have loudly advertised these facts for years, to little consequence.

The rhino’s second-greatest misfortune is that, for all its imposing airs, it is not a particularly difficult animal to kill. Lumbering, nearsighted, and fatally curious, it has been an easy mark for hunters ever since they acquired weapons equal to its thick hide. “I do not see how the rhinoceros can be permanently preserved,” Theodore Roosevelt observed after shooting 13 of them, “save in very out-of-the-way places or in regular game reserves.” Gilded Age naturalists and hunters viewed the animal as an exotic anachronism, a fugitive from prehistory living on borrowed time in a world to which it was ill suited. A black rhino that Roosevelt met on a game trail in the Belgian Congo in 1909, he later wrote, seemed like “a monster surviving over from the world’s past, from the days when the beasts of the prime ran riot in their strength, before man grew so cunning of brain and hand as to master them.”

By the 1970s, the global math for the rhinoceros was not auspicious. East Asia was rapidly modernizing, while many of the sub-Saharan African countries where rhinos lived were exiting their postcolonial honeymoons and descending into misrule, poverty, and civil war. Militarized poachers were laying waste to populations that had barely recovered from the great white hunters of yore. Auction houses reported moving as much as 3,400 kilograms of rhino horn—representing some 1,180 rhinos—every year, bound for China, Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, and especially Hong Kong.

Hong Kong finally cracked down on horn imports in 1979, and most other importing countries eventually followed suit. Some traditional Chinese medicine authorities helped, too, promoting the use of water buffalo horn in lieu of rhino. Although East Asia’s appetite for the horn never fully abated, by the turn of the 21st century rhino populations had recovered enough from their 1970s and ’80s nadir that the animal could be considered at least a tentative conservation success story. A December 2007 survey of 13 African countries found that in all but two cases with adequate data, populations of both black and white rhinos were stable or improving. Documented poaching incidents in the South African national park system—home to most of the world’s remaining rhinos—numbered at most a couple dozen animals a year.

The sequence of events by which the rhino’s fortunes turned sour again is not entirely clear, but it is generally understood to have started in Vietnam sometime in the early 2000s. The most often repeated story is that at some point in the recent past, a Vietnamese government official stricken with cancer stirred some powdered rhino horn into his drink and later professed himself to be wholly cured, transforming rhino horn into a nationwide phenomenon. The official has never been identified, which speaks to the likelihood that the story is not just scientifically far-fetched but also apocryphal, or at least wildly distorted through circulation. Some conservationists believe it was concocted by enterprising poachers looking to drum up demand for their product.

The less tidy but more plausible story is that about ten years ago, Vietnam’s economic growth began to accelerate, creating both a new moneyed elite and an expeditionary entrepreneurial class, some of which settled in Africa. The confluence of these two trends revived the demand for rhino horn while creating new vectors of supply. Soon rhino horn was being credited with relieving practically any ailment, including ones for which it had never been traditionally used. Some physicians in Vietnam even prescribed it to their patients in pill form.

As rhino horn became more expensive, its very expensiveness became a selling point to Vietnam’s newly flush upper classes; websites touted horn-infused wine as “the alcoholic drink of millionaires,” an iconic form of conspicuous consumption. At the same time, demand for rhino horn began to creep upward in China, too, where conservationists believe that dealers are once again carving it into libation cups and jewelry.

It’s legal to hunt rhinos for sport in South Africa, but the expense and relative unpopularity of big-game hunting has traditionally restricted the practice to a small number of Americans and Europeans. In 2004, however, private-game-preserve operators started noticing a curious upswing in rhino hunters from Vietnam—a country with no tradition of sport hunting, where civilians weren’t even allowed to own rifles. By 2009, there were three times as many Vietnamese hunters in South Africa as there were hunters from every other country combined. Reports abounded of Vietnamese tourists who were willing to pay wildly above-average prices but needed to be shown how to fire a gun; after a successful hunt, they would ask for help removing the animal’s horns but express no interest in what happened to the rest of the body. The practice came to be known as pseudohunting; soon visitors from China, Thailand, and Cambodia were doing it, too.

The South African government started limiting the exports of rhino trophies, but that just pushed the problem elsewhere. In 2007, 13 rhinos were poached in South African national parks. In 2008, it was 83. The next year it was 122, then 333, then 448. The poaching was occurring at a level of technical proficiency park rangers had never seen before; locals with Kalashnikovs had given way to professionals with unmarked helicopters, high-powered sniper rifles, and even the occasional crossbow. Some of them used darts loaded with immobilizing drugs available only to veterinary professionals.

Elsewhere, the few surviving rhinos were faring even worse. More than four times as many rhinos were reported poached in Zimbabwe in 2008 as were the year before. The West African subspecies of black rhino, which once ranged from Cameroon to Sudan, was confirmed extinct three years later. In April 2010, wildlife NGO workers surveying Vietnam’s Cat Tien National Park came upon the carcass of the last known Vietnamese Javan rhinoceros—the last wild rhino in Vietnam. The animal had a bullet hole in its leg, and its horn had been sawed off.

Hunting a species that is careening toward extinction is not a business with a long horizon. So it was probably inevitable that someone, somewhere, would ask the question: What if it were possible to get ahold of rhino horn without having to hunt the animal at all?

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Rhinoceroses shot by Theodore Roosevelt in Africa on display at the National Museum of Natural History in Washington, 1959. (Photo: Smithsonian Institution Archives)

Four

In 2010, a British police detective named Nevin Hunter was working in the western port of Bristol, detailed to the government agency charged with enforcing the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species. The 1973 agreement was intended to limit cross-border trade in endangered-wildlife products and required each of the signatory countries to monitor their own imports and exports for contraband. That summer, an analyst alerted Hunter to a curious trend. Early that year, the office had started receiving an unusual volume of applications for permission to export antique rhinoceros horns. It wasn’t a huge number, maybe 20 in all by later that year, but it was up from the norm of two or three. In nearly every case, the export destination was China or Hong Kong.

The horns themselves had come mostly from provincial auction houses around England—a good place, maybe even the best place, to find cheap African taxidermy. During Britain’s imperial age, adventurers, professional hunters, and repatriating colonists had filled their houses back home with all manner of heads and horns and pelts, plenty of which later fell into the hands of heirs who considered them eyesores. They had floated around the local antiques circuits ever since, as novelties more than anything else. And unlike trophies from rhinos and elephants killed in the less distant past, they were in some cases legal to buy and sell.

It was strange that someone was suddenly taking an interest in these relics; it was stranger that the rise in interest paralleled, almost exactly, the exponential rise in rhino poaching elsewhere in the world. Detective Hunter dispatched investigators to the auction houses to see what was going on. The most striking data point they found came from an August 2010 sale at an auction house in Yorkshire, where three horns of near identical origin—they were all from black rhinos shot in the 1880s—sold for wildly varying prices: £30,000, £57,000, and £61,000, respectively. The only way the horns significantly differed was in size. “The rhino horns were being sold not based on their history or provenance—they were being valued based on their weight,” Hunter, now the head of Britain’s National Wildlife Crime Unit, told me. The implication was clear enough: “People were not buying them as antiques.”

An English auction-house executive told me he had noticed the same thing, beginning around 2009. “There was no doubt,” he said, that the horns “were being smuggled into China—either through Hong Kong, which has pretty lax border controls, or they were being ground up and stowed in people’s luggage. The prices were extraordinary, and they were increasing all the time. I asked one or two [buyers] what they would do with them; they said they carved them. It was a slightly nefarious market.”

As they attended auctions, Hunter and his investigators were surprised to discover that the Chinese customers weren’t the only foreigners present. Standing alongside them, and often chatting with them, were Irish buyers. Hunter began combing the records for names. The same buyers, he realized, were turning up at sales across the country. I asked Hunter recently if any of the suspects who had later come under investigation for the rhino-horn thefts in Europe were on the list of buyers he’d compiled in 2010. “It’d be stupid to say they weren’t,” he replied. “Let’s put it that way.”

Demand for the horns was growing, however, and prices were climbing accordingly. “The Irish were definitely interested in trying to buy them and were always asking after them,” the auction-house executive told me. “But whenever it came to a public auction, they were always outbid.” But there were rhino horns elsewhere that the Chinese buyers hadn’t yet discovered.

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Five

On July 26, 2010, a wildlife sculptor and taxidermist named James Marsico picked up the phone at his home in Cody, Wyoming. The caller introduced himself as an Irishman living in Brazil and told Marsico he was in the market for African trophies—especially a rhinoceros. “I have lots of money,” he told Marsico, “and can pay cash.”

Marsico hung up. That afternoon, he went on Taxidermy.net, an online forum he frequented, and wrote up a post describing the call. “Buyer out there to beware of,” the subject line read.

At first the post elicited snickers. “C’mon Jimmy,” one member wrote back. “The guy just isn’t a hunter.” But others found Marsico’s account unsettlingly familiar:

Lots of funny business going on with this. … They talk with you find out what you have, maybe set up an appointment for one of their Partners come see what you got… next thing you get robbed middle of the night.

My wife got the call yesterday. She thought it was me playing a prank on her.

Then a taxidermist from Florida chimed in: “I got this email today, I guess it’s the same guy!” The email had come from someone named John Sullivan, whose spelling and punctuation were highly irregular. Sullivan wrote that he was attempting to arrange an African-themed opening for his hotel in County Kerry, Ireland. “The thing is,” he wrote, “I’m having grate trouble in locating a real rhino head or horn in Ireland.” It had to be a real horn, he emphasized—“not a fiberglass reproduction.”

Sullivan had sent similar emails to many Taxidermy.net members, though most had ignored or deleted them. But one man, an occasional big-game hunter in Colorado, wrote back. He told Sullivan that he could get him imitation horns—good enough to pass as the genuine article.

Sullivan was unimpressed. “It’s the real thing I’m after,” he wrote back; “if anything comes to mind keep me posted.” Then the hunter told Sullivan he had a friend by the name of Curtis Phillips who had something Sullivan might be interested in.


On the afternoon of November 13, 2010, a Jeep pulled up in front of a small yellow-brick house in Commerce City, Colorado, a down-at-the-heels suburb of truck stops and motels northeast of Denver. Two young men got out and rang the doorbell, then barged into the living room without waiting for an answer. Two older men were waiting for them.

“So,” Curtis Phillips said. “You guys have been traveling?”

“Ah, traveling,” one of the visitors, who called himself Mike, said.

“Are you doing any good?”

“Small bits.”

The house belonged to the big-game hunter, though both house and man had seen better days. The hunter, sitting on a swivel chair by a computer desk, was in obviously failing health, coughing incessantly. The living room looked like it hadn’t seen the business end of a vacuum cleaner in years. A pair of mule deer heads and a small menagerie of African wildlife peered glassily down from the walls.

The visitors settled in on the couch. They were brothers-in-law from Ireland, Mike and the other one, who called himself Richard. Mike was tall and probably in his late thirties; Richard was in his twenties, shorter and a bit doughy. When the four men had met for the first time, in September, Richard had introduced himself as John Sullivan’s cousin. He and Mike had come to talk with Phillips about several rhino horns that one of Phillips’s relatives was trying to get rid of.

“Have you done this before, and got them out of the U.S. without—without getting caught?” Phillips had asked. “So that I can be assured?” The international trade of rhino trophies, after all, was strictly forbidden under U.S. law, except with special permits that Phillips didn’t have.

“If you get it,” Mike said, “we’ll sort out something.”

Richard explained that he and Mike were antiques dealers; it wouldn’t be difficult to stash the horns in a chest of drawers or something like that. “We’ve got furniture going back to England every couple of weeks,” he said, “you know what I mean?”

“I mean, it’s none of our business,” Phillips said. “It’s not my business. That’s your business. I just don’t want it to come back on my cousin and me.”

“It will not be coming back on top of you,” Mike said. “Trust me.”

Now, two months later, they were meeting up for the handoff, but Phillips was still nervous. “I promise you there’ll be no problems, Curt,” Richard told him. “Take my word on it—there’ll be no problems.”

“I don’t even know you, Richard,” Phillips said.

“I understand, I understand, I understand,” Richard said.

“I mean, you don’t know me, either.”

“I can promise you that one—there’ll be no problems,” Richard said. “Can I get a look at ’em?”

“Yes, but I—I still am nervous.”

“Don’t worry, Curt,” Richard said.

“I can be nervous with you,” Mike offered. “Find a bottle of whiskey and we’ll have a drink.”

Finally, Phillips pulled out a plastic bag and a FedEx box he had stashed out of view. “Well, here she is,” he said, unveiling a mounted pair of rhino horns and two spare horns. He was true to his word; they were fine specimens, the largest measuring a good 12 inches. Mike looked to Phillips as if he were trying to hide his excitement.

Mike peeled off bills from a wad of euros—“It’s the only world currency, you know,” Richard said—and laid them on the coffee table. “One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen. Alright?”

“I’m very nervous,” Phillips said one last time, as Richard and Mike were leaving.

“Understand me—don’t worry,” Richard said.

“I—I don’t know that this’ll be something that I do ever again,” Phillips said. “Because I’m—I have this nightmare that tomorrow morning I’m going to wake up in handcuffs because you guys got caught.”

“No, no,” Mike said. “Geez.”

“Drive safely, guys,” Phillips said, closing the door behind them.

The Irishmen had just climbed into the Jeep when two trucks appeared, pulling behind and in front of them. Four men jumped out and surrounded the vehicle, guns drawn—uniformed officers who knew Curtis Phillips as one Curtis Graves, an undercover agent with the special-operations division of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. They ordered Richard and Mike to step out of the Jeep. 

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A black rhinoceros horn seized by U.S. Fish and Wildlife agents in New York in February 2012. (Photo: U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York)

Six

Michael Hegarty and Richard O’Brien presented a puzzle to Graves. Their passports were stamped with visas for China, South Africa, and Canada, and as he was setting up the sting operation, Graves had found them to be obviously intelligent and calculating in their work—Hegarty had even shorted him €150 in the wad of bills he’d handed him minutes before his arrest. “They knew what they were doing,” Graves told me.

But the next time Graves saw Hegarty and O’Brien, at a federal courthouse in Denver, their demeanor had changed entirely. “They were acting like they were four-year-olds—literally like children,” he said. “They were so scared.” On the way from the county jail to the courthouse, another agent told him, “they were complaining about some shaved-head guys with tattoos they were scared of—they thought they were going to be killed. They were crying, asking, ‘Why are we here?’”

After the big-game hunter—an informant Fish and Wildlife had picked up on an earlier investigation—brokered the first meeting with them in September, Graves had run Hegarty’s and O’Brien’s names through the agency’s database and come up with nothing. When agents in the head office in Arlington, Virginia, made inquiries abroad, however, it emerged that Interpol and Europol, the international police-intelligence agencies, were familiar with them. Officials at both organizations told the American investigators that the men had connections to a loose network of families out of Ireland called the Rathkeale Rovers.

Graves had never heard of the Rovers, but during his undercover negotiations with John Sullivan—a man whom Graves had come to suspect was simply a pseudonymous Richard O’Brien—he had glimpsed what seemed to him to be a sophisticated operation. When they spoke on the phone after the first meeting, Sullivan had assured Graves that he would get a generous finder’s fee—“It pays to be a good middleman,” he said—and confidently allayed his concerns about getting caught. “Believe me,” Sullivan wrote in one email, “WE NEVER LOSES A HORN TO CUSTOMS, we have so many contacts and people paid off now we can bring anything we want out of nearly any country in Europe.”

Initially, Graves had wanted to run the case out, let O’Brien and Hegarty go with the horns in hopes that they would reveal the rest of the network. But the police back in County Limerick quickly disabused him of the notion. “There’s no way,” one of the officers told him. “We can’t even get in there.” The Rathkeale Rovers, the Limerick police explained, were members of an insular culture that had lived on the margins of Irish society for centuries. They were often called Irish gypsies, though they had no relation to the Roma people. In fact, they weren’t genetically or religiously different from mainstream Irish people at all, nor were they classified as a cultural minority there. Their only clearly definable difference was one of lifestyle. They were nomads who spent most of the year on the road, and this fact had given them the one name that truly described them and the one that had stuck. They were called Travellers.

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Children play in Cherry Orchard, a Traveller camp outside Dublin, 1965. (Photo: Alen MacWeeney)

Seven

Nobody can say, with even the remotest approximation of certainty, where the Irish Travellers came from. Prior to the 19th century, their history is a capacious vacuum into which anthropologists and historians have pitched various theories, none of which quite fill it. It has been proposed that the Travellers’ ancestors were itinerant tradesmen who roamed Ireland in the Middle Ages, or possibly landless peasants who were forced onto the road by the economic and social dislocations that wracked Ireland over the centuries—people who, after being rejected by the settled world, rejected it right back. An inverse theory suggests that the Travellers are remnants of a nomadic Irish culture that preceded the arrival of the Vikings and the Normans—that it was Ireland that turned its back on the Travellers’ way of life, not vice versa. It’s possible they came from more than one place. A 1952 survey asking a broad cross section of the Irish public who the Travellers were revealed that nobody, really, had the faintest clue. Responses ranged from “the descendents of [Irish] princes and kings” to “the lost children of Israel.”

All that is really beyond dispute is that, by some point in the early 1800s, there they were: families camped along the roadside on the outskirts of town, living out of tents of canvas and hooped willow branches. They spoke their own language, called cant or gammon, a rapid-fire patois of Gaelic and Irish English. They moved regularly, though not necessarily widely, circuiting through a county or two. By the early 20th century, many of them were living out of the barrel-top wagons that remain their iconic representation in the Irish popular imagination, cylindrical carriages stretched with green canvas and drawn by piebald horses, like pioneers in search of no particular frontier.

Many of them were tinsmiths—the origin of the term tinker, by which Travellers were known for many years, though it’s now considered a slur—or else peddlers, horse and donkey traders, or itinerant farmworkers. They were what anthropologists called an atomistic society, organized around close-knit family units that were guarded in their dealings with other Traveller clans and settled Irish. Necessity had made them gifted entrepreneurs, and they had a reputation for being shrewd readers of people, uncanny in their alertness to the threats and opportunities posed by the communities through which they passed.

Agrarians have always looked askance at nomads, and the settled Irish were no exception. They considered the Traveller to be an outcast or, at best, a kind of trickster figure. Many Travellers, perhaps in reaction to this, considered it a point of pride to pull one over on settled people, whether through clever dealing—passing off an old nag as a valuable piece of horseflesh, for instance—or full-blown scams. Still, the two cultures were ultimately symbiotic. Travellers repaired farming tools, sold goods that were otherwise hard to come by far from town, and provided seasonal farm labor. Settled Irish paid the Travellers for these things and tolerated small transgressions like garden poaching, trespassing, and grifting.

It was modernity that undid the relationship. Forces as disparate as urban migration, farm industrialization, and the widespread replacement of metal with plastic unraveled the Travellers’ livelihoods with astonishing speed. A subsistence economy that was barely changed from its traditional form as late as the end of World War II was, within 15 years, essentially gone. Travellers moved en masse to the outskirts of cities in Ireland and England, drawn by welfare stipends and the heaps of scrap metal produced by urban-renewal projects, the dealing of which became their central source of income. Proximity worsened relations with the settled Irish and English. “The tinker is a throwback to the past and has no place in the life of a modern city, where people come to live in a settled, orderly, and mutually helpful society,” a councilor in Birmingham told The Guardian in 1963. “We intend to make conditions so intolerable, so uncomfortable, and so unprofitable for these human scrap vultures that they won’t stop here.”

The Irish government saw the Travellers as a disadvantaged minority best served by full integration into mainstream Irish society, and beginning in the 1960s an array of housing, education, and employment programs were established with the aim of enfolding the Travellers in the country’s welfare state. Many Travellers at the time were genuinely destitute; “There were lots of legitimate issues that would make settled people feel like, ‘Well, if we’re a modern, developed society, it’s unconscionable to have this in our midst,’” Sharon Gmelch, an American anthropologist who conducted the first extensive academic research on the Travellers, in the early 1970s, told me. Still, she said, “Very few people thought of nomadism as a choice.”

The settlement effort succeeded in one sense: By the turn of this century, more than two-thirds of Ireland’s Travellers had come off the road and adopted a sedentary lifestyle, according to the 2002 census. But the same census suggested the more profound ways in which the project had failed. Twenty-two percent of the work-age Traveller population—and nearly 70 percent of the self-identified Traveller workforce—were unemployed. A majority of Travellers over age 15 had stopped their education in primary school. When Gmelch returned to Ireland recently to visit the Travellers she had lived with 40 years earlier, she was stunned to learn that nearly all of them had at least one relative who had committed suicide; the rates within the community, according to the National Traveller Suicide Awareness Project, are now six times the national average.

The clearest evidence that the Travellers had perhaps not wanted to come off the road in the first place was the fact that many of the most successful among them hadn’t come off the road at all. They belonged to an emerging class of Traveller traders who had reapplied their entrepreneurial skills to antiques dealing, import-export businesses, or building contracting. They had swapped their horses and wagons for RV trailers and transit vans and moved between roadside encampments and trailer parks in Ireland and England, and occasionally continental Europe and the United States. In many ways, they remained fiercely traditional; they often married as teenagers, were deeply conservative about premarital sex and gender roles, and still organized their society by family units. But some Traveller communities—among which there is enormous cultural variance—had also developed a taste for the most jewel-encrusted forms of acquisitiveness: bechromed luxury cars, blowout wedding ceremonies and First Communion celebrations, chunky Rolexes for the boys and spray tans and sequined halter tops for the girls.

This aspect of modern Traveller life particularly fascinated the Irish and English. In 2010, when Britain’s Channel 4 began airing Big Fat Gypsy Weddings—a reality TV series about Traveller and Roma weddings that later jumped to the TLC network in the United States—it was the highest-rated unscripted program in the network’s history. Even beyond the title, the show was controversial, often gleefully so; when it arrived in the U.S., The New Republic called it “voyeuristic, stereotypical, judgmental, and shallow,” which was not that far off from TLC’s own tagline (“outrageous and unbelievable”). But the ratings also reflected the genuinely captivating dissonance of the show’s subjects. Settled Irish, trying to explain Travellers to a visiting American, will often reach for the Amish as a point of comparison, which is not terribly accurate, but still: Imagine a strap-bearded Amish youth pulling into Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in a Bentley Continental and that gets you part of the way there.

Not all these Travellers were as wealthy as they made themselves appear, of course—but at least one group of them was. They were known among other Traveller clans, in a manner that conveyed both disparagement and envy, as the Gucci Travellers, and they hailed from the town of Rathkeale.

Eight

The first Rathkeale Travellers to edge into prosperity seem to have been horse dealers; others sold carpets in England. By the 1970s, even Travellers on the other side of the country—accustomed to looking down on the Travellers from Ireland’s threadbare west, whom they called “roughs”—had heard about the Rathkealers’ houses. At first the properties were mostly confined to a single street, called Roche’s Road, which ran uphill away from Main Street along the eastern boundary of the town center. By the 1990s, Travellers had bought up several whole neighborhoods, which were immediately identifiable to anyone passing through the village.

There were remodeled terraced houses and new American-style McMansions, built in the mock-colonial and hacienda styles, a few of them palatial by the standards of small-town Ireland. They were meticulously well kept, most of them, with fresh paint and design flourishes that called to mind a kind of suburban fortification: granite surrounds on the windows and stone cladding where a yard might otherwise have been, all of it enclosed by brick walls and wrought-iron gates. The owners of these properties did not really occupy them—most of the year there were metal shutters pulled down over the windows. For the 5,000 or so Travellers who identified as being from the Rathkeale clans, the town was a spiritual home. They spent all but a couple of months a year elsewhere and returned to bury their dead, marry, christen their children, and celebrate major holidays.

When American investigators first started trying to make sense of the Rathkeale Travellers they had arrested in Colorado, the most comprehensive portrait available of the group they had to go on was in a book called The Outsiders, published by a true-crime imprint in Dublin several years earlier. The author was an investigative reporter named Eamon Dillon.

I met Dillon recently at a pub in Dublin near the offices of the Sunday World newspaper, where he has worked as a reporter and editor for 13 years. Dillon is 46 years old, with a salt-and-pepper goatee; when I met him he was dressed in a pinstripe suit and carried himself with the slight world-weariness of a veteran crime reporter. Dillon had come to the Rathkeale Traveller beat by happenstance shortly after joining the World, when his editor had dispatched him to write a feature on the ten wealthiest Travellers in Ireland. Dillon had gone to Rathkeale the previous spring to cover a rare murder in the town—a young Traveller named Paddy “Crank” Sheridan had stabbed his brother-in-law, David “Tunny” Sheridan, in the heart with a screwdriver after a drunken argument. Reporting on the incident, Dillon had made some contacts in Rathkeale, and he called one of them to ask whether anyone he knew there might qualify as one of Ireland’s richest Travellers. “He said, ‘Oh yeah, we’ve got some guys here,’” Dillon told me. “And he started telling me stories.”

None of the prominent Rathkeale Travellers would speak to Dillon; they had almost never spoken to any reporter. But as Dillon assembled a picture of the community, he came to believe that there were perhaps 20 Rathkeale Travellers who constituted a kind of elite—family patriarchs, often, or their sons—who were collectively worth somewhere between $275 million and $690 million. The ease with which they operated in dozens of countries, and their relentless work ethic, fascinated Dillon. “These guys could be sitting in a bar, having a conversation like this,” he told me, “when a guy walks in and says, ‘There’s something going on in Munich. We’ve got to go now.’ Or it could be Prague or Krakow. And if your ten-year-old son is with you, he comes, too.”

The exemplar of the Rathkeale Traveller community’s business acumen, Dillon argued in The Outsiders, was a man named Richard “Kerry” O’Brien, then in his late forties, “probably the ultimate Traveller entrepreneur.” In Rathkeale, Dillon had heard O’Brien called the King of the Travellers—an honorific sometimes given to the most influential member of a Traveller community (though the title is often suspected of being a fiction concocted by Travellers for the benefit of settled people to enhance their mystique). Once a successful antiques dealer, O’Brien had diversified in the 1990s into aluminum manufacturing, buying a gutter factory in County Cork. As the Irish housing boom took off, O’Brien sold the factory and began importing home furnishings from Asia. He would later claim to be the largest importer of cast-iron fireplaces in Ireland.

The Irish police believed that other segments of the Rathkeale Travellers’ income were less legitimate. A sizable share of it—reported by Dillon to be as much as $140 million a year—was thought to come from an improbable-sounding scam known as tarmacking, which some Travellers have practiced in various permutations for several decades. Practitioners roam Europe and occasionally elsewhere in small work crews, usually a couple of Traveller supervisors and a team of low-paid non-Traveller workers. In a typical job, a well-dressed young man will knock on a homeowner’s door and introduce himself as a member of a road crew hired to resurface a stretch of nearby highway. The crew, he says, has some asphalt left over from the work that’s going to be thrown away; would the homeowner like to have their driveway resurfaced for a few thousand euros?

If the homeowner agrees, the crew will quickly do the job, collect the money, and leave. The scam is only revealed the next time it rains, when what appeared to be asphalt shows itself to in fact be a mixture of used engine oil and gravel, which breaks apart and runs off in a greasy slick when exposed to water. By that time the crew is miles away, in the next county, or country.

The effectiveness of the tarmac ruse lies in its relative modesty. Tarmackers do occasionally get caught. (In the summer of 2009, a crew from Rathkeale was apprehended in Italy after attempting to con the nuns of the Immaculate Missionary Sisters convent near Milan; the nuns smelled a rat and notified the local police, who dispatched an officer disguised as a priest to catch the crew in the act.) But it’s the kind of small-bore scam that most cops would rather not have to investigate, especially when even proving that it was a scam at all is tricky. “Throw in the odd genuine job,” an agent from Ireland’s Criminal Assets Bureau (CAB), the country’s investigative law-enforcement agency, told me, “and then all of a sudden all there is is bad workmanship. It’s not a crime; it’s a civil action.”

Other Rathkeale Travellers were suspected of dealing in counterfeit merchandise imported from China. “They’re sourcing container loads of fake iPhones and iPads, cheap Chinese leather suites of furniture that don’t conform to EU safety standards,” said the CAB agent—one of two I met in Dublin who had spent years monitoring the Rathkeale Travellers’ criminal dealings, who agreed to speak on the condition of anonymity. Most infamous were the off-brand diesel generators, which quickly broke down or otherwise malfunctioned, sometimes dangerously. In June 2009, a handful of Travellers from Rathkeale materialized in Australia and sold over $400,000 worth of them before they were arrested in Sydney and the remainder of their stock seized. The salesmen themselves made it back to Ireland without consequence.

When the authorities did attempt to catch the Rathkealers, even the ordinarily simple matter of identifying them proved enormously difficult. Like other Travellers, the Rathkeale clans share a handful of surnames and first names. Investigators would report having questioned a Danny O’Brien from Rathkeale, only to discover that there were a dozen Danny O’Briens there, all with birthdays within a year or two of each other. Distinguishing one from another required knowing the nicknames attached to each family—being able to tell a “Bishop” O’Brien, for instance, from a “Turkey” O’Brien. The Rathkealers routinely skipped town before court appearances, even for minor infractions.

On only one occasion had any of them been convicted of a serious crime. In May 2004, four Rathkeale Travellers, all young men, were caught operating a tobacco-smuggling operation out of a roadside travel plaza in West Flanders, Belgium, near the French border. Thanks to wildly varying tax regimes, tobacco products in Belgium cost as little as one-fifth what they do in Britain; the Rathkealers, according to the Belgian Federal Police, had bribed truck drivers to help them move $2.8 million worth of rolling tobacco through France and across the English Channel. Significantly, the Belgians tried and convicted the men on organized-crime grounds. “To get the convictions,” Dillon, who covered the trial in Bruges, told me, “they had to show that they were a hierarchy, that they were working in a joint enterprise and had been doing it for more than a year. And the Belgian authorities were able to prove all this.”

One of the members of the group was a 19-year-old named Richard O’Brien—the same Richard O’Brien whom would arrest six years later in Commerce City. As he would in Colorado, O’Brien presented himself to the court in Belgium as a naïf who had blundered into a criminal world that baffled and frightened him. He claimed he knew nothing about the smuggling, swearing he had simply been vacationing in Belgium and crossed paths with the other Rathkeale Travellers at a hotel, and he begged to be allowed to return to Ireland to finish his schooling. The judge was unmoved and gave each of the defendants nine months in prison. Before the end of the trial, O’Brien told his lawyer, “I don’t know what I have done to deserve this.”

Nine

The more he learned about the Rathkeale Rovers, the more was sure the horn-hunting expedition he had infiltrated marked the leading edge of an illicit empire, and he badly wanted to prove it. But as far as evidence of an organized operation went, he told me, “We had nothing but news articles.” Hegarty and O’Brien ultimately pleaded guilty to narrower smuggling charges and were sentenced to six months in prison and six months of house arrest. At a hearing shortly after their arrest, Linda McMahan, the assistant U.S. Attorney prosecuting the case, tried to convince the judge to take into account the organized nature of the smuggling operation. “One of them has a prior conviction similar to the conviction in this case: conspiracy to smuggle,” she told the judge. “They are part of an itinerant group out of—”

“Stop,” the judge said, cutting her off. “They aren’t.” At the end of the day, all the prosecutors had were two men buying some rhino horns. “The Rathkeale Rovers,” he said, turning over the odd name. “Sounds like a musical group playing at the pub.”

By the time the case was settled, Fish and Wildlife agents had discovered a third Rathkeale Rover hunting rhino horns on American soil. In September, Michael Slattery, Richard O’Brien’s 24-year-old cousin, had flown to Houston, Texas, rented an SUV, and driven to Austin, where he and two partners tried to buy a black rhino head from a taxidermy auction house. The dealer turned down Slattery’s offer; by law, the trophy could only be sold to an in-state resident. The next day, Slattery picked up a homeless man with a Texas driver’s license, drove him to the auction house, and sent him inside with $18,000 in $100 bills to buy it for him.

Two months later, Slattery walked into the Rose House, an English-style tearoom at a shopping center in Flushing, Queens, to meet a Chinese buyer. By now, Slattery was selling not only the horns he’d stripped off the head from Texas, but also another pair he’d acquired. The buyer handed him three cashier’s checks totaling $50,000. By the time Fish and Wildlife agents got wind of what had happened, just before Christmas, Slattery was already back in Ireland.


Four days after Richard O’Brien and Michael Hegarty were arrested in Colorado, twenty-odd police officials from across Europe filed into a meeting room at Europol’s headquarters in The Hague. The meeting had been called by John Reid, an Irish detective who was then serving as the Europol liaison for the Garda Síochána, or Gardaí, Ireland’s national police force. It was Reid’s job to field queries from other countries’ law-enforcement agencies about Irish nationals’ activities abroad. By the end of the summer of 2010, it was probably easier to list the Western European countries whose police hadn’t asked Reid to explain the mercurial Irishmen they’d come across peddling worthless knockoff generators and driveways that washed away when it rained, whose passports often turned up addresses in a small town in County Limerick.

The requests were so similar, Reid told me, that by September, “I decided the best thing to do was inform these other agencies that we were actually dealing with the same people.” At The Hague, the investigators unburdened themselves one by one. “The question,” Reid said, “was, what was this thing? Was it going to get worse?”

It was. The first reports of the Rathkealers’ dabbling in rhino-horn smuggling had surfaced the previous January, when two Rathkeale Travellers named Jeremiah and Michael O’Brien—twentysomething brothers from the “Bishop” O’Brien family—were stopped by customs officials at Ireland’s Shannon Airport on their way back from Portugal with eight rhino horns in their luggage. had been notified, but nobody there knew what to make of the incident at the time. “At first,” one CAB agent told me, “we were going, ‘What’s it got to do with us? What in the name of God are Travellers doing with rhino horns?’”

But as the intelligence began to trickle in—about the solicitations that big-game hunters and taxidermists had receivied, about the Rathkeale Rovers’ appearances at auction houses in England—Reid started to notice a pattern. Before taking the job in The Hague, he had spent 20 years as a police detective in Ireland, and he was familiar with the Rathkeale Rovers. “They were sort of—I won’t say famous,” he told me. “But they were well known as a particular group of Travellers who were—business orientated, shall we say?”

The arrest of O’Brien and Hegarty in Colorado had caught his attention immediately, for he recognized the young men’s names: They were the son and son-in-law, respectively, of Richard “Kerry” O’Brien—the man he knew as the King of the Rathkeale Travellers. Although the elder O’Brien had never been convicted of a crime—nor, to the knowledge of any Irish investigator I spoke to, charged with one—Reid knew that he had extensive business dealings in China. 

Reid was still trying to make sense of it all a month and a half later, when zookeepers at the in Münster, Germany, making their morning rounds on New Year’s Day, discovered a broken window in a small building on the grounds. Inside, the glass door had been unscrewed from a display case housing an educational exhibit of illegal wildlife products. Missing were a monkey skin, a leopard pelt, half a dozen pieces of elephant ivory, and three pieces of rhinoceros horn.

Ten

At 8:15 p.m. on February 21, 2011, less than two months after the All Weather Zoo break-in, a car crashed through the reinforced-glass doors of an auction-house half a mile outside the village of Stansted Mountfitchet, north of London. When the police arrived ten minutes later, the vehicle was gone. So was the moth-eaten head of a black rhino that had been mounted on the wall.

The All Weather Zoo theft might have been a random incident, but Guy Schooling, the managing director of Sworders Auctioneers, knew the smash-and-grab at his showroom was not. Like others in the antiques business, he had kept a close eye on the price of rhino horns. “I made quite a lot of money selling those horns,” he told me. “I didn’t enjoy it, but we were satisfying a demand in China”—and better to sell the remains of animals that expired a century ago, he figured, than worsen the poaching epidemic. The European Community had recently restricted the export of antique horns, and Sworders was planning on auctioning off eight of them, as well as the mounted head, at its showroom on February 22, in one final sale before the new regulations went into effect.

After an attempted break-in two weeks before the scheduled sale, the auction house had moved the horns into a strong room for safekeeping but left the head where it was. “It was bolted to the wall; we thought it was safe,” Schooling told me. But the thieves, after ramming open the front door, levered the trophy loose from its mount, then ran with it out the back door across an open field. The head, stripped of its horns, was found a few days later in a roadside ditch 30 miles away. Police reviewed the security-camera footage, but the thieves had worn caps with the brims pulled down low, obscuring their faces.

On March 5, a horn was reported stolen from the in Rouen, France. A month later, the burglars struck the University of Coimbra; the Irish mobile-phone number the Portuguese police pulled from the cell-tower traffic belonged to the wife of a prominent Rover. Around 2 a.m. on the morning of May 27, thieves broke into the Haslemere Educational Museum in southeast England and made off with the head of a rhino shot in East Africa in the early 1900s by a British army lieutenant. Museum staff were paying attention now, aware that their collections were being pillaged systematically. “It was clearly criminals,” Paolo Viscardi, the Horniman Museum curator, told me, “who wouldn’t necessarily know what they were looking for if they hadn’t been told.” Curators began trading stories of advance teams casing their institutions: “Literally people calling and asking, ‘Do you have rhino horns?’” Viscardi said. “Or hanging around outside, looking shifty, asking people questions.”

The thefts were also growing more brazen. On the morning of June 11, two Rathkeale Travellers—Michael Kealy and Daniel “Turkey” O’Brien, who had been imprisoned with in Belgium for tobacco smuggling—jumped an antiques dealer in the parking lot of a McDonald’s in Nottinghamshire, England, and stole a rhino horn the man had brought to sell them. As they started the car, the dealer managed to climb halfway into an open window. Kealy and O’Brien drove off, running a string of red lights with the man’s legs still sticking out of the vehicle, eventually shaking him loose and badly injuring him in the fall. Kealy was arrested a week later, attempting to board a ferry to France. O’Brien was caught in Cambridgeshire the following December but jumped bail several months later and fled the country.

Five days after the Nottinghamshire incident, staff at an in the Belgian city of Liège were making their rounds of the building’s top-floor zoology wing at closing time when they came upon a man wrestling a mounted rhino head off the wall. The thief attacked them with pepper spray and fled the building with the trophy, wrenching loose the horns and hurling the rest of the head into an artificial pond before getting into a car with Dutch license plates that was waiting outside. When the thief—a 34-year-old Polish national residing in the Netherlands—was caught at a police roadblock, he told investigators he had been instructed to leave the horn at the foot of a statue in the Dutch city of Helmond, where he would be paid €3,000.

The London-based Natural Sciences Collections Association was now advising its members that rhino horns “should be taken off display and put in a secure location.” In Italy, three horns had been stolen from the Hall of Skeletons at the at the University of Florence, the oldest public museum in Europe. In Germany, thieves lifted a horn from the , sawed another off a trophy mount at a hunting museum in Gifhorn, and absconded with the entire upper jaw of a rhino from the Hamburg Zoological Museum.

In early July, horn thieves hit the in Brussels, down the street from the European Parliament. Next was Blois, France, where thieves dragged a 200-pound rhino mount out of a natural-history museum and escaped in a van. Two and a half weeks later, in the early hours of a Thursday morning in late July, police in England’s Suffolk County were notified that someone tripped the alarm on the back door of the —the home of a locally beloved stuffed Indian rhino named Rosie. When they arrived five minutes later, the museum was deserted, and all that remained on Rosie’s snout was a bare patch of plaster and burlap.

Eleven

Europol decided that it was time to go public with what it knew. On July 7, 2011, the agency issued a bulletin identifying the likely culprits in the rhino-horn thefts as “a mobile Organised Crime Group involving persons of Irish and ethnically Irish origin.” In fact, thought he knew more than that.

Since the previous November, Reid and other countries’ police liaisons in The Hague had continued meeting periodically and sharing whatever bits of information about the Rathkeale Rovers passed across their respective desks—an arrangement they had dubbed Operation Oakleaf. Even Reid, who thought he knew the Rathkeale network as well as anyone, was surprised by how far they’d roamed in pursuit of rhino horns, tarmacking work, and off-brand merchandise. “We realized they’d been to South America, South Africa, China, probably Russia,” he told me. “The whole breadth of Europe—Cypress even. These were things I certainly wasn’t aware of, and I don’t think too many Gardaí were, either.”

To Reid, who has a master’s degree in international business studies, the Rathkeale Rovers were a remarkable case study in entrepreneurship, legal or otherwise—and he thought he was finally beginning to understand them. “At one point in time,” he told me, “it seemed to us like every traveling Rathkeale Rover was looking for a rhino horn.” As the intelligence piled up, however, he had begun drawing a smaller circle. The thefts, he believed, were the work of perhaps half a dozen Rathkeale Traveller families.

The Rathkeale clans, like other traditional Traveller groups, were thought to be patriarchal hierarchies, but only in the loosest sense. The head of each was generally a man in middle age who had attained the position by virtue of his business prowess. Beneath these figures, authority diffused rapidly through a welter of sons and sons-in-law and nephews. The individuals Reid considered worth pursuing—the ones “that were highly active, that you’d be most interested in”—numbered perhaps 30 in all. But by Reid’s estimation, at any given time the family organizations could encompass ten, maybe even twenty times that many people who were available to play a role, even a tiny one, in the operation. “It became a really live network,” he told me. “At any point in time, anyone in that chain could be doing something, whether it was casing a place to see if there was a rhino horn there or shipping money for them.”

Early in Operation Oakleaf, Reid had been puzzled by the rhino-horn thieves’ eerie omniscience. They weren’t just targeting well-known museums and auction houses, but also estates in secluded corners of France, Belgium, and Germany. “These thefts in these small towns in the middle of France—how did they know there was a rhino horn there?” he said. It was only after consulting with a French police investigator who’d spent months tracking the Rathkeale tarmacking crews that he understood. Years of chatting up the owners of large estates across the continent had left the Rathkeale Rovers with a detailed knowledge of the topography of European wealth—which châteaus had hunting rooms, which castles had been passed down through families with colonial adventurers in their past.

The tarmacking experience explained another aspect of the rhino-horn thefts. Museum staff often reported visitors with Irish accents making inquiries about rhino horns weeks before the thefts occurred. But aside from Michael Kealy and , the few thieves who had been caught were never Rathkeale Travellers; they were usually immigrants from Eastern Europe, Travellers from poorer clans, or unfortunates from the margins of society, homeless or ex-convicts with few work prospects. In this regard, they almost exactly matched the profiles that the French investigator had assembled of the work crews the Rathkealers hired for the tarmacking business. “We knew [the Rathkeale Rovers] are involved in this rhino-horn theft, but how are all these foreign nationals involved in it?” Reid told me. “It was because of the tarmacking.”

The perpetrators who had been caught were usually scrupulous in not divulging the names of their employers—but not always. On August 26, 2011, an Austrian aristocrat reported that two rhino horns had been stolen from his family’s castle in the Danube Valley wine country. The local police caught the thieves in January; the three men were, as in past incidents, Polish nationals. But this time at least one of them—a 30-year-old named Damian Lekki—was willing to reveal whom he worked for. His break-ins, he later told prosecutors in the regional court, had been ordered by an Irishman who called himself John Ross.

According to documents later filed by the Austrian prosecutors, Lekki “was able to identify him unambiguously [in] a photo.” The man he picked out was a Rathkeale Traveller named John “Ross” Quilligan. Austria issued a European arrest warrant calling for Quilligan’s extradition from Ireland. “John Quilligan,” according to the warrant, “is strongly suspected of being a member of an Irish criminal group specialized in theft of rhinoceros horns.”

Quilligan fought the extradition for months, all the way to the Irish High Court, which ruled definitively against him in August 2013. But I could find no mention of the case since then in the Austrian or Irish press, and the local prosecutors in Austria refused to comment on it. When I mentioned the case to one of the agents I interviewed, however, he laughed darkly. By the time Quilligan had been delivered to Austria, he explained, the thieves had withdrawn their statements. “He was sent to Austria on a Monday,” the agent said. “And he was back in Rathkeale on Thursday.”

But investigators were catching more promising breaks elsewhere. In Portugal, the Judicial Police had been scouring local antiques dealerships looking for the Coimbra burglars. Although the thieves themselves remained elusive, the search had turned up another person of interest: an antiques dealer—an Australian national living in China—who was suspected of serving as a go-between for some of the Rovers and buyers in China. The police finally caught up with him at the Lisbon airport in September 2011, boarding a flight to Paris with his son; in his luggage were six rhino horns. According to the Portuguese attorney general’s office, the case remains under investigation.

The Rovers themselves, however, mostly remained frustratingly out of reach. Retracing footsteps in the United States, Fish and Wildlife investigators had begun to grasp the sophistication of the people they were dealing with. “They generally travel with the clothes on their backs and little in their suitcases,” Andy Cortez, the special agent detailed to the investigation, told me. “They travel with very little money—the money’s wired when they arrive. They change cars, switch out rental cars. We’ve seen them use counter-surveillance-type tactics: pulling over, making U-turns, trying to see if anyone’s following them.”

When they were entering the country, the Rathkeale Rovers would book a flight, then arrive at the airport the day before and pay in cash for a ticket on an earlier one. They worked exhausting hours, “from dawn until maybe ten o’clock at night—constantly moving, constantly on the phone,” Cortez said. Looking through the travel records for one Rover who had recently left the United States, Cortez saw that the man had hopscotched across seven countries in 13 days before landing back in Ireland. They used multiple identities, passports, email addresses, and mobile phones. Although police had been furiously compiling family trees and dossiers on prominent Rovers, sorting out one Danny O’Brien from another remained a vexing business. “A lot of times,” Cortez said, “the only way you could verify who they were was by a photograph.”

There was one respect, however, in which the Rovers’ activities were predictable. Every year, in early December, they returned to the town they called their spiritual home.

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St. Mary’s Church in Rathkeale. (Photo: Charles Homans)

Twelve

Everyone I spoke to about the Rathkeale Rovers told me that if I wanted to understand the group, I had to visit Rathkeale in December. Some local Travellers returned to town for Easter and St. Patrick’s Day, but that was nothing compared with the Christmas season, when nearly all of them did, filling every vacant lot with trailers and clogging the narrow streets with luxury cars. It was the only time of year when many local Traveller families crossed paths, and the atmosphere was accordingly charged. Teenage boys litigated family feuds with fists and blunt instruments in the middle of Main Street while girls, caked in makeup and clad in day-glo miniskirts, paraded in groups up and down Roche’s Road trying to attract suitors. St. Mary’s—the severe stone church on the hill overlooking town—hosted back-to-back weddings, and Mann’s Hotel, the reception hall on Main Street, was booked solid with engagement parties, what the Travellers called “pop the questions.” Big Fat Gypsy Weddings had dedicated an entire Christmas special to the spectacle.

December is not the time of year that a sane person visits western Ireland. The sun rises in the late morning and stays aloft only until midafternoon, as if it doesn’t really see the point. The sky is more or less permanently the shade of oatmeal. When I drove into Rathkeale from Limerick City last December, a week before Christmas, it was raining. It was raining every day after that, too. The landscape—in the summer the near bioluminescent green that foreigners think of when they think of Ireland—looks desaturated, as if the colors have been stored away until the weather improves.

Just before dusk on my first afternoon in Rathkeale, I was walking up Main Street, admiring the blackened ruin of a 13th-century Augustinian abbey, when I heard the thrum of a performance engine. A silver Mercedes E350 shot up a side street past the abbey, rounding the corner onto Main in a virtuosic, tire-smoking drift. As the car flew past, I caught the sound of teenage-male whooping. Up the street were a group of girls who looked maybe 11 years old, decked out in fake-fur-trimmed coats, bleached and distressed skinny jeans, and hairspray-devouring updos. They were tottering down the sidewalk on glittery platform wedges, toward a row of well-kept terraced houses festooned with Christmas lights, with trailers and high-end SUVs out front.

The Travellers had begun to arrive a week or so before I did. Most of the men, I learned, would be coming later that week, after their wives and children. This explained why, as the sun went down, Rathkeale’s diminutive downtown took on a Neverland quality, the sidewalks filling with Traveller children embarking on a night on the town. Everyone was fanatically well groomed and seemed older than they surely were; even the little boys carried themselves with the confident swagger of grown men.

“They’ve gone from horse and trap to Porsche—Beyoncé stuff,” Seamus Hogan said. It was later that night, just before midnight, and Hogan, a boyish-looking 44-year-old DJ at the local radio station, was slumped in a high-backed leather armchair in front of the fireplace in the lobby of my hotel. There was a Christmas party going on in the adjoining bar, and guests, most of them in late middle age, drifted in and out of a banquet room down the hall, where a live band was belting out Johnny Cash and Kenny Rogers covers. “I remember,” Hogan said, “when they had sweet feck-all.”

Hogan had lived in Rathkeale all his life; I’d called him on the recommendation of a couple of Irish reporters, who relied on him for his encyclopedic knowledge of local affairs. “Roche’s Road,” he went on, “is where Rathkeale came from. By maybe thirty-odd years ago, one house was sold to a Traveller. Then”—here he turned portentous—“it was a domino effect.” He ticked off the other neighborhoods on his fingers: “Next was Ballywilliam. After that was Abbeylands, then Boherboui, then St. Mary’s Terrace, then Abbey Court. They now own 95 percent of the homes in all of these estates.”

At that moment, a man in his sixties dressed in a windbreaker, bald with piercing blue eyes and bearing a passing resemblance to Anthony Hopkins, walked out of the hotel bar with a pint of Carlsberg. “Paddy!” Hogan called out. “What was the first house the Travellers bought on Roche’s Road?”

“It was Mrs. Lee’s home,” the man said, without hesitation. “Number 1 on Roche’s Road. Nobody could afford it—but the Travellers could.” Joining us by the fire, the man introduced himself as Paddy Collins. “They talk about Rathkeale as the spiritual home of the Travellers,” he said. “That’s bullshit. There were originally just six Traveller families. A lot of the people moving into Rathkeale now are just criminals—they hide behind the Traveller identity.”

Collins was a musician who played Irish folk music at the pubs in Adare, a town just up the road that was popular with foreign tourists. In Rathkeale, too, he said, “we try to make it nice for people to come visit. And then we have this,” he spat, gesturing sweepingly out toward Main Street.

“But it’s too far along now,” Hogan said ruefully.

“’Tis,” Collins said.

I kept trying to prod the conversation back toward the powerful Rathkeale Rovers I had come to town to better understand, the men who were thought to be behind the rhino-horn thefts. But Hogan and Collins seemed less interested in them than in the scene unfolding up Main Street: the traffic jams of Porsche Cayennes and Audi A8s, the spray-tanned midriffs, the street brawls. “Wednesday night, that was the last straw,” Hogan said. “They erected a pop-the-question marquee in the middle of the street, with a bunch of cones around it! And the Gardaí, what do they do? They do nothing!”

These were the kind of nuisance complaints that hovered around the edges of something much larger and more unspeakable: the overturning of a longstanding social order and the recalibration of the balance of power between two cultures that had lived uneasily alongside each other for centuries. It didn’t take much walking around Rathkeale to understand that the town had seen better days. The local meatpacking and dairy industries were mostly gone now, casualties of economic realignments and industry consolidations. Of late the biggest employer in town was a factory that made costume jewelry. Its owner announced plans to shut it down in September.

The Rathkeale Travellers’ economic ascent had coincided almost exactly with their settled neighbors’ decline—and the fact that Travellers were, to many Irish, synonymous with poverty made the reversal all the more dizzying. By some estimates, Travellers now own 80 percent of the property in Rathkeale. “They pretty much dominate the place,” Niall Collins, County Limerick’s representative in the lower house of the Irish Parliament, told me. “I suppose the local community are being—I don’t want to use any inflammatory language, but they’re kind of being squeezed out.” It was hard to tell whether the settled locals in Rathkeale were more perturbed by the idea that the Traveller elites might have gotten wealthy off the spoils of international crime, or simply by the fact that they had gotten wealthy at all. The rolling bacchanal out in the street was the sound of the Travellers finding a footing in the world, while everyone else in Rathkeale felt theirs slipping away.

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The Rathkeale Boxing Club on Main Street. (Photo: Charles Homans)

Thirteen

Hogan and Collins weren’t wrong about the crime, though. In 2012, there were more than three times as many criminal incidents reported in Rathkeale as there were in neighboring Adare, which has 1,000 more residents. I asked the local police sergeant, Niall Flood, what percentage of the local crime was committed by Travellers. “At Christmas?” he said. “Ninety-five percent of it.” The Gardaí had adopted a special patrolling plan for December. Rathkeale was hardly a police state—there were only eight officers in town—but the Gardaí vans rolling slowly past crowds of young Travellers on Roche’s Road did suggest an odd sort of occupation; there were even checkpoints on the outskirts of town. “I won’t use the words ‘zero tolerance,’ but it’s as close to that as you’ll get,” David Sheahan, the police superintendent at the Gardaí’s county headquarters in Limerick City, told me. “They have to know that things are the way they are.”

Flood agreed to let me ride along on an evening patrol later that week, and on Friday night I met up with Patrick O’Rourke, one of the younger officers on the force. As O’Rourke steered his van down Main Street, I asked him about an ongoing feud between two Traveller families I’d heard about. “Oh yeah,” he said—that one had been going on for years. “The youngsters are fighting about something that started before they were born. Sometimes they’ll go at it with slash hooks and baseball bats.”

Still, most of the crimes in town were, in truth, pretty unspectacular. In the 12 years since Paddy Sheridan stabbed David Sheridan, there hadn’t been a single murder in Rathkeale. A few years back, in the midst of a feud, someone threw a pipe bomb through a window, but no one was injured.

None of the police I met in Rathkeale were from the area, and all of them spoke of the local situation with a sort of anthropological detachment. Rathkeale was, for them, a desirable post as far as rural Ireland was concerned; it was certainly an interesting one. Since the Rathkeale Rovers had come under international scrutiny, agents and investigators from other countries had often relied on the local beat cops for intelligence on figures of interest and help comprehending the family networks and the histories of the Rathkealers they were tracking abroad.

Rolling up Main Street, O’Rourke detailed the genealogical landscape we were driving through. “These here are the Sheridans,” he said, pointing at the terraced houses along the street in the neighborhood of Boherboui. “And the Kealys, up here,” he said as we pulled up Roche’s Road, past a large brick house with stone lions guarding the front door. He looped back up Main Street and into the Abbeylands estate, where the “Bishop” O’Briens lived. Several expensive-looking cars were parked at the end of the street; as he turned the van around, O’Rourke looked at them a bit longingly. “BMW X6—nice machine.”

The streets seemed uncharacteristically empty that night, and as we drove through Ballywilliam, I remarked that for all the stories I’d heard, things seemed pretty quiet. “The thing with this place,” O’Rourke said, “is it’s a powder keg, like. And if it goes off, we don’t have the capacity to deal with it. By the time the reserves come in from Limerick City, everything would’ve happened already.”


The longer I spent in Rathkeale, the more I wanted to know how things looked from the other side of the vast cultural crevasse that ran through the middle of town. But while the Travellers I met there were all unfailingly cordial and polite, the moment I identified myself as a reporter their friendliness stiffened, almost imperceptibly, into a mask. I didn’t particularly blame them. As the tales of rhino-horn thefts, counterfeit generators, and tarmacking scams had multiplied, the local Traveller community had been increasingly besieged by camera crews. The previous summer, Ireland’s Channel 5 had aired a series of comically dire reports in which Paul Connolly, a crusading investigative reporter, attempted to find evidence of a criminal underworld among Rathkeale’s Travellers. The first installment opened with Connolly standing amid the ruins of the abbey on Main Street, intoning gravely about “the long, dark shadows over a town the Travellers plan to one day take over completely.”

One night I walked up to the Black Lion, one of the town’s two Traveller-owned pubs, which the elites were known to frequent, and introduced myself as a reporter to an older woman who was watching the door. She looked me over and laughed with genial incredulity, as if I had just suggested going for a quick dip in the local river. “You picked a bad time,” a man standing next to her said. “There’s a big Travellers do here tonight.” The doorway was blocked by a group of men, a few of them eyeing me warily.

The next day, at the local supermarket, I introduced myself to a man who, by his high-and-tight haircut, I guessed to be a Traveller. He grinned. “I’m from Liverpool, mate,” he said, not bothering to conceal his local accent. “Just passing through.”

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Fourteen

On the morning of February 20, 2012, a group of curators strolled through the natural-history gallery of the , in the east England county of Norfolk. A few of them worked at the museum; the rest were visiting from a similar institution in Cambridge, just down the road. As they passed the museum’s lone rhino head—housed in a large Edwardian mahogany-and-glass display case as part of an exhibit of colonial taxidermy called Out of Africa—the two groups compared notes. The Cambridge museum lately had been getting the kind of suspicious phone calls inquiring about rhino horns that typically preceded the thefts; the Norwich curators were considering fitting their rhino mount with a replica horn.

The Norwich museum had certain advantages, security-wise. It was a fortress, literally, built by William the Conqueror in the 11th century while he was in the midst of subduing East Anglia, 70 feet tall with fortifications of limestone and flint. The castle withstood a revolt and a Flemish invasion before it was converted into a prison in 1220, and remained as such until the late 19th century, when the city of Norwich turned it into a museum. The museum’s natural-history wing—one of several chambers branching off of a high-ceilinged central rotunda—would have been nearly impossible to get at after hours without breaking down the heavy front door.

Still, the spate of robberies had left the museum’s curators as worried as everyone else in their profession. That December, thieves had tear-gassed employees at the , a small taxidermy gallery occupying a pair of mansions in Paris, and made off with a South African horn specimen—the 14th attempted theft in France alone since the beginning of 2011. Just two days before the Cambridge curators’ visit to Norwich, a young English couple had distracted the security guard at the town in Offenburg, Germany, while two men made their way to a second-floor gallery, where a rhino head was mounted high on the wall. One of the men pulled out a long-handled sledgehammer he’d hidden down his pant leg, climbed onto a display case and knocked down the trophy, then pounded the horns loose. The thieves hid them under their jackets and left, slipping into a Catholic Carnival celebration on the street outside.

February 20 was a Monday—a day when most English museums are closed—and only a handful of visitors milled around the Norwich museum. Passing through the natural-history wing, the curators had taken note of one group in particular: four young men dressed in dark jeans and black sweaters, wearing what looked like black beanies on their heads.

The curators had adjourned to the rotunda for tea when one of them looked up and saw them: four figures in balaclavas emerging from the natural-history gallery, heading in their direction, toward the exit. One of them was running; the other three were moving at a pace that was not quite running but as close to it as a person could manage while carrying a piece of taxidermy the approximate size and weight of a filing cabinet. One of them shouted, “Get out of the fucking way!”

“By that time,” one of the curators told me, “we knew what was happening.”

The thieves were already in the midst of a panicked plan B. After jimmying open the display case with a crowbar, they’d tried and failed to pry the horns loose from the rhino head, leaving them only two choices: leave empty-handed, or somehow make it across the rotunda and out the door with the entire trophy. At first the curators stood frozen, silently running the odds of getting tear-gassed or worse. Finally, one of the Cambridge visitors threw himself in front of the head bearers.

In the scrum that ensued, a Norwich curator tripped one of the thieves, and the trophy thudded to the floor. For a moment, criminals and curators alike stood around the head, unsure of what to do next. Then another Norwich staff member made a grab for the trophy and began dragging it to safety. The thieves sprinted for the exit, climbed into a waiting car, and fled the scene.

About 20 minutes later, the Norfolk police got a call from a man who said he’d seen something suspicious on Argyle Street, a dead-end side road less than a mile from the museum. A Renault Laguna sedan had pulled over, he said, and the driver had gotten out, removed the car’s license plates, and driven away. The witness’s description of the vehicle matched the getaway car in the museum’s CCTV footage.

Rushing to Argyle Street, officers recovered the plates and lifted a fingerprint from one of them, which they plugged into the British police’s national database. It turned up a match: a homeless 21-year-old Iraqi immigrant and small-time thief named Nihad Mahmod.

Mahmod surfaced four months later, when police in London arrested him for an unrelated crime and sent him to Norfolk for questioning. According to Andy Ninham, the Norfolk police detective who interviewed him, Mahmod admitted to driving the getaway car in the museum theft but wouldn’t give up the names of the other thieves or their employer. He did, however, describe how he had come to be involved in the failed heist. He had been panhandling in East London’s Stratford district, he said, when a man with an Irish accent approached him and asked if he wanted to make some money. When Mahmod agreed, the Irishman drove him to Norwich. It was only en route, he said, that he learned what he would be doing there.

Mahmod appeared in court two days later and pleaded guilty to his role in the robbery, for which he was sentenced to two and a half years in prison. By that point, however, museums across England had another problem: Whoever was stealing the rhino horns appeared to be setting their sights higher.


At about 7:30 p.m. on the evening of April 13, 2012, a security alarm went off at the at the University of Cambridge. When campus security personnel arrived, they found that a large rectangular hole had been cut in the metal shutter covering a ground-floor window in a room housing a permanent exhibition called Arts of the Far East. The window itself was smashed, as were a pair of strengthened-glass cabinets a few feet away. The cabinets had held 18 small artworks, most of them jade carvings from Qing- and Ming-dynasty China, which the prominent Asian antiques collector Oscar Raphael had donated to the museum in the 1940s. They were collectively valued at $25 million, and all of them were missing.

The theft was a surgical strike, executed in minutes, but the thieves had been careless. Cambridgeshire police quickly recovered footage from one of the museum’s exterior CCTV cameras showing three men and a teenage boy approaching the building shortly before the theft; another camera showed them parking a white Volkswagen van on a nearby street. The BBC aired the images in early May, and within the week two of the suspects were caught in London. One of them was a 29-year-old Irish Traveller living in East London named Patrick Kiely.

Back in Norfolk, Ninham, who was still looking for three of the four Norwich Castle Museum thieves, decided to take a look at the Fitzwilliam CCTV footage. One of the four men the cameras had captured had an odd-looking profile that instantly struck him as familiar; he had seen that bulbous nose before.

Ninham went back to the footage he had pulled from the Norwich museum two months earlier. Even on the grainy video, he told me, “You could look at him and say, ‘That’s definitely the guy.’” One of the thwarted rhino-horn thieves was Patrick Kiely.

By the time Kiely appeared in a Norwich courtroom the following December, he had already been convicted and sentenced to six years for the Fitzwilliam theft; now he was looking at another 18 months for the botched rhino-horn job. The judge offered him a reduced sentence if he gave up the names of the two rhino thieves who were still at large, but Kiely refused. His lawyer told the court that Kiely had been forced to steal the horns by men who had threatened his family. When he’d failed at that, he was ordered to take part in the Fitzwilliam robbery.

The judge was unconvinced. “If you think I am going to buy that sort of twaddle, you are talking to the wrong man,” he said. But from the police investigators’ standpoint, the significant fact was not whether he had been threatened. It was that the two thefts appeared to have been ordered by the same people.

Police investigators had followed the rhino-horn thefts with interest but also a certain fatalism—knowing what they knew about where the horns were headed, nobody much expected to recover them intact. The Fitzwilliam theft, and the headlines it generated, was different. “You’re talking tens of millions of pounds’ worth of stuff,” Ninham told me—many times the value of the individual horns, and all of it potentially recoverable. “That focused attention. Then we got the break in our investigation of Kiely’s involvement, so the two things joined up.” Since the horn thefts began, police had been studying the Rathkeale Rovers. Now it was time to act on what they knew.

Fifteen

An hour before dawn on September 10, 2013, several dozen agents and local police officers quietly gathered around five houses in Rathkeale. In the English city of Wolverhampton, a tactical team armed with battering rams was preparing to scale the wrought-iron fence surrounding a tidy brick house; in Belfast, Northern Ireland, officers were making plans to raid a rug store on Castle Street. And in Cottenham, England, riot-gear-clad officers from the Cambridgeshire Constabulary filed into an encampment of trailers and transit vans, a campsite known as Smithy Fen that was regularly inhabited by Rathkeale Travellers. They were looking for the men whose houses the CAB was raiding in Rathkeale.

On the signal, the Cambridgeshire squad descended upon the camp. “Police!” a man in one of the trailers yelled.

“Get back!” a cop shouted.

“I’ve got the key! I have the key!” the man called out in vain as the police pried the door loose from its frame with an ax and tumbled inside.

According to David Old, the press officer for the Cambridgeshire Constabulary, most of the 19 people arrested in the raids “were held on suspicion of conspiracy to burgle in connection with the museum thefts.” British investigators have otherwise refused to go into any detail about the grounds on which they associated the Rathkeale Rovers with the break-ins. According to a CAB agent who was apprised of the investigation, however, the connection between the Fitzwilliam thieves and the Rovers was not a terribly difficult one to make. “They ran the phone traffic,” he told me.

The Rathkeale Rovers, another CAB agent told me, seemed genuinely shocked by the amount of weight that came down upon them. For years, he said, many of them thought that the increased attention from authorities was simply the result of the wealth on display in Big Fat Gypsy Weddings. “A lot of ’em would say, ‘Those programs have brought nothing but bad luck on us,’” he said. “And we were quite happy for them to think that.” The Rovers were stunned, he said, by the effort that had been expended in tracking their movements, understanding the convoluted business relationships and family trees.

The following day, was boarding a plane at Newark International Airport in New Jersey when he was met at his gate by several agents from the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and Immigration and Customs Enforcement. A month later, Spanish police apprehended , who had been on the lam for 18 months, at an airport in the Mediterranean port city of Alicante, and returned him to Britain. Both men subsequently pleaded guilty—to conspiracy to commit wildlife trafficking and robbery, respectively—and are now serving prison terms.

The suspects arrested in the September 10 raids in Cambridgeshire weren’t immediately charged with any crimes, and the local police didn’t release their names. But they did allow a photographer for the local newspaper, the Cambridge News, to accompany them on the raid, and later that day the News posted an edited snippet of the video footage on its website. The clip shows a heavyset, gray-haired man in his underwear, handcuffed and seated unceremoniously on a couch in the trailer—the same man who had been shouting about the keys as the police forced open the door. The man’s face is out of view, but in an earlier and more generous edit of the footage, which circulated briefly among English and Irish reporters, you could see him clearly—not for long, but long enough to identify him as Richard “Kerry” O’Brien, the man the press and police called the King of the Rathkeale Travellers.

O’Brien’s house was among the five the CAB raided in Rathkeale. At the time, his wife, Christina, daughter Kathleen, and four young grandchildren were home. In an account of the raid she later gave to the local parish priest, Kathleen said the police had arrived in full riot gear and balaclavas around 4:30 a.m., shouting at the family and ordering them around at gunpoint. The CAB agents spent the next several hours in the office O’Brien kept down the hall, a closet-sized room with a small desk and a pair of filing cabinets, overflowing with papers. By then the sun was up; photos the police later released show CAB agents in O’Brien’s driveway, loading computers and boxes of documents into the back of a police car.

By the time I visited Rathkeale, three months after the raid, the Cambridgeshire suspects had been released from custody and allowed to return to Ireland. The CAB agents, who had been keeping tabs on them, told me that O’Brien, though not the others, was back in Rathkeale, a free man for the time being. The law-enforcement officials, Rathkeale locals, and Irish reporters I talked to told me that approaching him was at best futile and at worst unadvisable. He had never said a word to a reporter, and a CAB detective told another journalist that he had been attacked by men hurling bricks when he tried to take pictures near O’Brien’s property. Still, the men who were targeted in the raids were so elusive that knocking on O’Brien’s door seemed the only chance of speaking with any of them. So on the Saturday before Christmas, my last afternoon in Ireland, I drove up the hill to the house I had been told was his.

It was one of the largest in town, a two-story red-brick colonial with white trim, surrounded by a brick-and-stone wall and a wrought-iron gate. The gate was open when I arrived, with several luxury cars and a transit van parked in the broad driveway. As I got out of the car, a woman emerged from the house. She looked to be in her mid-fifties, wearing a red pullover with her blond hair held back in a loose ponytail, and had a harried look about her. I asked if O’Brien was home.

“What do you want with him?” she said.

“I wanted to ask him about the rhino horns,” I said.

She looked at me for a moment. Two burly gray-haired men, I noticed, had emerged from around the side of the house.

“He’s gone away,” she said, and walked back inside.


A month later, the Irish government was buffeted by a scandal involving allegations of abuse of power by high-level Gardaí, and by late February, Irish Prime Minister Enda Kenny was forced to address the affair in a speech, calling on anyone with “any other relevant material in their possession” concerning wrongdoing by the national police force to come forward. The following week, a nondescript WordPress site appeared online. “I am ready to provide Mr Kenny with that evidence,” read a statement posted on the site. “My name is Richard Kerry O’Brien.”

The statement seemed genuine; describing the September raids in Cambridgeshire and Rathkeale, O’Brien mentioned details that had never to my knowledge been reported—I had only heard them from officers who had been on the scene. “In my opinion,” O’Brien wrote, “the systematic harassment I have experienced is because certain Gardaí resent the idea that a traveller might live in a nice house and drive a nice car. Uppity travellers, you might say.” At the end of the statement was a Gmail address. I wrote to it immediately.

O’Brien emailed me back within the hour. “It is good to see interest from the USA,” he wrote, and apologized for my being turned away at his house in December. “I am sorry if my wife was short with you,” he wrote. “That is not our way with visitors.” When I called the mobile-phone number he gave me, the man who answered—his voice was gruff but not unfriendly—told me I was the first reporter he had talked to. I asked him why. “I can’t take it anymore,” he said, and eagerly asked what I had heard about him from the police. When I asked about his son’s arrest in Colorado, it was clear I was either speaking with O’Brien or with someone who had read as many hundreds of pages of court documents as I had. I booked a flight back to Ireland that afternoon.

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Richard “Kerry” O’Brien in Rathkeale, March 2014. (Photo: Charles Homans)

Sixteen

When I stepped off the bus in Rathkeale four days later, a barrel-chested man was leaning against a silver Volkswagen Golf parked on the side of the road. His gray hair ascended from a widow’s peak into a boxy four-cornered cut, framing a broad face that seemed drawn inward to the bridge of his nose. He was dressed in a dark pin-striped suit over a spread-collared purple shirt, with a matching tie knotted in a thick double Windsor. It suddenly seemed improbable to me, as I looked him over, that Richard “Kerry” O’Brien was the figure others had made him out to be; surely the actual head of an organized-crime syndicate would know better than to show up for an interview dressed like one.

“I never had anything to do with a rhino horn,” O’Brien told me as we pulled up to his house in the Volkswagen. Rathkeale residents and police I’d met on my previous visit spoke of the house in slightly awed tones, the way someone in Westchester County might describe the Rockefeller estate. From the outside, it looked impressive if not enormous, and as O’Brien showed me inside, I realized it was smaller than most houses you’d encounter in an American exurb. It had the look of a somewhat lived-in model home—the white leather living room set in the sunroom was covered in plastic, and there were few decorations aside from a handful of family photos and Catholic figurines. Two friends of O’Brien’s, men in late middle age, were sitting at the granite kitchen table, where his wife had set out plates of cookies and soda bread. From behind a half-closed door to a den off the kitchen, I could hear the muffled sounds of grandchildren and cartoons.

“I’m not actually from this town,” O’Brien told me after we settled in around the table. In fact, he said, “I’m not really a Traveller.”

He told me he had come into the community by way of Christina, who was a Flynn, one of the earliest Rathkeale Traveller families. O’Brien himself was from Kanturk, in County Cork. “We had no money,” he said, and he left home when he was 16 to seek his fortune. He had eventually gotten into antiques dealing and had been successful at it, but he found the pace and unpredictability of the work unsatisfying. “I like to buy stuff today and sell it tomorrow and get a profit, like,” he said. “In the antique business, you buy this”—he nodded at the table—“that dealer might like it, and you go and go on and it turns out the check bounces. There’s a lot of problems.”

There were faster and larger profits to be made, he realized, from the construction boom under way in Ireland at the time. After buying and later selling his aluminum factory in County Cork, he started pursuing import opportunities from Asia. “You see that lamp?” he said, pointing out the kitchen window at a wrought-iron lamppost at the end of the driveway. “I was buying them for $270 in China,” he said, and selling them for four times that in Ireland. By the late 1990s, he was a regular at the annual trade exhibition in Guangzhou, “the biggest in the world—it’d take you nearly four days to go around it.” He’d scouted factories in Vietnam, Malaysia, and Indonesia—“I was three months in the jungle in Indonesia one time,” he said. As the market for building supplies dried up with the implosion of Ireland’s real estate market, O’Brien shifted gears again; now, he told me, he mostly imported furniture like the suite in the sunroom.

Eventually, I recited the litany of suspicions I’d heard voiced about him by various investigators. O’Brien professed total ignorance of the rhino-horn thefts and the museum break-ins that had prompted the raid. After he was brought out of the trailer in handcuffs and taken to the police station in Cambridgeshire, he explained to me, “I told them I was never in any museum in my life.” The detectives who questioned O’Brien were mostly interested in his travels to China and Vietnam, he said—what he was doing there, who he was meeting. When they gave him back his passport, he said, his Vietnamese visa had been removed without explanation. Still, O’Brien said, “they’re sort of civilized over there. They gave me coffee and tea.” He was much angrier at the armed Irish police who had raided his house in Rathkeale and, he said, held his wife and children at gunpoint. “They ran up the stairs like they were taking over a bank or something, you know what I mean?” (Representatives of the CAB and the Cambridgeshire police I spoke to later declined to comment on O’Brien’s account of the raids.)

When I asked about his son’s rhino-horn dealings in the United States, O’Brien told me he had been in the dark about them until was arrested. In any case, he said, his son’s arrest had been “a setup—it was proper entrapment. It wouldn’t happen here in Europe. He could’ve beaten that case. But, you know, in America, the court cases there are very, very expensive. He would’ve won it, but it would’ve dragged on and dragged on.” Besides, he said, “what he done—it’s not illegal to buy a rhino horn, when you have the proper paperwork.”

It was true that there were certain narrow circumstances where it was legal to buy and sell an antique horn if you had the right permits. But Richard Jr. and had been well outside of them—a fact they were clearly aware of in their dealings with . O’Brien’s son and son-in-law, I protested, were on tape speaking openly of deliberately breaking the law. “He’s describing how they’re going to move the horns back to Europe,” I said.

“They never mentioned that,” O’Brien said. I told him I’d seen it myself, in one of the government’s tape transcripts, of which I had copies. “Maybe—I don’t know,” he said. “Maybe it is.” Still, he said, “I wasn’t in touch with him at all. My son was 27 years of age; I left home when I was 16. He paid the price, and that’s it.”

After we had talked for a couple of hours, O’Brien asked if I wanted to see the local cemetery. Graveyards, more than anything else, are what tether the Irish Travellers to a place. In Rathkeale, the wealthiest Traveller families had erected towering monuments of marble, granite, and gold leaf, and were known to bring the deceased to their graves in glass-walled carriages drawn by teams of black horses. We climbed into the Volkswagen, with O’Brien’s 11-year-old grandson Michael—Michael Hegarty’s son—in the backseat. O’Brien turned onto a road out of town, followed it under a highway overpass, and then pulled into a small parking lot. A storm had recently blown through and torn up a line of trees shielding the cemetery from the road; beyond the tangled roots and dirt stood a forest of white marble Marys and saints and crucifixes.

O’Brien got a call on his mobile phone, and Michael led me down the rows of headstones. Beneath the immaculately well-kept slabs of black granite lay generations of Flynns, Quilligans, O’Briens, Slatterys. Michael pointed out where David “Tunny” Sheridan was buried. “His there, he was murdered in front of his mother,” he said. “Stabbed with a screwdriver.” He showed me another large plot—“My uncle,” he said. A bronze pietà, draped with a rosary, sat at the center of a broken heart carved from dark granite, flanked by statues of Pope John Paul II and St. Anthony.           

“I’m moving after Easter,” O’Brien said when we got back in the car. Away from Ireland—to France, maybe. “I have to get out. My wife don’t want to live in our home anymore. I’m locking up and leaving my property behind me. ’Cause you cannot have any kind of conversation with your house being bugged, your cars being bugged—which I can prove. My son paid a price, but he didn’t murder anyone—he didn’t rob a bank. I cannot describe the way we’re treated here. We’re treated like Hitler treated the Jews.”

When we got back to the center of town, I thanked O’Brien and set out walking down Main Street. A few minutes later, the Volkswagen pulled up again. “Make sure you get that down,” O’Brien said. “We’re treated like Hitler treated the Jews.”


O’Brien and the other men and women who were arrested in September are due to report back to Cambridgeshire in April. But although more than six months have passed since their arrests, the authorities have not yet indicated whether any charges are forthcoming—and O’Brien was right that for the time being, at least, nobody had made clear what evidence there was that he was some kind of Rathkeale godfather. On the flight back to New York, I began to wonder if there wasn’t something almost hopeful in the machinations that had been ascribed to him—a sense that a criminal episode as unusual as the rhino-horn thefts demanded an architect of equal stature. At the pub in Dublin, I had asked Eamon Dillon what he thought explained Ireland’s fascination with the Rathkeale Rovers. “There is a love of the rogue in Ireland,” he replied. “I think it’s a universal thing—people like the idea of a good scam artist.”

The two CAB agents I met in December were convinced that they were nowhere near closing the file on the rhino-horn thieves. When I remarked that the burglaries seemed to have ended—there hadn’t been one since the Swords heist eight months earlier—one of them cut in.

“Well, no,” he said. “They’ve kind of plateaued, maybe.”

“‘Plateaued’ would be best, yeah,” said the other agent.

“They’ll probably rise again,” said the first.

Sure enough, a month and a half later, I woke up to find a link to a story from that morning’s Irish Independent in my inbox, accompanied by a one-line note from Europol’s : “You probably saw this one.”

The previous Monday evening, Michael Flatley, the Riverdance impresario, was playing video games with his wife and son at his riverside mansion in County Cork when he heard a noise coming from another wing of the building. He looked out the window to see four men in dark clothing sprint across the lawn toward the driveway, jump in a car, and speed off. They had somehow evaded the sophisticated security perimeter and opened a window in Flatley’s “safari room,” where he kept his collection of antique hunting trophies. The Lord of the Dance took off after them in a sports car.

By the time Flatley reached the edge of his property, the thieves were gone, and he returned to the house to inspect the damage. In the safari room, a rhinoceros head had been relieved of its horn. 

Love and Ruin

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Love and Ruin

An exhilarating and heartbreaking tale of lives lived to the fullest in one of the world’s most fascinating and forbidding places.

By James Verini

Winner of the 2015 National Magazine Award for Feature Writing

The Atavist Magazine, No. 34


James Verini is a writer based in Africa. You can see more of his work at jamesverini.com.

Editor: Charles Homans
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Research: Laura Smith
Illustrations: Raul Allen
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Soundtrack: “Hope,” written and performed by Quraishi
Video: Excerpts from “Afghan Nomads: The Maldar” and “Afghan Women,” by the AUFS Afghanistan Film Project
Images: Getty Images, Los Angeles Times, and courtesy John Allison
Audio: Passages from Homebody/Kabul, by Tony Kushner, and An Historical Guide to Afghanistan, by Nancy Hatch Dupree, read by Robin Higginbotham

Published in February 2014. Design updated in 2021.

Prologue

It has no official number in the archaeological record, nor an agreed-upon name. Some curators at the National Museum of Afghanistan in Kabul, where it resides, have called it the Limestone Head. Others call it the Carved Pebble. Still others call it simply the Head, and while there is no question that the artifact they’re talking about depicts a head, the answer to the question of just whose head it depicts—which person or deity its unyielding eyes and screwed mouth reflect—is lost, like so much else in Afghanistan is lost, to some insolently mute vault of time.

The Head is carved into a limestone pebble two and a half inches high by one and a quarter inches wide. It dates from around 10,000 B.C.E., placing it in the Upper Paleolithic and making it one of the oldest pieces of sculpture ever found on the Asian continent. We know that it turned up in a gorge near the village of Aq Kupruk, in the northern foothills of the Hindu Kush. Beyond that we know nothing. The best that the most thorough scholarly paper written about the Head—published by the American Philosophical Society in 1972, seven years after it was discovered—can say for its subject is that it is “apparently humanoid.” Was it devotional, decorative, whimsical? “Was the head made for a onetime limited use or was it intended for long-term retention and repeated use? … Since it will not stand, was it intended to be carried about?” The Head won’t say.

But its dumbness beckons. The Head’s sculptor was far cleverer than an artist living 12,000 years ago had any call to be. The eyes are not crude circles (all you’d really need in the Upper Paleolithic, you’d think), but composed of a series of subtle line strokes, as though they are contemplating us wearily. The nose, the American Philosophical Society paper observes, “begins with a wide angular cleft rather like that of the nose cavity in a skull and seems almost to be intentionally ‘unrealistic,’” while the “deeply engraved line of the mouth itself apparently arcs upward in what seems to be a smile.” The paper concludes that the Head does not come from an “individual or cultural ‘infantilism.’” Yet the overall effect, millennia later, is a kind of infancy. It’s somehow fetal looking, the Head. Some observers see on its face a smile, others a frown, and still others that inscrutable expression, neither frown nor smile, that a wise child makes when he peers into you.

The archaeologist who unearthed the Head, who might have had the most questions about it, had the fewest. Louis Dupree was certain it depicted a woman—and, furthermore, that it had been carved by one. “What else?” Dupree said to a New York Times reporter, rather tauntingly, in 1968, when he brought the relic to the American Museum of Natural History. “Women ruled the hearth and the world then. The men were away hunting.” Of course it was a woman.

That was how Louis Dupree talked—to Times writers, to fellow archeologists, presidents, statesmen, interrogators, spies. He even talked that way to his wife, Nancy, who, when asked whether it was true her husband swore like sailor (and a sailor he had been before becoming an archaeologist), would sometimes sigh longingly and reply, “Worse.”

Dupree’s personal correspondence is full of letters from nervous museum administrators asking after unaccounted-for expenses and unpaid salaries. In the field he worked casually. In 1962, he carried out the first major excavation at Aq Kupruk, an immensely important site, essentially by himself. For the follow-up dig, three years later, when he discovered the Head, he splurged and brought along as diggers and assistants a pair of graduate students, a pair of precocious high schoolers, and his cook.

“We were very, very careful with it,” Charles Kolb, one of the graduate students, recalled of the Head. Except for Dupree, that is. Although it was very possibly the most important find of his career, he never properly catalogued it (thus its lack of a single name or record number). Then, in Kabul, he took it home with him, where Nancy, a writer of guidebooks and an amateur scholar, came to adore it as much as he did. Dupree’s daughter took a shine to it, too, and called it Daddy’s Head. The name stuck.

The Afghan official who granted Dupree permission to take Daddy’s Head to New York told him, “If you lose it, you’ll owe us half a million dollars.” The careful procedure Dupree employed to transport it overseas involved putting it in his jacket pocket, folding the jacket, and stuffing the jacket into the overhead shelf on the plane. Nancy spent the flight looking up nervously at the bundle.

Upon its return from the United States, Daddy’s Head was installed at the National Museum in Kabul. Between their excavations, research trips, lecture tours, and teaching stints abroad, Louis and Nancy would visit it there. They’d stare at it for what seemed like hours, talking about the history it must have witnessed. One photograph of the couple shows them sitting at a table, gazing at the artifact as Louis holds it in his fingers (gingerly, but on equal terms). They appear mesmerized, as though Daddy’s Head is almost physically drawing them back in time. The photo was taken in 1971, as they were falling more deeply in love with one another, and, together, with Afghanistan. They peered into the country’s wondrous, terrible, unknowable past. Daddy’s Head, they liked to think, was opening its vault of secrets.

In 1978, a communist cabal seized power in Afghanistan. Louis was imprisoned and deported. The next year the Soviet Union invaded. Its troops pulverized the country, reducing much of its history—the unearthed chapters and those still buried—to rubble. Louis helped the Afghan resistance while Nancy worked with refugees. The struggle against the Soviets gave way to civil war, and their beloved National Museum was in the crossfire.

Nancy and others tried to save the artifacts in the collection. But she didn’t find Daddy’s Head. The Taliban ended the civil war, but followed that by closing schools, ransacking libraries, and destroying much of what was left of the collection. She wondered if all of the work she and Louis had done to preserve Afghan culture had been in vain. She assumed she would never see Daddy’s Head again.

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One

I first encountered Nancy Dupree in a ghostly sort of a way. On a Tuesday night in 2003, while soldiers my age were in Afghanistan fighting the Taliban, I was sitting in a theater in Los Angeles, watching a production of Tony Kushner’s Homebody/Kabul. The play’s first scene is given over entirely to a monologue spoken by a Mrs. Dalloway–type character. Why she is addressing us, and from where, she leaves unspoken, as she does her identity—she does not name herself and is known in the program only as the Homebody—but we’re aware from the Homebody’s first words that the central fact about this woman is that she is deeply taken by, even lost to, Afghanistan. She speaks about the country with passionate eloquence, yet it seems her knowledge of the place has left her understanding less about it, not more. In the convolutions of her speech and mind, the Homebody is wise and helpless, composed and scattered, ancient and infantile. “Our story begins at the very dawn of history, circa 3,000 B.C.,” she begins, as the lights come up, but interrupts herself at once to explain, “I am reading from an outdated guidebook about the city of Kabul.”

The Homebody’s monologue is brilliant but tortuous, almost infuriatingly so. She departs the narrative of Afghan history for jags about party etiquette and antidepressants, uses words no audience member could be expected to know and then apologizes for them. She is, in other words, very human. So much so, it’s clear—or anyway was to me that night—that she must be based on a real woman.

Curious, I eventually contacted Kushner and learned her backstory. In the 1990s, he was browsing the stacks at the New York University library, looking for material about Afghanistan, when he stumbled across a volume titled An Historical Guide to Kabul. He opened the book and didn’t close it until he’d read to the end; the Homebody and the play had emerged. The guidebook’s author’s name was Nancy Hatch Dupree.

I started asking around about her.

“If the Afghans ever go back to deities, she’ll be one,” the former American ambassador to Afghanistan Ryan Crocker told me of Dupree. “They all know what she’s gone through with them and on their behalf.” 

Ashraf Ghani, the Afghan intellectual and presidential candidate, described her as “a grandmother figure and mother figure in Afghanistan. Somebody who’s given us our cultural heritage. Someone who’s played a living witness to our history.”

Kushner, who since writing the play has become friends with Dupree and serves on the advisory council of her foundation, called her a woman of “dazzling erudition.” (Nancy has never seen Homebody/Kabul. “I hear it’s good,” she tells people.)

The Grandmother of Afghanistan—that is not original to Ghani. It is what Afghans call Dupree, aware that she is technically American. In fact, if she could be said to have any single vocation, this may be it: She is a self-appointed but also widely acknowledged guardian of Afghan culture, the country’s bluffest and most beloved expatriate busybody. Among other things, she is the author of dozens of books and scholarly articles on Afghanistan’s history, architecture, politics, music, literature, and art; a founder of the Society for the Preservation of Afghanistan’s Cultural Heritage; the creator of a library extension service that distributes books to schools and government bodies around the country; the creator of the most extensive digital archive of Afghan historical materials; an occasional adviser to ministers and generals; and an advocate for Afghan women’s and children’s rights.

Natives and foreigners alike have been trading stories and legends of her ever since she first arrived in Afghanistan over a half-century ago. There was the episode in the 1960s, for instance, when Nancy saved Bagh-e-Bala, the onetime summer palace of the emirs, from destruction, partly out of scholarly devotion to the building and partly so she could host her wedding there. In the 1980s, a young Saudi man approached her, looking for help bringing in equipment to dig tunnels where mujahideen fighters could hide between attacks on Soviet troops. Dupree was not an official, he was aware, but he had heard that she knew everyone of importance in Afghanistan, and that she had the rind to get what she wanted from any one of them. Nancy was too busy to help him, but she recalls the man, who went by the name Osama bin Laden, being “very shy and polite.”

More recently, while ordering lumber for a construction project, Nancy ran up against a moratorium on logging that Hamid Karzai had instated. After she called him and made her frustrations known, Karzai ordered the moratorium lifted temporarily. “He was just a little nobody when I first met him,” she told me of the President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.

Karzai had other reasons to be helpful. The lumber was for a library Dupree was building at Kabul University, for which he’d already helped raise $2.5 million. The project that could most properly be called her life’s work, she has been planning the library and collecting its contents for thirty years. Those contents represent one of the most comprehensive, if not the most comprehensive, archives of post-1979 Afghan historical documents and scholarship anywhere. The library is the more impressive because it is a repository of knowledge about a time during which knowledge was concertedly destroyed in Afghanistan—a memory bank for a generation of Afghans whose clearest personal memories are of exile. She sees it as her greatest gift to her adopted home, as well as her last attempt to save Afghanistan’s past, as it were, from itself.

Like other Americans, in the years after 9/11 I read and thought a lot about Afghanistan, that country—in the Homebody’s words—“so at the heart of the world the world has forgotten it.” After learning of Dupree’s collection, I found myself thinking a lot about it, too. I tried to picture its old books and photographs. I wondered what they had to say about this place that has so changed the course of my own country’s history, this place where so many Americans have gone to die, but about which America still knows so little. In the fall of 2012, I heard that Dupree’s library was, after so many years in the making, finally scheduled to open. I also heard that her health was failing. I called her and told her I wanted to come to Afghanistan. She wasn’t overly excited at the prospect, but neither did she exactly object. I booked a ticket for Kabul. 

Two

On a hot September morning, I stepped from one of Kabul’s loud, dusty streets to the Kabul University gate. The guard refused to let me in. “I’m here to see Nancy Dupree,” I told him, reckoning the Grandmother of Afghanistan must be known to all. His expression underwent no change. “The Afghanistan Center at Kabul University?” Nothing. Finally, losing interest, he waved me through.

Dark episodes in recent Afghan history originated on the university campus. It was here that Communists and Islamists first did battle in the ideological skirmishes that led up to the Soviet invasion, here that the warlords who would destroy the country—and who still run much of it—first rubbed shoulders. Ashraf Ghani told me that when he came to the university, “people were literally killing each other there. There were warring student gangs.” One of his first acts as chancellor was to remove 43 tons of scrap metal from the school, he said, most of it pieces of blown-up tanks. The tanks have been replaced by a lot of healthy-looking trees, and fewer, less-healthy-looking buildings. Today the campus has a liberal vibe that contrasts with the rest of the country. Female students wear cursory headscarves or none at all; they and their male classmates look at and sometimes even talk to each other.

Twenty feet from the gate I got lost. Dupree had anticipated this, apparently: Soon a silver sedan pulled alongside me. The silhouette of what might have been a child appeared in a back window. I’d never met Dupree, only spoken with her on the phone. Her avian voice hadn’t prepared me for the diminutive woman I found. A collapsing robin’s nest of gray hair didn’t quite get her to five feet, and she couldn’t have weighed more in pounds than her age in years, 86 at the time. Her eyes were sunken, her face a topography of wrinkles. (I was reminded of the Homebody’s description of an Afghan whose “skin is broken by webs of lines inscribed by hardships, siroccos, and strife.”) But her cheeks were girlish and full, her mouth small and coy. 

Hidden inside a light blue salwar kameez and a long scarf, Dupree seemed already to be in mid-conversation when I settled next to her in the backseat. That morning had produced a dustup over fabrics that she wanted for the library, she was saying, and “people just do not realize you don’t accomplish things overnight here. They come from somewhere else and expect everything to fall into place. But it takes so much bloody time.” Looking out the window, she added, “That’s why everything here is kind of… half-assed.”

We drove to her temporary office, which she’d been working out of for years, in a converted garage. With a cough, she eased into a chair behind the old dining room table that serves as her desk. Her staff, at small desks around the room, greeted her as Nancy Jan. (Jan is a Dari diminutive that means, roughly, “dear.”) They were all Afghan, all in their twenties or thirties, and all, I noticed, men.

“Oh, I’m notorious,” she said when I asked her to square this with her advocacy for Afghan women. “In Peshawar, I tried to have women, and I discovered that they’re not reliable. In this society, you get somebody trained and then the father says, ‘We’re moving from Peshawar to Islamabad,’ and off they go. Or they get married. Or they’ve got children and, you know, they don’t turn up because their child’s got diarrhea.”

A cook brought out plates of rice pilau from the kitchen (a closet with a hot plate) as the library’s designers arrived to discuss the fabric situation. Dupree had been informed there was not enough of the red pattern she’d ordered long before for all the upholstery and curtains in the library and now was, she announced, “really browned off. We could have done this six months ago!”

“Two years ago,” said Dupree’s executive director, Waheed Wafa, a tall, warm-voiced man whose face exuded beleaguerment. Like many educated Kabulis, Wafa grew up with the Duprees’ books. Also like many educated Kabulis, he was beaten by the Taliban. When the U.S.–led coalition invaded, in 2001, he became a fixer for The New York Times, then a reporter. Dupree hired him in 2011.

Wafa produced a fan of swatches, potential replacements, and held up a reddish one. “That’s dullsville,” Dupree said, waving a hand dismissively. She jumped to the issue of acoustics. Without enough good fabric to absorb sound, the library would be too loud.

“What about urns?” Waheed suggested. Knowing Dupree’s mood could be improved by a story of Afghan ingenuity, he told one: During the Taliban years, he said, his friends in the Kabul underground used to hold meetings in a room they thought was secure. But one day they realized Talibs were listening outside. So they lined the walls of the room with large urns, to muffle their voices.

“Oh yes, yes!” Dupree said, getting into the story, and smiling for the first time since I’d met her. A cordial South African designer stepped into the office and joined the conversation. “See how everything in Afghanistan has to be negotiated?” he whispered to me.

After some gentle cajoling from Wafa and the others, Dupree agreed on potential vendors. “OK, that’s done. Decision made. Bang!” she said, slapping her hand on the table. Her staff looked up from their desks hopefully. A date was set to go to the market, and the group left. “He’s writing a book,” Dupree said of the South African designer once he had gone. “Everybody’s writing a book.” I asked if she ever thought of writing another book. “No. I don’t know enough. I don’t care enough.”

Later, Wafa told me the new library was still months from completion. Since Dupree was relying on the Afghan government to pay for much of it, she was also relying on the government to pay the workers who were supposed to be finishing it. It hadn’t been, and they weren’t. I asked him when it might open. “God knows,” Waheed said, dragging on a Marlboro. He’d recently upped from a half-pack to a whole pack per day, he confided. 

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Nancy Hatch Dupree at the Afghanistan Center at Kabul University in 2013. (Photo: Los Angeles Times)

Three

A few days later, Dupree and a thickset, bearded man in his mid-thirties named Mashall, who manages her box-library program, drove to Charikar, a town about 40 miles north of Kabul, to check in on a provincial council and a few schools. As we were departing, I asked if it was safe in Charikar. “We don’t ask questions like that,” she said. “If you think about that you’ll go nowhere. And that’s why the Americans don’t go anywhere.” Not just Americans but foreigners generally are seen by Afghans mostly as they make their way in chauffeured cars between fortified homes, fortified offices, fortified hotels, and fortified restaurants. Dupree is known for going anywhere she likes and for despising fortification.

On Kabul’s outskirts, we drove past mile after mile of new cinderblock homes and roadside shops fashioned from steel shipping containers. “What you’re going through now, this place used to be desert, complete desert, just ten years ago,” she said. “It just shows that when Afghans decide to do something, they’re not slackers, they get at it and they do!” Then she pondered. Her mood turned. “But it’s not organized. It’s all… personal. I suppose they tax all this, but do they pay the taxes? Who knows. It’s higgledy-piggledy.”

“It’s not sketched, Nancy Jan,” Mashall said.

Like many Afghans, Mashall has come to know Afghanistan only in adulthood. Before that he lived in Pakistan, where he’d moved as a child after his village was bombed in the Soviet war. He grew up in Peshawar, where he met Dupree in 1999. “When people see Nancy on the TV,” he said, “they say, ‘She’s still working, she’s still here.’ We say to our women, ‘Look at Nancy Dupree, she’s 80 and still working.’”

Dupree waved a hand. “When people see me they say, ‘Good God, that woman is still alive?’”

She looked from the window onto a magnificent view. In the distance were the “skirts of the mountains,” as a Persian poet once called the foothills of the Hindu Kush, and before them the Shomali Plain, a mine-ridden flatland once alive with vegetables and grapevines. We passed a cinderblock sprawl that had been a meadow, the site of a cavalry battle in the First Anglo-Afghan war, in the early 1840s. Dupree recounted how she and a friend used to ride horses there and reenact the fighting. “I swear there must be people in that village who tell stories about these two crazy women who rode around charging at each other.”

We passed Bagh-e-Bala, the domed hilltop palace that the emir Abdur Rahman built to escape the heat of the Kabul Valley at the end of the 19th century. “That’s where Louis and I were married,” she said.

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Bagh-e-Bala 

Four

Nancy Hatch was born in Cooperstown, New York, in 1926, and raised in Travancore, a small feudal kingdom on the southern tip of India, during the last gasps of the Raj. Her mother, a onetime stage actress, studied traditional Indian theater and wrote a guidebook to Travancore. Her father, who’d fought in the First World War with the British, worked on education projects for UNESCO around Asia. “He taught me a tremendous amount,” Dupree said. “One thing was, if you hold on to something too long, it fails.”

Living in India in the 1930s and ’40s, she told me, “was like growing up on a movie set. The Maharaja was very fond of my father. I was the same age as the Maharaja’s brother. Every time there was a new birth of leopards or tigers at the zoo, they’d bring the cubs to the palace, and I’d go to the palace with my little white gloves and big hat.” She left to study at Barnard College and after graduating performed as a harpist. She gave that up to enroll in the Chinese and Japanese Studies Department at Columbia University, and then returned to Asia, following her father into UNESCO, where she worked as an adviser to the governments of India and Ceylon (now Sri Lanka).

At Columbia, she met an aspiring diplomat named Alan Wolfe, a suave and capable product of Manhattan wealth. They married in Ceylon. The match was not ideal, according to some friends. Wolfe was “definitely not Nancy’s type,” said one of them, Mary MacMakin. “Though the fact that he was in the Foreign Service was such a draw for her. I think that’s why she married him.” According to MacMakin, Nancy was “a party girl” but “a brain, too.”

Wolfe joined the Foreign Service after the war. He was posted to Iraq, where Nancy edited a news bulletin for American embassy staff, and then transferred to Pakistan. One day they were gazing toward the Khyber Pass, the entrance to the Hindu Kush and Afghanistan, and she suggested a trip there. “He couldn’t think of anything worse,” she told me. But, to her delight, Wolfe was assigned to the Kabul embassy in 1962. “He wasn’t happy. I was very happy.” Though on paper Wolfe was a cultural attaché, in truth Afghan culture was of only secondary interest to him. That was because, off the books, he was the Central Intelligence Agency’s new chief of station in Kabul.

A rising star in the agency, Wolfe was, if not the best-liked operative in the Clandestine Services, surely among its most ambitious. An underling once described him to a journalist as “the kind of guy who only speaks to Cabots, Lodges, and God.” Duane Clarridge, a former CIA agent who worked under Wolfe, writes in his memoir that Wolfe “constantly measured [his superior’s] chair for size” and had “a low threshold for the dim-witted.” Another former agent who worked under him described to me his first meeting with Wolfe. “Wolfe was dressed in a very good suit, Brooks Brothers I’m sure,” he said. He walked around the room, making a point to look at his pocket watch every few minutes. “I’m expecting a call from Kissinger,” Wolfe kept saying.

Soon after they moved to Kabul, Alan and Nancy met Louis Dupree. Born in 1925 to descendants of French Huguenots on the family tobacco farm at Dupree’s Crossroads, North Carolina, as a boy Dupree thought he would become a Presbyterian preacher. He also believed in integration, and the two were immiscible in the Jim Crow South. As a youth leader in the church, said Nancy—with the air of hagiography that characterizes much of her recollection of Louis—he invited a black boy to a service, and “when the church elders told him he couldn’t do that, he said, ‘Fuck you.’

“This was way before Martin Luther King,” she added.

With the outbreak of World War II, Dupree dropped out of school to attend the Coast Guard Academy, then joined the Merchant Marine. At sea he read everything he could. In 1944, he joined the Army, trained as a paratrooper, and was dispatched to the Pacific, where his most challenging mission, according to stories he would later tell, found him dropping behind enemy lines in the Philippines to recruit Bontoc Igorot natives to fight the Japanese. The Bontoc, renowned headhunters, didn’t require much training. “Louis would tell us how they’d come back from raids with bags, sometimes, of Japanese heads,” Charles Kolb, the archaeologist who worked with Dupree at Aq Kupruk, recalled. Dupree was awarded a Purple Heart and a Bronze Star.

After the war, he won a scholarship contest for veterans and, with no high school diploma, was admitted to Harvard, where in eight years he completed bachelor’s, master’s, and doctorate degrees in anthropology. The Harvard archaeologist Carleton Coon took Dupree under his wing. One of the last great American academic generalists, Coon was, like Dupree, interested primarily in prehistoric Asian archaeology, but he convinced his pupil that to really understand the world, he must be versed not only in archaeology, but also history, geography, biology, linguistics, ethnomusicology, political science, and whatever else he had time for. Dupree agreed. His dissertation, on Paleolithic tools, took up two volumes.

Early on, he displayed a knack for portentous finds. At an excavation in Iran, he and Coon discovered skeletal remains that helped debunk the theory, dominant in archaeology at the time, that humanity’s origins lay in the Far East. On an expedition in France, he unearthed a stone carved with animal images dating from 25,000 B.C.E., at the time the oldest piece of moveable sculpture ever found. Then Dupree—the church youth leader had grown into a master schmoozer—convinced the French government to let his team take it back to Harvard.

In the summer of 1949, he and a friend were sent by the Museum of Natural History to carry out the first American dig in Afghanistan. French and German archaeologists had long been active in the country, but their interest was in its Buddhist past. The remnants of prehistory lay mostly untouched. Within a few months, Dupree and a colleague had found the medieval city of Peshawarun, long thought vanished, in Afghanistan’s southwestern desert. They stumbled upon it while searching for a drink of water, they explained. Later Dupree found the oldest human remains ever discovered in Afghanistan, dated to 30,000 B.C.E., and the oldest tools, dated to 100,000 B.C.E.

Dupree and his colleagues were regularly written up in newspapers, but they were anachronisms; the swashbuckling era of archaeology was ending. Coon’s generation had relied on their vast stores of personal knowledge to arrive at grand theories. Dupree’s contemporaries, by contrast, were scientific specialists who employed new technologies and meticulous record keeping—all of which bored Dupree no end. “He wasn’t really up on the Paleolithic literature or the most recent anthropological theories,” said Rick Davis, an archaeologist who worked for Dupree. “He kind of painted with a broad brush.” Charles Kolb said the handling of the Aq Kupruk artifacts was shambolic: When it came time to divide the excavation’s yield—including Daddy’s Head—among the Afghan and American partners, they simply laid out the thousands of pieces they’d found and commenced haggling.

What Dupree lacked in punctiliousness, however, he compensated for with toil, good cheer, and a leonine confidence. He had the aura of a bygone age about him, at once domineering and gracious. “He was a real commander [and] was very direct,” said Davis. “He facilitated and encouraged so many people who came to Afghanistan, even people with the most slender credentials. He’d introduce these wayfaring scholars to these local people.” He added: “He worked very hard and liked to have a drink after six o’clock.”

Ashraf Ghani was one of many young Afghan scholars whom Dupree helped and encouraged. “He was an incredibly gracious man,” Ghani said. “It was the openness of his mind. He exemplified a tolerance for critique, for ideas.”

Dupree signed off letters with the Latinism “Summum Bonum.” Originally an Aristotelian notion translated as “the highest good,” he meant it more as Cicero had, as something like “happiness is to be found in the highest pursuits.” Depending on the day, he embodied this ideal, or its opposite, or both simultaneously.

He was “a very profane character,” the American ambassador to Afghanistan in the mid-1970s, Ted Eliot, said. The first time Eliot’s wife dined at Dupree’s home in Kabul, a high-ranking Afghan official was also present. Eliot’s wife privately expressed her worry to Dupree that the Afghan regime was spoiling for a war with Pakistan. Dupree, well into his cups, brought the official over to Mrs. Eliot. “So what about it?” Dupree asked him. “Are you going to start a fucking war with Pakistan?”

“That was typical,” Eliot said.

In the list of Dupree’s published works for 1967—this is on his official résumé—one finds an entry for an article entitled “The Relationship of Religious Ritual to Orgasm Frequency among the Tribal Women of Fungoolistan: A Humping and Gathering Society.”

Such impieties aside, by the 1960s Dupree was, by general consent, the leading Western expert on Afghanistan’s history. Some said the leading expert. His “knowledge of the country was extraordinary,” Kolb said. “He understood it from the prehistoric era through the current political situation.” 

Five

Abdur Rahman, the builder of Bagh-e-Bala, liked to call his country Yaghistan: Land of Insolence. And, indeed, while there was much about Afghanistan to attract the polymath bon vivant Dupree, its chief appeal to his rebellious nature may have been precisely that. “The insolence of the Afghan, however, is not the frustrated insolence of urbanized, dehumanized man in western society,” Dupree would write in the introduction to his most important book, Afghanistan. “But insolence without arrogance, the insolence of harsh freedoms set against a backdrop of rough mountains and deserts, the insolence of equality felt and practiced (with an occasional touch of superiority), the insolence of bravery past and bravery anticipated.”

Afghans like to claim that Cain and Abel founded Kabul, and that Cain is buried there. If so, he was only the first of many murderous dynasty builders to arrive. He was followed by the Aryans, the Kushans, the Persians, Alexander the Great and the Greeks, the White Huns, the Arabs, Tamurlane and the Mongols, the Ghaznavids, and yet more Persians. Afghanistan emerged as a loose coalition of territories under a monarchy only in the mid-1700s, and its boundaries were not formally delineated until the 1880s, when they were decided on by British and Russian cartographers. Seeing the country as a mutually beneficial stretch of insulation between the Raj and the Tsar, they gave little thought to the myriad cultures and faiths that unwittingly found themselves inside the new borders: Pashtuns, Turkmen, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras, and Baluchis, who variously practiced Sunni, Sufi, and Shiite Islam, Buddhism, and even some Zoroastrianism, along with expert grudge-holding and famously bloody battles over succession. The colonially minded American historian Theophilus Rodenbough, writing in 1885, observed that “the love of war is felt much more among Afghans then by other eastern peoples.” Commenting on local dress, he noted, “Weapons are borne by all.”

Britain and Russia spent much of the 19th century vying for control of Central and South Asia in the sadistic enterprise known as the Great Game. Rodenbough proudly related that during the First Anglo-Afghan War, “Kabul and other towns were leveled with the ground; [Afghan] troops were blown from guns, and the people were collected together and destroyed like worms.” However, the Afghans had one elusive advantage over their would-be occupiers: Unlike the Britons and the Russians, they were not, had never been, a feudal people. Afghan political life was arranged around complex authority-sharing conclaves known as jirgas and shuras. When trouble arose, elders, chiefs, and religious leaders would act together to protect their territories. In this way, they had rebuffed one attempted conquest after another. Uninterested in cohering in peacetime, in war Afghans were something to watch; the British may have blown their enemy from cannons, but eventually they left in humiliation.

In the 1930s, Afghanistan—for as long as anyone could remember, a byword for exotic isolation—began opening up to the world. On the eve of World War II, King Mohammed Zahir Shah aligned Afghanistan with the Axis powers and then, seeing which way the wind was blowing, switched to the Allies, thus avoiding being drawn into actual conflict by either. The Dari term for this is bi-tarafi, or “without sides.” Some observers called it self-preservation, others a way of playing world powers off each other, still others plain deceit. The Westerners, like Dupree, who understood Afghanistan best understood that bi-tarafi is all those things. Dupree admired the Afghans’ ability to stay out of fights just as much as their willingness to get into them. He liked to call his adopted home the Switzerland of Asia, where “spies swapped lies and information and played cat-and-mouse with counter-agents and counter-counter-agents.”

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Two women shopping at a record store in Kabul in the 1950s.

By the time Dupree settled in Kabul, in the 1950s, its upper classes were dressing in Savile Row suits and sending their sons to Oxford. In 1958, the prime minister, Mohammed Daoud, became the first Afghan leader to visit Washington, and the next year Dwight Eisenhower returned the favor, the first American president to venture to the Afghan capital. Embassies opened. Diplomats, academics, archaeologists, and explorers arrived. Kabul University expanded. The Peace Corps set up shop. Kabul became a spur on the Hippie Trail, the path of enlightenment and drug tourism that snaked from Europe to India.

Dupree was in the middle of it all. When not out on a dig, he taught courses and lectured about Afghanistan, compiled reports, advised governments and corporations, filmed documentaries, and wrote or edited scholarly articles and books (some 218 of the former and 22 of the latter by the end of his career). In between he socialized endlessly. “He knew everybody, whether they were Americans, Afghans, French, Russians, East Germans, West Germans, civilians, military,” Kolb said. “You name them, he seemed to know them.”

More than any other foreigner, Dupree knew Afghans, all kinds of Afghans; he was as charmed by goatherds as he was by the royal family. They all had something to teach him, he felt. He assumed that Afghans found him charming, too, and indeed many did. What Dupree failed to see—what other Americans who knew and loved the country less did see—was that while Afghans liked him, that didn’t mean they trusted him. “Afghans were very cautious with Americans,” Ted Eliot, the former ambassador, said. “Their long history with foreigners taught them that you never knew who would be in charge next.”

From “Afghan Women,” AUFS Afghanistan Film Project, 1972. Cultural advisers: Louis and Nancy Dupree.

Six

Louis Dupree and Alan Wolfe were the only Americans in Kabul who could match one another cocktail for cocktail and tale for tale, and by the mid-1960s they had become good friends. “He was very smooth,” Mary MacMakin said of Wolfe. “A good talker, a good dancer, a good drinker—drinking especially.” And Dupree, who had a connection at customs and brought in liquor by the crate, seemed “impervious to alcohol.” Wolfe relished drinking martinis with Dupree and listening to stories of the Bontoc headhunters.

To much of the rest of the world, as to the country’s more cosmopolitan citizens, the opening of Afghanistan was an encouragement, proof that the Cold War could be avoided in certain corners of the globe. Dupree’s social calendar seemed proof of this: On a given night, he might be found dining in the company of the American ambassador or the Russian one. But to Wolfe—a gentleman spy in the classical mold who spoke seven languages and thought a great deal about meaning in history—Afghanistan wasn’t just another front in the Cold War; it was a deceptively important one, and one to which Washington wasn’t paying sufficient attention, he believed.

And, to a degree, he was right. Russia’s preoccupation with Afghanistan had persisted through the fall of the Romanovs and the October Revolution. “The road to Paris and London might lead through Kabul,” Leon Trotsky remarked, to the agreement of his boss, V. I. Lenin, who said, “The East will help us to conquer the West. Let us turn our faces toward Asia.” For a time, the Afghan royal family was receptive to the Kremlin’s overtures, particularly after Lenin wrote the king a pandering letter in which he expressed his conviction that Afghanistan had been chosen by history for a “great and historic task,” namely to “unite all the enslaved Muslim peoples.” Afghanistan was the first country to recognize Soviet Russia, in 1917, and two years later the USSR was the first nation to recognize an independent Afghanistan.

But the Afghans perceived, rightly, that the atheist Moscow regime was out to topple Islam along with all other religions. They also suspected that the Bolsheviks’ intentions for Afghanistan weren’t all that different from what the old regime’s had been: where the Tsars saw Afghanistan as the passageway to a larger empire, the Bolsheviks saw it as the means to further revolution. Neither much appealed. This suspicion was confirmed when Lenin backed a plan to recruit an army of disaffected Muslims and use Afghanistan as a staging ground to attack British India. Relations soured further in the 1930s, when Stalin ordered the Muslim leadership in Soviet Central Asia decimated and instituted forced collectivization, sending hordes of refugees into Afghanistan.

The Afghan government wanted help in modernizing, however, and during the Cold War help came from one of two places. Finding American requests to sign mutual security pacts and contain “Communist aggression” too demanding, Kabul turned to Moscow. Beginning in the 1950s, Soviet arms, advisers, and economic aid came rushing in. Afghans traveled to the USSR for academic and military training. Washington countered with projects and weapons of its own but it never caught up.

Wolfe was acutely aware of all this. How much he privately told Dupree about his work was known only to the two friends. Publicly, they were at the center of Kabul’s international social scene. This being the 1960s, that scene was characterized not only by heavy boozing but by adultery. Afghan officials bedded foreign diplomats’ wives; foreign diplomats bedded Afghan officials’ wives; wives bedded wives. Nancy and Annie Dupree, Louis’s wife, rebuffed any number of offers. In the midst of it the two women, who were very different—Nancy was childless and famously flirtatious, Annie more traditional and shy, with three children—bonded. It was with Annie that Nancy reenacted the battles on horseback in the meadow.

Soon after arriving in Afghanistan, Nancy accompanied the American ambassador to see the giant Buddhas at Bamiyan. Appointed to act as an unofficial historian for the trip, she attempted to read up on the statues, but was appalled to find that no guidebooks to Bamiyan existed. At a cocktail party upon their return, she cornered the Afghan minister for tourism, Abdul Tarzi. She recalled the encounter this way: “Now, instead of being a diplomat’s wife, I said, ‘Mr. Tarzi, it’s a scandal. That is one of the wonders of the world and you don’t have a proper guide, you don’t have anything.’ And in typical Afghan style, this Mr. Tarzi drew himself up, and he said, ‘You’re quite right, why don’t you do something about it?’ A French archaeologist who was part of the discussion said, ‘Madam, do you like ladies’ coffee parties?’ I said, ‘Not really.’ He said, ‘Do you play bridge, Madam?’ I said, ‘That’s a waste of time.’ ‘Then,’ he says, ‘I suggest you take up this challenge of Mr. Tarzi’s.’”

She did. Tarzi liked the manuscript for The Valley of Bamiyan so much, he had the tourism ministry publish it. She went on to write guides to Balkh, Herat, and the National Museum. The books were increasingly handsome; Afghanistan was becoming a tourist destination, and, as Nancy put it to me, “They needed to be printed in some kind of form that these rich bitches would take notice of.” An Historical Guide to Kabul, the book that 30 years later would possess Tony Kushner, was published in 1965. Annie proofread it. In the acknowledgements, Nancy wrote, “I owe her for more than these labors, for her understanding of and sympathy for the city has been a constant guide since my arrival.”

What happened next is still obscured by mystery and rumor. No two people tell the story the same way. Finally, the one fact that can be verified is the only essential one: At some point, the couples switched partners. 

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Seven

Some friends of the Duprees and Wolfes believe Annie and Alan fell in love first, leaving Louis and Nancy to do the same. Others maintain that it was the reverse. Charles Kolb had long suspected that Louis and Nancy were having an affair. She visited the camp at Aq Kupruk for no apparent practical reason. Kolb recalls flying into Kabul in 1966 to resume work at Aq Kupruk. Louis picked him up at the airport and, with his customary bluntness, announced, “I’ve divorced Annie and married Nancy.”

“That’s all he said about it,” Kolb told me. “I said, ‘OK.’”

When I asked Nancy about it, she did what she usually did when she didn’t want to discuss something—she recalled the most famous and most anodyne episode from the affair and then abruptly ended the conversation. When she finished writing The Valley of Bamiyan, she told me, she sent the manuscript to Dupree for fact-checking. For some time she heard nothing back. Finally, he summoned her. When she arrived at his home, he was sitting behind a large desk in a room full of plants that had been moved inside for winter storage. He handed her the manuscript without looking at her. At the top of the first page he’d written, “Adequate, but nothing original.”

“After a curt riposte, I turned on my heel and stomped off,” she recalled. “I got to the door and he said, ‘Come back here.’ So I went back. And I never left.”

They were married in the winter of 1966, in a blizzard. Minister Tarzi stood in for her father during the negotiation of the bride price, which Louis set at 10,000 sheep. “Even in a situation like that,” she told me, “he was a joker.”

Alan and Annie Wolfe left Kabul, and Louis and Nancy Dupree became its expat nucleus. They lived in a compound in the modern Shar-e-Nau district. Nancy worked in the main house, Louis in a building in the courtyard. So many visitors stopped by that they had to instruct their guards not to admit anyone who hadn’t made an appointment. In the evenings, they hosted a recurring cocktail party known as the Five O’clock Follies. “An amazing troupe of people would come by: Americans, Europeans, Japanese, Afghans,” the archaeologist Rick Davis remembered. “He and Nancy were terrific, they were inseparable.” Everybody, he said, “wanted to be around them.”

Otherwise, the Duprees could be found traveling Afghanistan’s rough mountains and deserts in Louis’s red Land Rover. “He was always looking for new caves. And I was always happy to go along because I might see something. And if there was something I needed for the guidebooks he was always happy to go along, because he might find another cave,” Nancy said. “Every time one of us would finish an article, he’d open a bottle of champagne. It was real companionship.” Together they fell in thrall to a country where, in the Homebody’s words, “one might seek in submission the unanswered need.”

“I was happy then,” Nancy told me. “Going around and learning everything new with Louis Jan. So enthusiastic, like a teenager.”

In 1973, Louis published his magnum opus, Afghanistan, the culmination of a quarter-century of work and travel. It’s still the definitive survey text on the country. For all his lack of sentimentality and his admiration of Afghan insolence, Dupree was an optimist, and the book’s keynote is one of hope for the country’s future. Bi-tarafi had allowed the Afghans not only to stay neutral in the Cold War, Dupree argued, but also to coax mortal enemies into cooperating. In their efforts to use Afghanistan as a proxy battlefield, the United States and the Soviet Union had ended up helping it. “The Soviets assisted the Afghans in building roads from the north, the U.S. from the south,” he wrote. “The Soviets helped construct the landing strips and buildings for the new International Airport at Kabul; the Americans installed the electrical and communications equipment.”

“But since the West and the Soviet Union are both interested in winning, the question of ‘Who’s winning, the Americans or the Russians?’ should be considered,” he went on. “In all honesty, one must answer ‘Neither—the Afghans are winning.’”

Nancy likes to deny what everyone knows, which is that she was essential to the research and composition of Afghanistan. She claims she merely transcribed it. “You’ve seen his book?” she asked me one day. I said yes, I’d read it. “Alright, and it’s a thick one. I typed that dumb thing three times over—on a manual typewriter! Three times, and I was happy to do it.”

The false modesty of this claim was demonstrated when her An Historical Guide to Afghanistan was published. Where Afghanistan is a monument to fact, her book is an exercise in style and wit, and it’s still an indispensable guide for diehard Afghanophiles, who—like Kushner—don’t read it so much for the information as for her voice. (“We were totally committed to her guidebooks as we traveled around the country,” Ted Eliot, the former ambassador, told me.) In the acknowledgements she wrote, “From my husband, Louis Dupree, I draw a constant charge of excitement and enthusiasm for this land and its people. Together we find new depths and new values. I shall be well pleased if this book succeeds in conveying our continuing affection for Afghanistan.”

Eight

After the two hour-long drive north, Nancy, Mashall, and I arrived in Charikar in the late morning. From Western news coverage one can get the idea that, 12 years after the American invasion, the Taliban is still confined to Afghanistan’s peripheries. This isn’t the case. The Taliban controls much of the countryside, it’s true, but it also wields influence and fear in just about every city and major town, including Kabul. Nancy’s first stop was at the offices of the provincial council in Charikar, which had been attacked recently. They sit behind blast-shielding berms and a pair of guards whose faces suggest they don’t expect to be much help when the next bomb explodes.

For years, Dupree has been sending books, thousands of them, to provincial councils—on history, administration, farming science, public health, and anything else she can have printed—in the hopes that local officials will use them to better govern. “Mr. Karzai and the government, they don’t like it, because it takes away from their own power,” she says. “But until the people get a voice, Afghanistan’s not going anywhere.” After three and a half decades of war, however, the country is still mostly run by small groups of old men, many of them illiterate.

She and Mashall were led into a narrow, dark room lined with overstuffed green felt chairs and coffee tables. A policeman with a limp put out bowls of pistachios and poured tea as provincial officials, all of them old and hirsute—reesh safeda, or whitebeards, they’re called—shuffled in. Without greeting Nancy, they sank into chairs. She has forgotten most of her Dari, so she asked them questions through an interpreter.

“Is Kabul listening to you?”

Murmurs.

“Are you getting the money for the projects you want to do?”

Fewer murmurs.

“Do you listen to the women and get them money?”

Silence.

The whitebeards knew who she was, perhaps they even appreciated her help, but they couldn’t have been less interested in her presence. Dupree elicited somewhat more adamant murmuring when she asked about the recent murder of a local woman. An official spoke to the interpreter, who turned to Dupree and said, “They are totally against the things which are bad.” Dupree frowned. The official was now talking into his phone. The meeting was over.

As the officials shuffled out, a younger man introduced himself as the secretary. In precise English, he explained that the council valued her books. They had tried to set up a public library, as she’d requested, but people borrowed the books and neglected to return them. So he’d moved them into a locked office. Now officials neglected to return them.

As he and Dupree talked, he unburdened himself. “The problem in Afghanistan is everything is based on theory,” he told her. The council had no money. He hadn’t been paid a salary in a year and half. A local merchant had donated the big green chairs. Dupree listened intently, made suggestions. She said she wanted him to connect the council to her organization online, so she could distribute the newsletter he wrote and send him materials. He looked at the floor. “We don’t have Internet.”

“This is so typical,” she said to Mashall as they left. “He’s got the spirit. He wants to do something, not for himself, but for other people. But he can’t break out.”

“It’s true, Nancy Jan.”


Some days later, Nancy and Mashall visited a boys’ school in an impoverished village on Kabul’s fringe. Its mud-brick homes were not old, but the Afghan summers and winters and dust had left them looking like ruins. In the school’s drab courtyard, makeshift classrooms were set up under plastic tarps. A geography teacher led them around. Nancy asked him what he could use. “Maps,” he said. He taught geography, but there were no maps.

The teacher brought them to the library, a disheartening sight. It was doing double-duty as a storeroom for an old generator and for laboratory equipment that some foreign government had donated, which might have been useful if the school had a laboratory. “They don’t have a card catalog, they don’t have a computer. How do they know what’s here?” she asked Mashall between coughs. He pointed to a handwritten list of books taped to the side of a cabinet.

An English teacher who spoke very little English brought me to his classroom. Boys sat on windowsills, on top of one another. There were no books, no paper, no pencils. “Most students don’t know what books are here,” he told me. But they were unbelievably disciplined and, their eyes suggested, dying to learn something, anything. I asked if they liked to read.

“Yes!” they shouted in unison. I asked what they liked to read.

“Histories!” one boy said.

His name was Saddiq, and he obviously took school quite seriously. Though he looked no more than 13, he was wearing a pink dress shirt and a frayed brown blazer. Saddiq loved Dupree’s library, the teacher said. He was borrowing books all the time. I asked Saddiq what period of Afghan history he liked to read about. “The Ghaznavids,” he said, referring to the Turkic dynasty that ruled much of what would become Afghanistan in the tenth through twelfth centuries. Many Afghans regard the period as the high point of their history. When I asked whether he didn’t want to learn about more recent events, about the time in which he lived, he considered the question. “No,” Saddiq said. “It’s all war.”

In the car on the way back to Kabul, Dupree looked out the window silently and sank lower and lower into her seat. A friend of hers had told me that, left to herself, her thoughts always drifted back to Louis. “If you just watch her body language,” he’d said, “it’s very distressing.” He was right. As we drove by a hillside blooming with redbud, she muttered, “Redbud… I wanted redbud for Louis’s memorial service, but I couldn’t get it. Protected species.”

Nine

In 1973, in Afghanistan, Louis had expressed great hope for the country’s future—too much, as it turned out. He didn’t mention that radical Communism and radical Islamism were on the rise, nor that the halting attempts at modernization and religious and social reforms undertaken by Mohammed Daoud—who’d been removed from the prime ministership by his cousin, King Zahir Shah, nearly a decade earlier—hadn’t made it out of the cities. The gaps between the increasingly secular urban elite and the poor, illiterate, and devout peasantry were more glaring than ever. In 1972, when the country was overcome by famine and hundreds of thousands died, an official remarked, “If the peasants eat grass, it’s hardly grave. They’re beasts. They’re used to it.” The next year, after Dupree had completed his book, Daoud staged a palace coup and took back control of the government.

Louis knew the autocratic but generous-spirited Daoud as well as any foreigner did. “You must understand one thing in the beginning: Afghanistan is a backward country,” he’d once told Dupree during an interview. “We accept this. We know that we must do something about it or die as a nation.” Daoud wanted America to support Afghanistan, he said, but not at the price of its independence. “We first turned to the Unites States for aid, because we believe in the American ideology. The idea of freedom for all is the idea that we have for Afghanistan… but any aid which any country gives to us must be with no strings attached.”

Daoud delivered the same message, with less tact, to Soviet premier Leonid Brezhnev. By the late 1970s, Moscow was largely keeping Daoud’s government afloat, but still he liked to “light Soviet cigarettes with American matches,” as one KGB officer put it. “We will never allow you to dictate to us how to run our country,” Daoud reportedly told Brezhnev, dispensing with the subtleties of bi-tarafi, after the Kremlin had instructed him to expel workers from NATO countries. “Afghanistan shall remain poor, if necessary, but free in its acts and decisions.”

In 1978, Afghan Marxists murdered Daoud and his family. Mayhem of the sort not seen since the Anglo-Afghan wars ensued. Officials, academics, businessmen, landowners, journalists, religious leaders, and anyone else deemed a threat to the socialist revolution were rounded up, tortured, and executed.

Louis, of course, knew the Marxist cabal well, including the new president, Nur Mohammed Taraki, a sadistic KGB provocateur of long standing. Taraki, a firm believer in terror, liked to say, “Lenin taught us to be merciless towards the enemies of the revolution.” Despite this, Dupree was at first sanguine about his intentions—or startlingly naive, depending on whom one asked. A month after the coup, Dupree wrote a letter to The New York Times emphasizing the nationalist character of Taraki’s regime. “One may deplore the bloodshed which accompanied the revolution and feel remorse for the dead, but an enlightened press should avoid the loose use of the term ‘Communist,’” he wrote. Ted Eliot recalled Dupree telling him, “These Communists are friends from way back.” Eliot was amazed. “I said, ‘Louis, this is different. It’s the Soviet Communists.’”

Dupree’s delusional attitude derived in part from experience, one suspects, and in part from pride, but more than either from his love of the Afghans. He similarly assumed he wouldn’t be targeted, regardless of the persistent rumors about him, because so many Afghans loved him. “Louis’s conviction was that every Afghan knew he was a friend of Afghanistan and they wouldn’t hurt him,” Eliot said.

One day in November 1978, Louis and Nancy went to the National Museum to pay a visit to Daddy’ Head. That afternoon, after Louis had returned to the hotel suite where they were staying at the time, secret policemen knocked on the door. An Afghan translator Dupree worked with had been arrested and, after being tortured, had identified Dupree as a spy. Others followed suit—maybe to save their skins, maybe because they knew something.

In Kabul, it had long been suspected that Dupree’s relationship with Alan Wolfe extended beyond friendship and the eventual exchange of spouses. During the Cold War, it was common for American scholars to gather information for the CIA, and Dupree was a perfect candidate for recruitment: three Harvard degrees, military experience, unparalleled knowledge of the country. He’d been surrounded by spies of one type or another for much of his life. (Carleton Coon, his mentor at Harvard, had been an agent in the Office of Strategic Services, the CIA’s precursor.) And Dupree never really left military service. He always considered himself a soldier at heart. Before moving to Kabul, he’d worked as a researcher in troop behavior for the Air Force, writing field manuals and course curricula, and later taught at West Point. He didn’t officially retire from the Army until 1967.

It would have surprised no one, in other words, if Dupree had worked with the CIA. He always denied the rumors—adamantly, sometimes angrily. According to some people who knew him well, however, that may have been a front.

As Kabul station chief, Wolfe had been tasked with providing the CIA with intelligence on the Russian-made hardware being used by the Afghan military. Most of it was in the north of the country, as is Aq Kupruk. The archaeologist Charles Kolb said that on their way to and from the excavation site, Dupree and he took detailed notes on the Russian equipment they saw. Dupree photographed it with a high-speed camera. Kolb believes he was doing this for Wolfe and that Wolfe or the CIA may have funded Dupree’s work in some capacity. “We were always looking for military installations,” Kolb told me. “He was working with Alan and providing information to Alan directly.” He also believes Dupree’s popular parties were a means for the pair to gather intelligence. His “soirees were very eye-opening, because you got people together who were theoretically political enemies, but in that environment they would talk. It was very good for Louis to learn what was going on and for Alan Wolfe to get what he needed.”

Ten

“Dupree, the biggest CIA agent!” the interrogator called out when the police brought the archaeologist to a seized government building. On a desk, while Dupree was questioned, sat a Kalashnikov, its barrel pointed at him. He was moved to another building, where a man took calls, calmly tabulating political assassinations, as two guards smiled at Dupree and drew their fingers across their necks.

The next day he was interrogated for nine hours. He was instructed to make a list of all the Afghan intellectuals he knew. Suspecting it would be used as a kill list, he refused, telling his captors, “I know practically everyone.” He was told instead to make a list of all the Kabulis he knew. He consented, and the first name he wrote down was that of Nur Mohammed Taraki, the new president and possibly the man who’d ordered him arrested. No more lists were requested. Asked what he would say if someone accused him of working for the CIA, Dupree replied, “If you want to accuse me of working for the CIA, don’t go through this God damn nonsense,” according to an account of his incarceration that he later dictated to Nancy. “Just go ahead and accuse me.”

The translator who fingered him was brought in. The man was shaking, and according to Dupree “his face was not his face, it had about a month or more of growth of beard. It was totally misshapen, his eyes were not his own, his lips were swollen and almost dropping down to his lower jaw, he could hardly talk.”

An interrogator questioned the translator in front of Dupree.

“Is Dupree CIA?” he demanded.

“Yes, everybody knows Dupree is CIA,” the translator whimpered.

Uninvited, Dupree jumped in.

“Did I ever tell you I was CIA?” he asked. The translator said no. “Did I ever try to recruit you for CIA?” No again.

The next night, Dupree was made to watch as a cellmate was beaten by a guard. “He just picked him up with one hand and started slapping the bejesus out of him,” he told Nancy. “One kicked him in the balls and the other one hit him in the stomach.” Then a guard brought in an electrical device with wires hanging out of it, “wiggling like the tentacles of a Medusa trying to escape.” The cellmate “just went to pieces.”

Through it all, Dupree managed to keep his sense of humor. “I made friends with the cop who brought the food around,” he recounted. He found he liked the jail bread. “I always insisted on the end piece, being an old Southern boy, I love the end piece of bread and it’s much better to make spoons out of.” His attempts to go to sleep were thwarted by “some noises of human beings in distress that occasionally came through the walls and naturally this did not improve my frame of mind at the time.” And “little buggies,” he went on, “were busy chewing my ass off all the night.” The next morning: “No one brought me bed tea; highly pissed off.” At one point in the transcript of Dupree’s account is the following aside: “Interruption now, because it is 5 o’clock and time for delicious martinis.”

After five days, Dupree was brought to the Ministry of Interior. Women demanding to know where their husbands and sons had been taken were being thrown around by their burkas. An official recognized Dupree and, forgetting himself for a moment, shook his hand. Then he stiffened and handed Dupree a statement to sign. “You are hereby informed that you are ordered out of the country never to return,” it read. “If you ever do return to Afghanistan, you will be responsible for the consequences.” Dupree signed it, but not before appending a statement of his own in the margin: “I would like to add that I have great love and affection for the people of Afghanistan and I hope that eventually a true experiment in socialism will succeed in Afghanistan for the benefit of all the people.” 

He found Nancy, who’d somehow kept it together during his incarceration. They drove in the red Land Rover to the border. There they were officially expelled from Afghanistan.

To this day, she maintains that none of the rumors about Louis had any basis in fact—that he’d never been connected with the CIA in any way. The translator and others named him, she said, because he was a gossiped-about American and because they didn’t want to die. “Some of these characters, I’ve run into them,” she said. “It takes them a long time, but eventually they’ll get me into a room all by ourselves, and they’ll let it all spill out. They feel so guilty because they turned him in. But it was life or death for them. They were killing people all over the place.”

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Mujahideen in Afghanistan, 1979. (Photo: Getty Images)

Eleven

Louis and Nancy drove over the Khyber Pass to Peshawar, where other expatriate and Afghan friends who’d made it out were gathering. They moved into Dean’s, a Victorian hotel, a hangout for people with information about what was happening in Afghanistan. Their rooms came to be known as the Dupree Suite. They tried to approximate their old life, confident that soon enough everything would calm down and they’d return.

But the Afghanistan they’d known was disappearing. In February 1979, the American ambassador was kidnapped by Islamic extremists and later killed in a shootout. Washington began supplying anti-Communist rebels. In September, Taraki’s prime minister had him strangled in his bed and took power. The next month Afghans went into open revolt against the Moscow-backed regime and its heavy-handed religious and social reforms. Officials, Soviet advisers, and their families were tortured and murdered, their bodies paraded on pikes in the streets. On Christmas Day, the Soviets invaded.

From its start, the invasion’s brutality was matched by its clumsiness. (A Soviet general staff officer remarked that “no one ever actually ordered the invasion of Afghanistan.”) The Kremlin promised a months-long operation; a ten-year occupation followed. In that time, over 600,000 Russian troops would be sent to Afghanistan. Fourteen thousand of them would be killed, according to official estimates (unofficial estimates go as high as 75,000) and 400,000 injured or taken ill. Roughly a million and a half Afghans—most of them civilians—would die, and numberless villages and towns would be leveled.

All of it was in vain. It was not long before Russians were referring to the war in Af-gavni-stan: Afshitstan. The Afghans simply would not submit. Calling on the old traditions of the jirgas and the shuras, they created an endlessly brave and hugely effective network of resistance, joined by deserters from the Afghan army and fighters from around the Muslim world. At first they fought with 19th-century muskets and WWII-era Lee Enfield rifles and made bullets by hand from spent shell casings. One Afghan attempted a suicide attack by setting himself on fire and rushing at a Russian tank. Eventually, a disorderly coalition of world powers and adversaries that included the U.S., China, Pakistan, Israel, Britain, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia provided the mujahideen, as they called themselves—warriors of God—with serious weaponry. Decades worth of grudges against the USSR were avenged on television screens around the world as grainy footage of shoulder-launched rockets turning Russian helicopters into fireballs emerged from the Hindu Kush.

American support for the resistance was run out of CIA headquarters. Among its choreographers there was Alan Wolfe, who had moved to Washington with Annie. By now he was the chief of the Near East Division, known as its Grand Old Man. Shortly after the 1978 coup, Wolfe flew to Islamabad to confer with agents. He told them a story. “I came home the other day, and my wife and I were having our evening martini, and The Washington Post was on the coffee table,” Wolfe said. “The photo on the front page was of the new Afghan flag being raised in Kabul. I picked it up and showed it to my wife. ‘They’re fucking with our country, dear!’ I can’t have that. I am going to change that fucking government, toss those commie bastards out on their asses.”

“I sat there looking at Wolfe as he spoke,” the agent who worked under him told me. “It was clear to me that this was one of those moments that you hear about but rarely are lucky enough to witness.” Years later he bumped into Wolfe, and they reminisced about the meeting. “I reminded him that he had indeed started the process that removed the Communist regime. He looked at me like I was from outer space. ‘Of course I did. Did you think that I wouldn’t succeed?’”

On the ground, the Afghan resistance was run by Pakistani intelligence from Peshawar, where armies of refugees, many eager to fight, were massing. Nancy worked in the overflowing refugee camps, while back at Dean’s, rebel leaders conferred with Louis, whose understanding of guerilla warfare and connections with influential leaders across Afghanistan were invaluable. He no longer harbored any illusions about the communists. Word spread. One day someone walked into the hotel with a copy of the Los Angeles Times. In it was an op-ed, by a Russian political commentator, entitled “CIA Perfidy Necessitated Rescue by Soviet Union.” It read: “In May, 1979, the American intelligence men in Pakistan who were engaged in training Afghan rebels were led by the well-known CIA operative Louis Dupree.”

Twelve

There is no evidence Dupree led a rebel army, much as he probably would have liked to, but he did much else to assist the mujahideen. He had known most of its field commanders since they were young men. He snuck into Afghanistan to advise and fight with them. “Actually,” claims Nancy, “it was Louis who taught them how to make a Molotov cocktail.”

When he wasn’t with the rebels or in Peshawar, Dupree traveled to American universities and think tanks to lecture about the war and urge people to get involved; cofounded groups to support the fighters and refugees; and wrote reports and op-eds. He always stressed that this was not a proxy fight between capitalism and communism, that Afghanistan was not a “client” of the West—a position offered with increasing bluster as the mujahideen became celebrities in Georgetown sitting rooms. Afghanistan was its own country fighting for its own future, Dupree reminded his audiences.

In 1981, he was in a near fatal car accident. In the hospital for a year, he underwent two brain surgeries. Still partially paralyzed after being discharged, he went to Washington to urge lawmakers to send the rebels more weapons. Testifying before the Senate, he said, “This is, in my opinion, the most important political and moral issue that faces us at this time and is probably the most important since the Second World War.”

In Dupree’s personal papers, one finds dozens of letters he sent—to politicians, employers, deans—on behalf of Afghan exiles. More poignant, however, are the letters written to him by the exiles themselves. “Since the year that the Russian took over Afghanistan, many people have been died and many were slaughtered by Russians army,” wrote a student turned fighter named Hafizullah who’d fled to Iran. “I was charged for the crime that [I] worked for and with Americans in Kabul. Now I am in Tehran have no passport and I am eager to come over to USA for my further studies or if not possible to take refugee there at that part of the world.”

Life got worse for the Duprees, too. Still suspected of being a spy, Louis was expelled from Pakistan in 1979. “I have been followed, harassed and hounded by various elements in the Pakistani government,” he wrote in a letter of complaint to (who else?) Pakistani president Muhammed Zia-ul-Haq. “Somewhere in the bowels of the Pakistani bureaucracy exists a hard-core belief that I am a CIA agent.” Eventually, he was readmitted.

Although Louis had taken up a professorship at Duke University, he and Nancy never entertained the thought of moving permanently to North Carolina.  When I asked her why, she said, “These people were in trouble. Refugees were coming in. It never occurred to me leave. They had given us so much.” She choked up. “How could you turn your back on them at that time?”


By 1985, the year Mikhail Gorbachev became general secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, two things were obvious. The first was that the USSR had lost the war in Afghanistan. Though the conflict wouldn’t officially end for another four years, withdrawal talks were already under way. The second was that Afghanistan was, in a more profound sense, lost. Five and a half million people—one-third of the population—would flee the country by the end of the decade, and another two million would be displaced internally. Louis called it a “migratory genocide.”

If the human toll wasn’t enough, there was the cost to Afghan history. As the White Hun and Mongol invaders had tried to do centuries earlier, the Soviets seemed to want to punish Afghanistan for its resistance by trying to make the world forget there had ever been indigenous culture there. The policy was known, with the Russian flair for bloody-minded understatement, as “rubblization.” Whole swaths of the country were laid waste; mosques, libraries, schools, museums, and archaeological sites were razed. It was as though some horrible wind had swept in from the north and erased epochs.

As the crisis worsened, so did Louis. Still disabled from the car accident, he was diagnosed with lung cancer. He remained the final authority on Afghan history, however, so when a consortium of charity organizations dealing with the preservation of Afghan culture needed to assemble a bibliography of scholarship on the country, he was the obvious choice. No sooner had he submitted the bibliography, however, than he convinced the consortium it wasn’t what they wanted. What they wanted, he said, was the stuff produced during the war: the underground newspapers, the home footage of fighting, the testimonies of Russian defectors, and so on—the documents that would tell a generation living in exile what their country was like while they were gone. “In the camps around Peshawar, they had an unprecedented phenomenon—Afghans from all over the country, populations that had never interacted with each other, gathering in one place,” Nancy said. “The possibilities to create a legacy of learning for when they repatriated were enormous.” She and Louis began collecting. It was the start of her library.

Louis was always sure the refugees would repatriate and reclaim their country from the Soviets. “He had every faith,” said Nancy. “He said, ‘The Afghans will throw them out.’” In January of 1989, as he lay dying in Durham, North Carolina, the last Soviet tanks rolled out of Afghanistan. The mujahideen had captured everything except Kabul.

“Well, darling, you were right,” she told him.

Louis looked up at her. “The problems are just beginning.”


People traveled from around the world to attend the memorial service at Duke. Dupree’s eulogy, read by the director of its Islamic and Arabian Development Studies Department, Ralph Braibanti, was entitled “Tribute to a Mujahid.” Louis and Nancy, he told the mourners, had “appeared in a moment in history when the culture they so admired was in crisis. It was this transmigration of their spiritual being that enabled each of them to preserve some part of the national character which now became part of their persona.”

In the service program was printed a photograph of Louis taken a few years before, during a mission with the mujahideen. He’s wearing large, professorial eyeglasses, an Afghan vest, and a traditional pakol cap, gray hair flowing from its brim. He looks haggard but highly pissed off. Aged but eager. A boyish mischievousness dances across his face, halfway between a smile and a frown. “I know a lot,” his unyielding eyes and pursed mouth seem to say, “but I’m not going to tell you a fucking thing.”

Thirteen

After Louis died, Nancy wound up his affairs, taught his classes through the end of the term, and broke down. She considered “joining Louis”—i.e., killing herself. It didn’t help that there were Afghan exiles living in America who could help her mourn. “The Afghans have a terrible habit,” she told me. “I mean, it’s a lovely habit, but it’s awful. When somebody loses a husband or a wife, they come and they sit and they tell you all about how wonderful they were. You say thank you and you cry and you cry and you cry. That’s the whole point I suppose.”

But she didn’t just miss Louis; she missed Afghanistan. They had been her two greatest loves. So when she was invited to return to Peshawar to head an Afghan cultural organization, she thought it might be an opportunity to carry on his work, and she accepted before she could refuse.

Civil war persisted for seven years after the Soviet departure. Kabul, which had made it out of the occupation mostly unscathed, was torn apart. The rebel leaders Louis had helped were now warlords. They battled block by block for control of the city while the last Soviet-backed president, Muhammed Najibullah, tried in vain to hold on to power. Rockets slammed into the National Museum, and soldiers and militiamen looted the collection. In 1993, Nancy traveled to Kabul to assess the damage for the United Nations. “Artifacts [were] strewn among the rubble, and filing cabinets of museum records and catalogs indiscriminately dumped,” she later recounted in an article. “Hasps had been unscrewed and locks ripped off steel storage boxes, and drawers and crates had been methodically emptied onto the floor.” It was rumored that thieves were using her guidebook to the museum to value stolen pieces. Seventy percent of the collection, she estimated, was gone. Among the missing pieces, it appeared, was Daddy’s Head.

In 1996, the warlords were swept from Kabul by the Taliban, which at first was more respectful than anyone had dared hope. The Taliban leader, Muhammad Omar, appointed a cultural minister and decreed the smuggling of relics illegal. He allowed the UN to repair part of the museum. But in 2001 he changed course, ordering the Bamiyan Buddhas—the subject of Nancy’s first guidebook—destroyed. When footage of Talibs blowing up the statues was broadcast around the world, it became clear that hardliners loyal to the polite Saudi she’d met years before, Osama bin Laden, had taken control. Next, Omar ordered what remained of the museum’s collection destroyed. Heavies from the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice arrived, hammers in hand.

When Dupree went to the museum afterward, “there were pieces no bigger than this,” she told me, holding up her thumb and index finger close to each other. “And the rest was all dust. I stood there watching the museum staff collecting these pieces, including the dust. They were sweeping it up, putting it in bags, and I thought, God, you know, what do you think the Taliban is going to do to us?”

Later that year, however, the United States invaded. In 2004, the museum reopened. The curators returned to work. They took the salvaged artifacts from their hiding places and began the slow process of re-cataloging them. Nancy, who had been splitting her time between Peshawar and North Carolina, began the process of moving back to Kabul the same year. One day, she received an email from a curator who had “found a remarkable little bundle wrapped in brown paper,” Dupree said, recounting the message. “She tore off the paper only to come to another layer of paper, newspaper. She continued peeling the bundle, and under the newspaper she found toilet paper and then tissue paper.”

Inside the tissue paper was a small, very old rock. There were markings carved into it. The features were faint.

“Daddy’s Head,” Dupree said to herself.

Fourteen

After Louis died, one of the things Nancy did to keep her mind off him was continue the collection they’d started during the war. She scoured bazaars and antiques stores and book stalls in Pakistan and Afghanistan. She visited old mujahideen and exiles and aid workers to see what they had. She hired unemployed men to help her. She stored the old books, reports, pamphlets, newspapers and magazines, tracts, treatises, photos, film reels and slides she gathered in Peshawar. “If it had Afghanistan in the title, it wasn’t safe around me,” she said.

Of course, it didn’t work. In every new find, there was something to remind her of Louis. “Louis would have liked this,” she would say to herself, handling a book, or, reading an account of a particular battle, “Louis would have disagreed with that.” Finally, she admitted to herself that the collection was her way not of moving on from Louis, but of remembering him. More than that, of memorializing him, and his love of Afghanistan.

While her new library awaited completion in late 2012, her collection sat in Kabul University’s main library, a sad affair in the middle of campus. Most of the materials were stored in locked, fragrant cedar cabinets. In the back of the building was the small, stuffy archiving room. On the days I visited, young male archivists (and one woman) could be found studying and scanning, copying and uploading, unbinding and rebinding. One day I looked over the shoulder of an archivist as he paged through a Taliban propaganda newspaper from 1996 whose headline read “Congratulations to the People of Afghanistan About the Capture of Kabul by the Taliban.” Another archivist was at a computer, going through scans of photographs taken by an aid worker. “When people die and their estates don’t know what to do with their God damn things,” Nancy said, “they call us.”

Operations were overseen by Rahim, a dour, wiry man whom Dupree hired in Peshawar. He and a group of helpers smuggled the collection into Afghanistan. They stuffed about 30,000 items into sacks and loaded them onto the backs of horses and men for the trek over the Khyber Pass. It took six months. Rahim said it was worth it. “We learn many things from Nancy,” he told me. “Many information about Afghanistan we get from Nancy.” Now they have about 90,000 items.

In 2005, when he was university chancellor, Ashraf Ghani donated a plot of land on the campus to Dupree to house the collection. When I asked him why, he told me the collection “represents the proposition that to overcome the past we need to understand it. The past is haunting Afghanistan. We have too much history—history that has not become historical. History that lives. Our perceptions of history are clouding our future. We’ve done horrible things to each other, and those things need to be put to rest, and this collection is part of that.”

Browsing the cabinets one day, I found myself thinking of a line from the Homebody’s monologue:

My research is moth-like. Impassioned, fluttery, doomed. A subject strikes my fancy: Kabul, you will see why, that’s the tale I’m telling—but then, I can’t help myself, it’s almost perverse, in libraries, in secondhand bookshops, I invariably seek out not the source but all that which was dropped by the wayside on the way to the source…. Old magazines, hysterical political treatises written by an advocate of some long-since defeated or abandoned or transmuted cause; and I find these irrelevant and irresistible, ghostly, dreamy, the knowing what was known before the more that has since become known overwhelms.


One day in the archiving room, I overheard Nancy speaking with a young Englishman who’d been volunteering his time. He had just told her that he would have to come in less.

“So you’re leaving us?” she said to him in a plaintive voice.

“No, Nancy,” he said, trying to be as gentle as possible. “I’m not leaving. I’ll just be able to come in less than I have.”

“You’ll leave, I suppose,” she said. “Everybody leaves eventually.”

Maybe sensing he’d stay if she offered him some compensation, she added, “You know, we’re out of money. We’re broke, completely.”

She wasn’t exaggerating. It had been obvious enough to me, watching it at work, that her organization was inefficient. Her staff was well intentioned but poorly trained and overly worshipful of her. Nancy herself was Homebody-like, unable to focus on any single task or line of thought for very long. Just how inefficient I learned on my last days in Kabul. Wafa, her executive director, admitted to me that the organization was, indeed, broke. Nancy had blown through a $3 million grant from the State Department a year ahead of schedule. The Norwegian government had stepped in with a bridge loan, but now that was nearly gone, too.

An auditor hired by the grant administrator to assess Dupree’s organization told me she “is completely exhausted and wants to let go, and she’s trying to hand it over, but her board can’t be bothered.” The whole thing was being held together, barely, on the strength of her legend, he believed. “The American government has spent $3 million supporting the cult of an old lady.” An employee of hers told me the organization “will collapse when Nancy is gone,” a contention with which the auditor agreed. Indeed, many of the people around her seemed to believe this.  

Penury nagged at her. Grasping deans at the university were making noises about commandeering her new library. She worried that Karzai, having paid for some of it, might use it for his own purposes. After trips such as the one to Charikar, she suspected that Afghans were indifferent to her projects. She seemed to become sicker and more impatient by the day. Her coughing fits grew deeper and longer, her outbursts more plangent and scattershot; it was as though everyone reminded her of how little time she had left, and thus everyone was a waste of time. Americans took the worst of it. Around them she became annoyed before they’d had a chance to open their mouths. It wasn’t long before she was blowing up at me when I walked into her office each morning. She would lapse into the first person plural, as though she were yelling at herself, too. “You don’t seem to be interested in the things we are doing!” she said one day. “What are we doing here? Why?! What’s our purpose?” 

Fifteen

For weeks I had been bothering Dupree to take me to the National Museum. I wanted to see Daddy’s Head with her. Finally, she relented, and I could see as soon as we arrived why she hadn’t wanted to come. The museum still pains her. Everything in it reminds her of Afghanistan’s past, of her past, of Louis.

At the entranceway stands a second-century marble relief of the Kushan king Kinishka that is particularly close to her heart. She likes to call Kinishka, a scholar and arts patron, her hero. The statue’s head is gone, smashed by a Talib. “This poor little fella,” she said as we walked by him. Inside we passed a damaged Buddha. “I, ah—” she said, then turned away, on the brink of tears.

Upstairs, after looking at a display of gold coins (“I kept telling Louis to find me some gold,” she joked), we emerged from the gallery to find burly military contractors with assault rifles taking up positions on the staircase. They looked as though they expected the statues to come to life. Nancy didn’t flinch. Nor did she betray interest when their charge—an official, clearly American, in a baggy suit, moustache, bad haircut—bounded up the stairs. He introduced himself as a deputy ambassador of something.

“Another ambassador?” she said.

“There are so many of us,” he replied gamely.

The ambassador’s wife introduced herself with an eagerness that made it clear she’d wanted to meet Dupree for some time. “Yes, yes,” Nancy said, waving a hand and pushing past.

As I was about to ask about Daddy’s Head, the museum director, Omara Massoudi, approached. Old friends, he and Dupree used to comb the bazaars in Peshawar together, looking for stolen artifacts. In the Taliban years, he sold potatoes on the street.

“Nancy Jan, will you have a cup of tea with me?” Massoudi asked. 

“You’re very kind,” she said. “Do you really want me to?” The ambassador and his wife and their aides joined them in Massoudi’s large, barren office. After business cards had been exchanged, she asked the ambassador, “But anyway, how do you find our poor museum?”

“It’s mixed emotions,” he said. “It’s so impressive and so gorgeous what you see, and heartbreaking to think of what was lost. But I think it is a tribute to—”

“You have to have been here,” she said, cutting him off. “Mr. Massoudi and I, we’ve gone through a lot. You see, he’s such a gentleman. Impeccably dressed. Can you imagine him with a beard down to here?” she said, gesturing at her knees. Everyone laughed, and she was off. “And he used to turn up in Peshawar and—those were hard times. But! It was even harder times for the museum, because a rocket had hit the roof and flames all over the place. The roof had fallen onto these precious Islamic bronzes, and they were all melted together. There was no electricity, no water, no nothing. No heat. And the walls were all covered with soot and grime and dust. We went like that for many, many months. So I cannot believe it when I come here, to see this sparkling, beautiful building. It’s a miracle.

“I’m building a very small building, but it’s taken a long time,” she went on. “You must come and see my center.”

“I’d love to,” the ambassador said. He attempted to make his farewells, but Dupree kept talking. More about the museum, musings on the promise of Afghan youth; then her monologue became moth-like, impassioned, fluttery, doomed. I was sitting next to the Homebody.

“The other day I went to a music concert,” she told the ambassador. “Modern classical music. John Cage and all that. You know John Cage?”

“Yeah,” the ambassador said, almost hiding his confusion.

Ping, bonk, henk, hah, all that?”

“Yeah.”

“Well he used to be my neighbor. And I didn’t think much of his music then. And so these people were doing a fantastic job with the cello and the saxophone and the—but all modern. I thought it was quite pleasant. Then they played one with John Cage’s concept that there is music in everything. All noise has music. Got it? So these three or four people on the stage, they each had a radio. And one by one they each turned the radio to static. Chek-wawa-kchaea. This is supposed to be music? I’m sorry. It didn’t catch me then and it doesn’t catch me now.

“I went out after that,” she continued, “and I saw the cellist. She had been overworked, and I gave her a big hug and I said, ‘Beautifully done, except that last thing left me cold.’ ‘Oh,’ she said, ‘we did that because it’s his 100th anniversary.’ My neighbor? Hundredth anniversary? And they were all so embarrassed because I’m nearly a hundred. They didn’t mean it that way, but it came out that way.”

Nervous laughter.

“Well,” the ambassador said, getting up, his moustache hairs seeming to bristle with alarm, or maybe pity. “Anyway the, the—I want to thank you all for the opportunity to visit this museum. It’s a real privilege and honor to do it. And I feel much, ah, richer for the experience.”

Sixteen

Afterward, I asked Nancy what she thought of him. “He’s an ambassador,” she said. By this I took her to mean: My patience for my countrymen, and their preposterous exertions in this doomed place that I love so much, is at an end. And it was a position for which I could hardly blame her. On the contrary, the ignorance and futility—there is no other term for it: the abject failure—of the American adventure in Afghanistan is obvious as soon as one sets foot in the country. Our attempts to rebuild institutions and infrastructure have come to little; hugely expensive projects sit skeletal and looted, the countryside poor and benighted; Karzai’s ministers live like pashas in Kabul. This is to say nothing of a reinvigorated Taliban or of the daily bombings, maimings, beheadings. All of it at the expense of the American taxpayer, America’s reputation, and, worst of all, everyday Afghans, the people whom Dupree has been trying to help for most of her adult life. 

“We have really destroyed this very sensitive characteristic of the Afghan character, which is self-sufficiency,” she told me one day. “They used to be proud of the fact that they did things for themselves. But now they’ve had so much money thrown at them, they’ve had so many advisers telling them what to do, that from the village on up, these young people don’t want to think for themselves. Let the foreigners do it.”

Dupree feels this failure deeply, and as an American adopted by Afghans, it takes a double toll on her, embarrassing and infuriating her in equal measure. She knows that she is part of this failure; that, as the quintessential expat do-gooder in Kabul, she somehow embodies it. On her good days, she also remembers that she is separate from it, that Afghans love her, perhaps even need her. She remembers that, if the glories of Afghanistan’s past can only be imagined, she can imagine them better than anyone, and help others in the imagining. But on her bad days, she carries this failure on her face, in her bones, like a walking broken promise. She worries that one or the other of her homelands might blithely do away with her legacy. Her library finally opened in March of last year, several months after my visit. But even as the building’s completion approached, she spoke of it as a tenuous thing. “It would only take one mullah with a match or one American daisy cutter,” she told me, “and it would be finished.”


Dupree had reluctantly agreed to speak with me one last time. Shortly after I got to her office, however, so did a young Afghan-American woman, two hours late for an appointment. Dupree had been yelling about her—“Where the hell is this person? God damn it, damn it, damn it!”—but when the woman finally arrived, apologizing profusely, Dupree issued a contrition-banishing wave of the hand and invited her to sit down.

It was her first time in Kabul, the woman explained, and she’d gotten lost. She was a graduate student, about to begin research near Kandahar. She had nothing pressing to ask of Dupree, nothing to offer her, but Dupree put aside what she was doing—and me—to speak with her, about nothing much. Soon they were trading stories and laughing. She took the woman out to tour the campus. When I returned to the office, three hours later, they were having lunch. Dupree was talking about Louis. It was the happiest I’d seen her. I left quietly.

On my way off campus, I stopped at the new library, recalling something the auditor had said about it. “She wanted to make sense of what her legacy would be,” he’d said, “so she’s become obsessed with the building.” He was probably right—and the obsession had paid off. It was a beautiful building. Its granite walls and stolid wooden beams and flagstone portico were somehow already perfectly weathered. Inside, there was no furniture, no curtains, no books. It felt new and old at the same time. It knew a lot but would say nothing. Students were already walking by it as though it had been there forever, and soon enough, none will remember its provenance. Though it is Nancy’s monument to Louis, to their love of Afghanistan, she has refused to put their name on it. It is called, simply, the Afghanistan Center at Kabul University.

I walked into the interior courtyard. A solitary worker was cleaning a new windowpane. Nearby his young son was sitting with a neat pile of tattered textbooks. The school year had started, and he wanted them to last through the long winter ahead. He was carefully wrapping each cover in brown paper.

Queen of the Tokyo Ballroom

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Queen of the Tokyo Ballroom

The summer when I became an international model, my childhood ended.

By Jennifer Sky

The Atavist Magazine, No. 33


Jennifer Sky, a former model and actress, has written for Interview, Tin House, The Daily Beast, The New York Times, and New York magazine’s The Cut blog. She earned a BFA from the New School and is currently completing a graduate degree at Brooklyn College. She lives in Brooklyn.

Editor: Charles Homans
Producers: Gray Beltran, Megan Detrie
Photography: Images of Tokyo from the series Night Crawler 1995, 2010, courtesy of Takehiko Nakafuji/Zen Foto Gallery. Images of Jennifer Sky are courtesy of the author.
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Music: “Empty Rooms” by A. P. Vague/CC BY-SA 3.0

Published in January 2014. Design updated in 2021.

One

When I was 15 years old, I was invited to spend six weeks of my summer break modeling in Japan. The offer came from an agency in Miami that I had done some work for, though I was hardly what you’d call a professional—I had never spent more than two nights away from my South Florida home.

On a spring morning in 1992, my mother and I drove the two hours down to the agency’s Ocean Drive offices, an Art Deco building that had been newly refurbished and painted teal. We were shown into a glass-walled conference room. Across the table sat my booking agent—a blond-haired Italian man—and the woman after whom the agency was named. She wore pointy black shoes and spoke with an accent that I was not yet worldly enough to recognize; it seemed to me like a mixture of French and all-purpose poshness. I recognized her face from some of the older magazine covers in the lobby.

Mom and I sat listening as the two of them explained the offer. Because of my age, they assured us, there would be chaperones and supervision: The agency would transport me to and from all the castings. An apartment was being arranged in advance and would be waiting for me. There would be another girl going, too, who was also 15 and was from the west coast of Florida. She would be my traveling companion and my roommate for the summer. I would never, they promised, be alone.

They told us again and again how it was possible for me to make tens of thousands of dollars. And they made sure to point out how lucky I was that the Japanese agency had chosen me.

From Night Crawler 1995, 2010.    	Courtesy of Takehiko Nakafuji    	Zen Foto Gallery

Two

There was not much in my upbringing that suggested I was cut out to be an international model. I was conceived in a double-wide trailer in a rural beach town, a bicentennial baby born to a pair of self-taught, self-sufficient hippies. By the time I could walk, our family had graduated from the trailer to a wooden house on stilts that my parents had designed and built away from town. The house stood on top of an elevated strip of land that overlooked the dewy savanna to the west and the Indian River to the east. It was a secret kind of place, at the end of a driveway lined with wild cherry trees, the property so overgrown that you couldn’t see our house from the solitary road. The area’s original homesteaders—some of whom were my distant kin—named it Eden.

As a child I was a nail-biter, a tree climber. I could spend the better part of a morning digging around on the nearby savanna, dreaming of other worlds. I had a cat, Harvey—a girl cat with a boy’s name—with whom I was convinced I could communicate telepathically. She would deliver a dead bird or rat to my feet, and I would collect the carcasses in my little red pushcart until my mom discovered them with horror and threw them away. I was the girl who managed to get head lice more than once a year, the one the mothers at school feared.

My parents believed in independence. My father, who had grown up in Eden, told me stories of adventure, of roaming the savanna with a shotgun under his arm and canoeing to the small islands in the middle of the river to fish and dig for crabs. When he was 15, his parents let him and his younger brother travel unaccompanied to Mexico on a surfing trip. My mother, who had been raised in upper-middle-class Long Island, was allowed to skip school to visit Manhattan as a child. They were the sort of people who trusted in my ability to chart my own course, even at a young age and even if it veered far afield of the kind of life they had built for our family in our little house on stilts.

If that life was idyllic, it was also isolating for a teenager. Magazines were my portals into other worlds. I coveted the issues of Seventeen that arrived in the mailbox at the end of the drive each month, with their pictures of beautiful coeds on the red-brick campuses of northern schools, wearing the latest plains, the subtlest tweeds, the sharpest pleats—clothing that couldn’t have been further from the cotton T-shirts and shorts of my own wardrobe.

The walls around the desk in my bedroom were papered with cutouts of their lovely faces and perfect figures. They were goddesses to me; I was fascinated by them, from their waist-length hair to the tips of their prep-school oxfords. They ruled a world so wholly unlike mine, one that contained everything I wanted to be and everything I wasn’t. I fantasized about somehow gaining entrance to it—about being sent to an international boarding school, maybe, where French cooking was a requirement. A mix of envy and lust pulsed at my temples.

So, when I was 14, I applied for a Seventeen modeling contest. I sent in a few modeling-style photographs I had, the product of a “junior charm” course I had attended at the local beauty school to correct some of the odd social cues I had begun to develop. My family was genuinely surprised when a package arrived from the magazine. In it was a letter, stating that I was one of ten finalists, and a single roll of film, which I was to have someone shoot of me and send back undeveloped to compete for a trip to Los Angeles and a feature in the magazine.

A friend of my father’s, a man who worked as a photographer for the local paper and surfed the breaks with him on weekends, agreed to take the pictures. I waited anxiously for over a month for the results. I had all but given up when another letter arrived congratulating me on being among the three finalists.

My mother and I were flown to Los Angeles and put up in the Shangri-La Hotel, in Santa Monica. The next day we were picked up at 6 a.m. in an oversize RV and taken to Malibu’s Zuma Beach. I was surprised by how chilly California could be in the morning. The Winnebago was filled with people from the magazine who had flown in from New York for the shoot: editors, makeup artists, makeup assistants, assistants’ assistants. At first I sat at attention, studying every movement around me, but I soon lost count of people and names and reverted to just smiling sweetly.

In the back of the Winnebago was the wardrobe room, with each of my “looks” or “changes” on a rack with my name on it. One at a time, I was handed an outfit off the rack; I would change, then be sent out to show the team from the magazine, who would look at me and mutter about how the outfit did or did not work well on my body type, tugging a bathing-suit strap here and a miniskirt hem there. Polaroids were taken, and then we would move on to the next hanger.

The wardrobe room was full of people, and there was nowhere private for me to change. I was self-conscious, but it slowed me down trying to hide from view without seeming like I was hiding. I wanted to fit in, to seem like I had been doing this for a while. If getting completely naked and dressing in front of everyone was the way models did it, I would do it, too. But as I did, my stomach began to ache, and I anxiously looked around for my mom.

I had no idea how much work it took to get the perfect photo—the hours of hair setting and face painting, the clipping, clamping, and pinning of each outfit. The director told me and the other two finalists to run up a sand dune, toward the camera, carrying a large wooden umbrella. We did it 40 or 50 times as the photographer clicked away and I silently barked orders at myself: Lift. Run. Smile like you mean it. That night at our congratulatory dinner, I was so exhausted that my mom had to take me back to the hotel early, after I almost fell asleep in my taco plate.

Still, I was enthralled by the hive-like energy of the fashion shoot and the rush of adrenaline it produced; I was hooked. Back in Florida, I convinced my mom to help me embark on a career. At the local library, she found addresses for several of the big agencies in Miami Beach. After some interviews and test photos, I signed with one of them. It was what the industry called my mother agency, the one that would introduce me to other opportunities outside Miami, help me make the jump from local to international work, and take a tidy 40 percent—20 percent from the model, 20 percent from the client—for each direct booking. My mother agency was the one that would send me to Tokyo.

The summer I went to Japan, my sister, three years my junior, went to a sleepaway camp in a nearby state park. There she would make fires, swim in the lake, and watch a tornado drive across the savanna as counselors rushed everyone to safety. It was the year our paths would permanently diverge. My sister took the road of traditional American childhood: camps, clubs, school dances, talking on the phone with friends late into the night. I would drop out of high school a week after my 16th birthday, get in the brand-new car that I’d bought myself, and move to Miami. Tokyo was the turning point, the definable moment when I left childhood behind.

Three

I spent the night before my flight to Japan in the basement of my parents’ house with my boyfriend, Ryan. We bathed together, secretly, while my family slept three stories above. Keeping the lights low for fear of discovery, I lit candles. I had hoped the effect would be romantic, but instead I was a wreck, clinging to him in the dripping dark.

By the time the sky began to lighten and Ryan had gone home, I’d cried myself dry, at least temporarily. I managed to zip up my oversize duffel bag and get myself out the front door and into my mom’s car without breaking down. I refused to allow my parents to know just how scared I was to leave. There would be so many things I would never tell them about my model life.

On a layover in Detroit, I met my soon-to-be roommate, Lisa, the other teenage girl from Florida. Her father owned a small radio station on the Gulf Coast, and she had brought boxes full of cassettes with her from home. As we got acquainted over small bags of roasted peanuts, I noted the almond shape of her eyes, the bounce of her hair, the way her lips curved at the corners. This was a model, I thought—a creature that actually belonged in the world that I so wanted to inhabit, in which I still felt out of place.

Navigating the industry had been difficult for me; I still had a hard time with social graces, and I didn’t make friends easily. In Miami, I had once had lunch at an outdoor café with my booker and a visiting Italian agent. “You could be a star,” the agent said, “if only you had a better personality.” The Japan opportunity had seemed to me a challenge, a call to arms; in my child’s mind, it grew to something akin to King Arthur’s sword in the stone.

It was afternoon when we arrived at Narita Airport, where we were met by our handler from the agency, a Japanese woman who spoke little English. She took us outside to where a driver in a minivan was waiting. The highway from the airport seemed like something out of the future. It threaded between tall, mirrored-glass office buildings and shorter ones that looked like large sugar cubes and appeared to have no on- or off-ramps. I lost all sense of space and time watching the bright billboards go by. The handler said little to us, and the lack of friendly conversation was disorienting. I felt like an import, goods received. Or maybe we were simply being treated like adults.

Then we were there: a four-story building on a side street somewhere in a city of which I had no geographical understanding. We were ushered inside an elevator barely big enough for the four of us and let out into a narrow corridor on the third floor. Our handler unlocked the door to a one-bedroom unit with a small kitchenette.

The bedroom was off to the left, with sliding doors separating it from the rest of the space. Eying the two pots on a flimsy wire rack hung above the stove, I realized I would now be responsible for making my own food. Everything had the feeling of plastic—cheap, temporary, easily replaced.

After asking the driver to set our bags down, one on each bed, the woman handed us each a large foldout map of Tokyo and the address of the modeling agency, and instructed us to come by with bathing suits the next morning. This was the only time I can recall someone from the agency ever visiting our agency-managed apartment.

After the handler left, Lisa and I looked at each other but said little. The extent of what I had gotten myself into was beginning to sink in. I had been dropped into a culture so different from my own, and I was utterly unprepared for what awaited me outside the apartment door.

I had never used chopsticks before; now they were the only utensils available. I hadn’t been taught a word of Japanese, given a tutorial on how to travel safely around one of the biggest cities in the world, or told where I could wash my clothes. Once I’d built up enough courage to venture out, I was so surprised to see beer sold out of a vending machine on a street corner that I actually stopped and laughed hysterically, pointing and looking at passersby to see if anyone else thought it was amazing.

But if I was intimidated, my roommate was petrified. From day one she refused to leave the apartment other than to buy necessities and make weekly visits to the agency office to pick up her stipend. Mostly she just stayed in bed and, if I asked why she wasn’t going on the castings, mumbled something about pimples. I wasn’t surprised to come home one day two weeks later and find her packing. As I watched her methodically arrange cassette tapes in her bags, I thought what a fool she was for letting the opportunity go.


That first day, after the long flight, all I wanted to do was sit in a shower and feel the familiar sensation of water running over me. But I was shocked to find that the apartment did not have a shower. Instead it had a tiled room, a small steel tank, and a drain in the floor. This took a moment to figure out. I eventually deduced that you were supposed to throw water at your body from the lukewarm tub. I was so tired, so overwhelmed that Japan was already so different, that I didn’t know what else to do but call home.

My parents had given me an international phone card and instructions on how to use it, but it still took me several tries before I was able to figure out the magical code that connected me with Florida. By the time my mother picked up I was crying, whimpering that I wanted to change my ticket and return home the next day. She calmed me down. Coming home was always an option, she told me, but why didn’t I get a good night’s sleep and see how I felt in the morning?

The next day I awoke to an excruciating pain when I peed. This was 1992, a time before widespread Internet access and the immediate availability of medical information. It took me two tries to reach my mother on the phone. “I think you have a bladder infection, sweetie,” she told me.

When Ryan and I started having sex nine months earlier, I had asked my mother to take me to the gynecologist. While she sat out in the waiting room, I asked the nurse practitioner if I could get a prescription for birth control pills without my parents being notified. She gave me several sample packs, and I slipped them into my purse. It would take my phone call from Japan complaining of a bladder infection for my mother to learn that I was sexually active.

Later that day I made my first visit to the agency office, following the directions on the map my handler had given me. Around ten blocks away, the office was the size of my parents’ basement and crammed full of desks. At one of them, I was instructed to sign for my weekly allowance of spending money. With a wad of yen in my pocket, I went shopping for food. Roaming the aisles of a nearby grocery store, I was excited to find familiar-looking boxes of Frosted Flakes and Lucky Charms. My parents had never given me sugary cereals, and I had no palate for them, but they were the only things I recognized.

In the pharmacy aisle, I picked up one indecipherable product after another, hoping to find some kind of lady-parts imagery. I debated going back to the agency and asking for help, but I didn’t want them to think badly of me. I was desperately embarrassed; it felt like I had done something wrong and was being punished. In the end, I bought nothing and resolved to suffer through the infection until my body fought it off on its own.

Outside our apartment, on the front of the building, was a mural of a 30-foot-tall, Warhol-esque yellow banana. It reminded me of the green, wet place I came from—of wide tropical leaves and eating melon slices with my daddy on the porch in the damp summer twilight. When I was out wandering the neighborhood I could see that yellow banana from blocks away.

From Night Crawler 1995, 2010.    	Courtesy of Takehiko Nakafuji    	Zen Foto Gallery

Four

The following day, the minivan from the agency pulled up outside our apartment to chaperone us to our first casting. Inside were several other teenage girls in short skirts, a few blondes and a lone brunette. We spoke little as the van drove out of the city center; high-rises and neon gave way to suburbs, clusters of trees waving in a soft summer breeze. The van stopped and we filed into a white-walled, four-story office building like a class of parochial school girls on a field trip.

We took a small elevator up and were led into an under-furnished conference room, where five or six well-dressed men and women sat along a table, facing forward silently like pupils waiting for a teacher to arrive. They were the clients we needed to impress, who would ultimately choose which of us would win the beauty pageant we competed in each time we entered one of those rooms. Sometimes we would be told ahead of time what the casting was for; sometimes nobody would bother.

One at a time, each of us stepped forward with a perfunctory smile and presented our portfolios. The room echoed every step of our Mary Janes, every swipe of a damp palm along the back of a skirt. Our books were passed down the line from client to client, each of them flipping quickly through the photographs and uttering small exclamations that were hard to decipher. I worried that they could hear the rapid beating of my heart. Once each of us had presented herself, some of us were Polaroided—the winners were already self-evident, and I wasn’t one of them. We filed out amid thank yous and arigatos.

That night the agency took us out to dinner at a fancy sushi restaurant. The restaurant was dimly lit, with floral wallpaper. We were shown to a large round table where we were seated in a girl-boy-girl-boy arrangement. The boys were men, actually, older and dressed in fine business attire. Out of my element, I sat mute and wide-eyed, trying to maintain a smile, while the other girls laughed and made small talk. A man next to me tried a few times to strike up a conversation before he finally gave up and turned to a frail-looking brunette on his other side.

I had never eaten sushi before, and the morsels of raw fish and rice that were placed before me were utterly perplexing. I had no idea what I was supposed to do with them. Did I pick them up with my fingers? What went into the little sauce dish next to my plate? As I sat there studying the food, terrified of making a wrong move and being exposed as the naive little girl that I was, I felt a hand on my shoulder. “Hi, I’m Kimmy,” the brunette said. “Let me help you.”

Kimmy was from Canada and 22, which seemed ancient to me at the time. Her beauty was more understated than a traditional model’s, and her hair was not the preferred color for the Japanese market, but I soon learned that she had been working in Japan for years. She was established enough to have her own apartment in Tokyo, she told me, and was the person to go to if I had any questions. Meeting her I felt relief. Here was exactly what I needed: an adviser, a mentor, a stand-in for the maternal protection and guidance I craved.


I began to settle into a routine. For the next week, I would get up early and bathe, throwing water at myself in the small dark bathroom, then prepare my body for presentation. After a light breakfast of cereal and fruit—it was all I would eat until dinner—I went outside and waited by the banana mural to meet the van.

But the following Monday morning, I received a phone call from the agency asking me to come in to the office. When I arrived, two bookers, a man and a woman, both dressed in black, told me that the agency van would no longer be picking me up.

“It’s reserved for working models,” the woman said.

“And you haven’t booked anything.” the man said.

“But it’s only been one week,” I pleaded, my face coloring in shame.

“Well, you can still earn your way back onto the van,” she said.

“Yes, we’re still going to let you know when and where the castings are,” he said. “You just need to get there by yourself. Use the subway. Use the map.” I nodded and bowed my head to hide my embarrassment, leaving as quickly as possible—here for only one week and my career was already over.

But I tried. Every day for the next two weeks, I walked to the domed subway entrance near the apartment and took the escalator underground, clutching the list of casting calls I needed to make. The subway station seemed oddly clean, almost sterile, given the number of people who rode it every day; there was a metallic smell to it that reminded me of blood. The first day I attempted to navigate the system, I stood frozen in the station for ten minutes, reaching out to feel the beautiful characters of the Japanese language on the wall, characters that I knew signaled a destination, hoping that somehow their meanings would be revealed to me through osmosis.

The train cars were packed, mostly with men in dark business suits. I stuck out among them, a tall blond alien. There was a man in front of me, his head at chin level, pressed uncomfortably against my chest; the man behind me was similarly snug, but facing the opposite direction.

I had been on the train for several stops when I felt the fingers. At first I didn’t understand what was happening. The fingers felt as if they were everywhere yet seemed to come from nowhere specific. Someone was touching my leg, petting it in a way that made my heart beat rapidly. I began to feel like the closeness of the compartment was going to crush me.

I glared at the man pushing up against me from the front; he stared straight ahead into my chest as if it were a window. My right hand was pinned down at my side and my left arm was aloft, holding on to the metal bar overhead. The hand had worked its way forward and was now poised on my right inner thigh, massaging, occasionally tickling a finger upward. I assumed a statue-like stance, not wanting to move or accidentally bump the hand up into my crotch. Then another hand from a totally different direction grabbed my butt with such force that I actually cried out.

Heads in the compartment turned to look at me; the hands quickly withdrew. I looked down, embarrassed, dazed, close to crying. At the next stop, I pushed my way out of the train and pressed myself against the station wall, propping myself up against it and catching my breath.

I began to dread my daily descent into the tunnels, to feel it in my stomach as I approached the station. I started exhibiting symptoms of what I now know to be anxiety: I stopped showering as much and eating as often. In the station, I tried different strategies to protect myself from what I envisioned as disembodied hands. I’d stand along the tiled wall, waiting until the last moment to run onto the train, hoping to position myself next to the door; at least that way, one side of my body would be protected.

Most of the time, however, I would be pushed into the middle of the car, one arm raised, grasping at the metal bar. Then it would begin. Like a recurring nightmare, the fingers inched their way around my body, trying to find a path up and under my shirt or skirt. I would try fruitlessly to catch the eyes of the man, or men, performing this invisible act, but every face I searched looked past me.

The older models had warned me that this might happen. When I mentioned the incident to Kimmy, she told me, “The men are basically harmless. It’s no big deal. Rape almost never happens in Japan.” But the experience had already affected me in strange ways. In the packed trains I found myself retreating from my own body as if into a warm, dark pool. I assumed the position of a ghost girl, absent from the moment. This ghost self would prove useful for surviving daily life in my chosen profession, too, so much so that I would come to think of it as my modeling suit—one I could put on to stop feeling.

Five

It wasn’t long before I realized that I would never make any money in Japan—that the one or two jobs that I did book wouldn’t be nearly enough to pay back what I already owed the agency in plane tickets and weekly allowances. (The cost of renting a bed in our agency-provided apartment, I would come to learn, was four times market value; this was the industry norm.) The drive to succeed was replaced by a conviction that this was an experience I needed to endure, to survive.

The agency, meanwhile, seemed oddly unfazed by the lack of work I was getting. Of course, there was a bit of disappointment, but they didn’t threaten to send me home or cut off my funds. I was one of many girls they brought to Japan. They seemed to throw us out there like so much spaghetti at the wall, waiting to see who would stick. There came a point in the third week when I just stopped trying.

Instead, I filled my calendar with Kimmy. Each night, she called me with an update and a location where we were going to be dining, which model-themed club we would be visiting, and at what time and by whom I would be picked up. While the core group of four or five models remained the same for most of my summer, the men around us were ever changing. An anonymous cluster of elegant suits and wide grins rotating in and out of our lives.

One night I found myself in a sleek apartment, with a group of people I knew and didn’t know, a red vodka Jell-O shot slipping down my throat, leaving a sugary taste in my mouth. I stuck out my neon pink tongue at my new friend, a European man at least twice my age who was a trader on the floor of the Tokyo Stock Exchange. What was his name again?

A group of my fancy older friends were celebrating something, but I was too hammered to remember what it was. Maybe it was this guy’s birthday? That would be fun. I blinked and looked around his modern Japanese flat, all stainless steel and dark wood and paintings of distorted body parts. For the first time in my life, I was making friends easily; for the first time I seemed to fit in. Thousands of miles from home, I had found a pack of like-minded creatures.

Kimmy passed around another tray of Jell-O shots. A toast was raised. Everyone cheered. God, what was this guy’s name again? He was so awesome. “You’re awesome!” I said.

He kissed my cheek and handed me the keys to his moped. “Here you go, kiddo. Enjoy yourself, take a spin around the block.”

“But I’m only 15,” I said. “I don’t have my license yet.”

“That’s OK,” He assured me. “This is Tokyo. What trouble could you get into?”

The wind massaged my face; the lights blurred into something like a meteor shower around me. My favorite white silk shirt, the one that made me feel like an adult, flapped against the small of my back. My hand was firmly clamped down on the accelerator. I was flying through the streets of Tokyo, completely drunk. I was a ghost. I was free.

The short lesson the European trader had given me was enough to get me up and running. “Just going to take it around the block,” I yelled to him as I scooted away. Wow, I thought now as I gunned it, this is a long block.

I turned onto what seemed like a major street. Through watery eyes, I noticed the traffic slowing at a light, and I slowed down, too. The sidewalks were crowded with pedestrians. Signs and banners illuminated the night. I recognized my surroundings now as Roppongi, Tokyo’s club district, a neon and halogen world of noise and pounding music.

The sound of a horn startled me, causing the moped to teeter and wobble. I regained my balance; the traffic was moving now, the light had turned green. I gunned it again, keeping pace. The cars around me were much smaller than the ones in the States—way smaller than my mom’s minivan. I stopped again. This time I was the first one in line. The street was darker now, quieter. I seemed to be leaving the party district. Maybe I should pull off and figure out how to get back? Spotting the sidewalk, I thought, Yeah, that’s where I should go.

I began to pull over, veering right into oncoming traffic. I quickly realized my mistake, but it was too late.

My hand found the brake, and I squeezed hard. A little red car, headed straight at me, slammed on its brakes, too. I lost my balance and started to tip and slide, right at the car. Horns blared around me. Time slowed down.

By the time I regained my senses, I had come to a stop, my face inches away from the car’s bumper. The driver was still honking. I breathed and tried to get out from under the moped, but the bike was heavy and I was small. Finally, grimacing and stumbling, I managed to get free and wheel it over to the sidewalk.

I brushed the street grime out of my skinned palms, wincing. My understanding of the gravity of what had just happened—and of what had almost happened—was dulled by the liquor in my veins. Instead, I noticed that there was a skid mark and a hole in my white silk shirt—my favorite shirt. Shit, I thought: What was I going to wear to the clubs now?

Where am I? I wondered. Back on the moped, I pulled up beside a cab and shouted the only street address I knew through the open window. The driver nodded and pointed, rapidly instructing me in Japanese. I nodded, understanding little but following his gestures. This happened two more times before I looked up and found myself beneath the big familiar banana.

Standing beneath the mural, relief and shame flooded in. Then I remembered the moped—I had to return it somehow. Using my apartment as a starting point, I had a cloudy memory of where the owner lived. Winding my way through the backstreets of my neighborhood, I rode past the landmarks of the life I had been building in Japan, in spite of myself. The laundromat where on a Sunday four weeks earlier I had taught myself to use the washing machines. The 7-Eleven where I discovered the delicious seaweed-wrapped tuna and rice bundles that I now ate every day. The outdoor market where I was introduced to “Japanese chocolate,” the sweet red bean cakes to which I was now thoroughly addicted. Finally, I reached my destination. I parked the moped in its designated spot; it was probably scratched, I thought.

I staggered up the steps to the apartment and pushed open the door. Laughter, warmth, comfort—as it hit me, I started to shiver. “Hey, what happened to you?” one of the guests asked. I turned to look in a mirror. There was a streak of dirt across my lip, running up my cheek. Both of my palms were red with road rash.

Great, I thought, and started to wipe at the dirt on my face with a shirttail. But when my eyes met my own in the mirror, I stopped. Two more seconds, two more inches, and things would have been different. I breathed in deeply, wondering at the tight clump in my chest and the sudden wild desire to slam my fist into every mirror in the house.

A sound in the room called me back. I turned around; everyone was looking at me with concern and maybe a little amusement. I dropped down onto the couch between people whose names I didn’t know. Safe.

From Night Crawler 1995, 2010.    	Courtesy of Takehiko Nakafuji    	Zen Foto Gallery

Six

The days and nights began to run together; the former was a haze of recovering from and preparing for the latter. I ate and bathed, applied and removed makeup. A month had gone by, and I no longer thought of home longingly. When I called my parents, I kept the conversations light. I didn’t lie and say I was working—I knew I wouldn’t be able to hide the fact that I was failing in Japan. But I didn’t tell them much about how I spent my days and nights; the truth was, I wasn’t sure how I was spending them myself.

I mostly remember brief flashes: A disco in Roppongi, a pulse resonating from the speakers, and everyone joining together, living within the music. Smoke and booze and heat had loosened our collective bindings. A circle had formed, and my friends and I were at the center, holding hands and gazing at each other drunkenly. A group of older, better-traveled models had adopted me like a puppy and were showing me around the fun house that was Tokyo. Not much modeling had happened. We partied until six in the morning, slept until two in the afternoon, and repeated.

For a second, I thought of the kids back home—red-faced, nasty creatures. I thought of the way they had treated me ever since second grade when I started visiting the learning-disability tutor. I thought of how they laughed when they found out I was a model. Those kids would never believe what this Jenny was doing now!

A tall male figure emerged from the crowd and pulled on my waist. Three Long Island iced teas sloshed in my stomach as I was hoisted up, and suddenly I was looking down from atop the shoulders of a six-foot-plus hottie. Ooh la la! Oh prince, I thought, loving the attention and not really thinking straight at all. The circle of bodies below seemed to be moving in one motion, as if pulled by a single string. Here in this moment, they danced for me—Jenny, Queen of the Tokyo Ballroom!

A hand tugged at my waist. It was Kimmy. Her eyes seemed to be trying to communicate something—a warning? The giant who held me aloft pushed her away lightly and turned, carrying me off into the dark recesses of the club. But the room was crowded and my friends gathered, surrounding him. Soon my feet were back on the ground, and I was assimilated back into my pack, back to safety. We headed outside and I threw up.


The following week I booked my only photo shoot. It was an editorial gig, which is code for a job in which the model makes little to no money but has the privilege of working with better photographers and stylists—and is exposed to higher-end clients via the resulting magazine spread. In this one, I would be dressed up to look like a geisha.

The taxi dropped me off at a studio on a street of anonymous-looking warehouses. It was a large gray space and mostly empty. After I was shown my wardrobe, a line of kimonos and wraps, I was taken over to the makeup area. First the artist wiped my face down with white foundation, then downsized my lips into a red heart shape; a black wig was selected and fitted onto my head. A tight-bottomed kimono and wooden sandals followed.

The makeup area of the studio had a window that faced a line of overgrown bamboo plants. As the makeup artist worked on my face, I looked out at the wall of greenery. This was the longest I’d ever spent in a city, the longest I’d spent away from the tropical lushness of Florida. Any time I spotted a nice tree in Japan, I would stand in front of it for a moment, taking it in. I’d trace the lines of its form with my eyes and wonder what my family was doing back home.

From Night Crawler 1995, 2010.    	Courtesy of Takehiko Nakafuji    	Zen Foto Gallery

Seven

“He’s a friend,” said the European trader with the moped as he walked me to a silver convertible, two-seat Mercedes. “You guys will love each other.” Sitting in the driver’s side was an attractive man in a crisp tan suit who looked like he was in his early forties. The car moaned with power as it climbed the highway up into the mountains, following a caravan of my Tokyo friends. We were going on an overnight trip, one that Kimmy had coordinated. It was my first time outside the city. “Crazy” by Seal played on the Mercedes’s stereo—one of the tapes Lisa had given to me before she left. I could not help but wonder why I wasn’t in one of the other cars, piled in with my friends.

The top was down, and my hair whipped behind me. My eyes watered with the force of the wind. We were far from Tokyo now; you could tell from the pine-crisp air. I had no idea where exactly we were going or even which direction we were headed. It occurred to me that I should have told my parents that I was leaving the city.

The road veered along the coast, where surfers and colorful umbrellas dotted a beach. It reminded me of home, of my daddy riding the nose of his longboard as it rose along the curl of the wave, of the way he called me “sugar.” I wanted to stop and smell the familiar brine of this strange sea, to stick both my hands in the sand as deep as they would go, and stay like that until the tide came in. I wondered if my parents would recognize me when I returned home. Just four weeks ago, I still had a touch of baby fat on my frame. I was leaner now, perhaps a bit taller even. My hair was longer, the ends split.

The car began to slow as the curves in the road became tighter. Soon we were pulling into a mountain town on the shore of a lake, then parking outside a large house. It was a traditional Japanese home with several bedrooms surrounding an open central space, sectioned off with sliding bamboo doors. Tatami mats were laid out around the wooden floors.

Out back was a deck overlooking a pristine mountain lake, which crisply reflected ribbons of the day’s fading light—the first sunset I’d taken the time to notice in Japan. It was the Fourth of July, and I suddenly felt weird and a little homesick to be spending it here. I imagined what it would be like to jump into this lake, so cold it would take my breath away.

Standing next to me on the deck were three other models, all in their teens. I spotted Kimmy. “Where should I put my bag?” I asked her.

“Oh, you’ll be sharing a room with Heather, Carla, and Amy,” she said, then placed her hand on my shoulder. “Unless you want to switch rooms later—you just let me know.” With that, she turned to the men milling about at the edges of the deck, laughing and drinking from a bottle of something strong and dark. “Let’s head over to the village and get dinner.”

The local noodle house was a small, diner-like restaurant with several long tables and a bar. Our group, which now numbered more than a dozen, took up most of the space. I ordered udon noodles and sipped hot earthy green tea from a fire-sealed clay cup. Beer and sake were passed around. I tasted both, and my body gradually filled with warmth. I giggled and joked; I loosened up. The man in the tan suit came to sit next to me, and we laughed together. I told him that I never drank back home. That I was a good girl. That I had a boyfriend.

It was well after midnight by the time we returned to the house, where we gathered around a low table. Someone opened what they said was a nice bottle of wine. Kimmy was across from me, seated on the European trader’s lap. One of the other girls disappeared into a side room with one of the men. I sat with my knees pulled up to my chest, my back against the wall, watching and listening to the conversation and dipping in and out of consciousness. The man in the tan suit sat next to Kimmy and occasionally said something into her ear.

Finally, I stood up a bit unsteadily and headed to the room I had been given to share with the other girls. I glanced furtively at the tan-suited man, who I knew was watching me. At the door to my room, I turned and saw Kimmy follow another man—not the trader—into an adjacent room. The hem of her rose-colored dress brushed the back of her knees. For a moment, as the bamboo door slid shut, our eyes met. The look she gave me was cold and clear, unlike any I’d seen on her face before.

Later that night I lay on my mat, listening to the crickets outside the screenless windows. Two of the other three model girls had come to bed, their breaths softening into the slower patterns of sleep. I lay awake, watching the ceiling fan stir the mosquito netting above us, listening to the inscrutable sounds of the house, on guard. I couldn’t stop thinking about Kimmy, replaying the look that had passed over her face. It made my back rigid with a fear that had quietly dogged me the whole trip, an instinctive sense of danger that had suddenly taken on a fixed form. I couldn’t stop thinking about our room’s sliding door with no lock.

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Eight

A representative from the agency approached me shortly after my weekend in the mountains, suggesting I shorten my stay; I agreed, and left Japan a few weeks later. Far from making me the promised tens of thousands of dollars, my time in Tokyo had actually cost me money.

Back in Florida, I tried to resume my former teenage life. Riding in the back of my boyfriend’s friend’s cars. Listening to Nirvana at full volume. Putting the alcohol daze of my time in Japan definitively behind me by pronouncing myself straight-edge and vegetarian. But it felt like everything had changed while I was away—as if the world I’d known had been replaced with one that was similar but slightly off. I kept working in Miami as a model; when the principal at my high school expressed his displeasure with my increasing absences for modeling shoots, my parents offered to homeschool me. The week I turned 16, I left home for Miami, where I lived and worked for six months. From there I traveled to Milan, the south of France, and the Yucatán Peninsula, eventually settling in New York.

But the highs of the photo shoots began to dull. I started to show signs that things weren’t right, feeling disconnected and hollow, visited by nightmares. I became withdrawn and startled easily. It was hard for me to travel new routes even in familiar cities, to eat at new restaurants or even shop at the corner store. I became so timid I no longer spoke. Soon I was refusing to leave my room unless I had a job or a casting. At age 17, the peak of my career—I had just gotten my first national magazine cover, for Sassy—I quit modeling.

So I moved home to Eden. Those first few months back, I ran. I ran every night, circling my parents’ tall wooden house, watching the river and the grass beds at low tide. I settled into the idea that I was no longer a model, and I needed to find out what and who I was going to be. I ran and I breathed deeply, inhaling the smells of my raw, wild home.

I healed, or I thought I did. I went on to a career as an actress, moved to Los Angeles, and married a pop star. I was on the cover of Maxim and starred in films opposite Bradley Cooper, DMX, and Peter Falk. Then I left that behind, too. I went through a major illness; recovering from it involved removing half my liver. The pop star and I divorced.

In January 2010, now in my mid-thirties, I moved back to New York to finish college. It was a hard winter. The panic attacks came more frequently. I began taking anti-anxiety and migraine medication, but sometimes it wasn’t enough. Everything was a possible trigger: a classmate laughing when I read a section from an essay about men on a Tokyo train; a writer being openly aggressive at an after-class bar session; someone standing too close to me, staring at me, talking about me. I didn’t understand what was happening. New York was the last city I had lived in as a model, and my return had reignited all the anxiety that I had boxed away for so long. I was an adult now, and my model suit no longer fit.

When a therapist at the university clinic suggested that I was suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, I was floored. Never had it occurred to me that the things that had happened to me in the course of my modeling career might be a kind of trauma. From the moment I got off the plane in Japan—the moment modeling stopped being an extracurricular pursuit and became my life—I had simply understood all of it as the way the industry was. Sinking into the therapist’s ergonomic chair, I clutched at its edges and wondered: Is this why I’m so scared all the time?

Then, last year, when I was on spring break from my first year of graduate school, I rented a documentary called Girl Model. The film, shot in 2009, opens at a beauty contest in Siberia. We follow a 13-year-old girl, Nadya, as she competes for and wins a two-and-a-half-month contract with a Japanese agency. She is promised care, chaperones, and $8,000 worth of work in Japan. This is a fortune for her family. Her relatives pool their money to buy her new clothing for the trip.

Nadya travels to Japan alone. She does not speak Japanese or even English. She is shown to a tiny apartment that she will be sharing with another girl; she breaks down crying with relief when she realizes that her roommate speaks Russian, too. She borrows money from her roommate to buy food, until her roommate is sent home early after gaining weight on purpose. Nadya’s mother calls her on the documentary director’s cell phone; it is the only way they can afford to talk to each other.

At the end of her two months in Japan, Nadya has booked only one job. She is sent home in debt to her agency, the promised $8,000 swallowed by her living expenses. But a postscript reveals that three months later she returned to Japan anyway, dropping out of ninth grade in hopes that the second time would be different.

When the film finished, I sat in my living room staring at the blue screen for a long time. The familiarity of the Japanese scenery was jarring; memories that I had long ago buried resurfaced. I suddenly was incredibly thirsty. My neck began to itch. I went into the bathroom and saw that I had broken out in hives all over my chest.

At the time, it had struck me as odd that the Japanese agency seemed not to care if I worked. If I was barely getting booked for shoots, why didn’t they send me home? How were they making any money off of me? They were happy enough when my roommate, Lisa, went home. The difference between Lisa and myself, I now realized, was that I was going out. I was going out almost every night. Kimmy had coordinated everything. She was the one who called me each afternoon with the time I would be picked up, who handed out the drink tickets and passed around the shots, who brought me along on the weekend trip to the house by the lake in the mountains.

I remembered back to my last day in Japan, the Monday I flew home to Florida. On my way to the airport, Kimmy asked that I stop by her apartment. I hadn’t eaten yet that day, and the flight would be long, so she insisted on making me a bowl of miso soup and a small salad. It was the first time I’d ever been to her apartment and was shocked by how nice it was. I had always assumed Kimmy was living like the rest of us, in substandard rentals our agencies would indenture us into paying off. Her apparent prosperity puzzled me. She was neither strikingly pretty nor tall nor blond, nor was she ever busy working or going on castings. Never once did she say she needed to head home early for a job; she was always the life of the party.

As I ate, I noticed for the first time that her right wrist was in a brace. She walked with a bit of a limp. I finished quickly; there was something about being here, about being alone with Kimmy, that was making me uneasy. At the door, we embraced and spoke about my returning next summer for a longer time. “The first trip is all about laying the groundwork,” she said. “No one makes money on their first trip. But I’ve been coming here for four years now, and you, you can succeed.”

She pulled me closer. “Trust me,” she said. “Everyone loves you here.”

American Hippopotamus

American Hippopotamus

A bracing and eccentric epic of espionage and hippos.

By Jon Mooallem

The Atavist Magazine, No. 32


Jon Mooallem is a contributing writer to the New York Times Magazine and the author of Wild Ones: A Sometimes Dismaying, Weirdly Reassuring Story About Looking at People Looking at Animals in America, one of the New York Times Book Review’s 100 Notable Books of 2013. He lives in San Francisco.

Editor: Evan Ratliff
Producers: Gray Beltran, Megan Detrie
Research: Kelsey Kudak
Illustrations: Mark Summers
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Soundtrack: “Across the Black Prairie” and
“Hero Theme” written and performed by Black Prairie www.blackprairie.com
Images and Film:
Image MAH11087A, Smithsonian Institution Archives
R362.D92p, Theodore Roosevelt Collection, Houghton Library
AF-85.4.1, Smithsonian Institution, Human Studies Film Archives

Published in December 2013. Design updated 2021.

This is a story about hippopotamuses, as advertised, but it’s also a story about two very complicated and exceptional men. These men were spies. They were also bitter enemies. Each wanted to kill the other and fully expected to feel really good about himself afterward. Eccentric circumstances—circumstances having to do with hippopotamuses—would join these men together as allies and even dear friends. But then, eventually, they’d be driven into opposition again.

Whatever strange bond these two men had, they were loyal to it. They were like repulsive magnets: Some fundamental property of each was perfectly opposed to the core of the other. And yet, somehow throughout their long lives—as several volatile phases of American history tumbled along in the background—they also had a way of continually snapping back together. One of these men was a humble patriot, known for his impeccable integrity. He tried to leave detailed, reliable accounts of what he did and thought and felt. The other, I discovered, was a megalomaniac and a pathological liar.

This is a true story, and a very serious one, even though it’s composed of many details that will seem ludicrous and impossible. Most of those details are irrefutable, though. And while I worked hard to verify the rest, doing so occasionally proved futile. I’d like to try and explain why.

These two men will seem larger than life, but they lived at a time, a hundred years ago, when, I would argue, life in America seemed larger than life—when what was unimaginable still felt feasible and ideas that looked ridiculous could still come true.

That said, this is the story of one idea that looked ridiculous and didn’t come true. The idea was ridiculous. But it was completely reasonable, too.

All I can say is, try to keep that in mind.

Part One

I

The Most Complete Human Being Who Ever Lived

Frederick Russell Burnham didn’t like public speaking, but he arrived at the Maryland Hotel, in Pasadena, California, on the night of September 19, 1910, determined to communicate a few clear and uncontroversial truths.

Burnham was 49 years old—a frontiersman and soldier of fortune who’d spent his life leaping into conflicts with American Indians and colonial wars in Africa. He looked bronzed and weather-beaten, like a living monument to those campaigns, and though small—he was only about five foot four—his presence was imposing. He was a compact strongbox of a man. One admirer would describe him as “emphatically a man’s man: able, active, alert.” The impression he gave was immediately one of “force and self-control.”      

Burnham had risen to fame as a scout—an esteemed breed of solitary wayfinder and spy with no exact analog in contemporary warfare. Scouts slinked into enemy territory to gather intelligence or cut supply lines, or roamed the no man’s land around camp to keep watch. They were disciplined, self-sufficient, preternaturally competent. Their proficiency in the wilderness seemed almost supernatural at times, and Burnham, who’d earned the nickname King of Scouts, exemplified their character and prowess.

“He has trained himself to endure the most appalling fatigues, hunger, thirst, and wounds; has subdued the brain to infinite patience, has learned to force every nerve in his body to absolute obedience, to still even the beating of his heart,” wrote the journalist Richard Harding Davis. “He reads ‘the face of Nature’ as you read your morning paper.” Another writer described Burnham’s life as “an endless chain of impossible achievements.”

People who met Burnham tended to comment on the same disarming quality of his eyes. The novelist H. Rider Haggard called them “steady, grey blue eyes that have in them a far-away look such as those acquire whose occupation has caused them to watch continually at sea or on great plains.” They were eyes that absorbed every inch of the periphery, even as they bored deep into your own—eyes, one woman noted, “of startling keenness and brilliancy, eyes that see everything without seeming to see.” She remembered sitting with friends under a great sycamore tree in California while Burnham spun tales of a certain African siege. The scout paused at one point and said casually, “We’ll kill that snake when I finish the story.” No one else had noticed the rattlesnake that had slithered in silently behind them as he spoke.

He was “a man whose senses and abilities approached that of a wild predator,” one writer explained. He could go two and a half days without sleep. He could fix a pistol’s broken mainspring with a bit of buffalo bone. It was said he could smell water from afar, and very seldom drank alcohol and never smoked, for fear it would dull his senses. Commanding officers described him as half jackrabbit and half wolf, or as “a man totally without fear.” But ultimately, the most impressive thing about Burnham may have been his reticence to talk too much about his conspicuous impressiveness. (Years later he would prepare two versions of a prologue for his memoirs and label them “Boastful” and “Non-Boastful.” The “Boastful” version was hardly boastful, and the last paragraph of the “Non-Boastful” version began: “If mine seems a rather boastful recital, I shall apologize.”) One acquaintance would call him “the most complete human being who ever lived.”

Burnham had come to the hotel in Pasadena to address the Humane Association of California at its second annual convention, a banquet hall full of do-gooders, dedicated to the prevention of cruelty to animals. The Humane Association had quickly become one of California’s most powerful civic organizations, and Burnham—now part of an eccentric brain trust that was getting its own innovative animal project off the ground—knew that the philanthropists in the room might be valuable allies. He didn’t necessarily respect them, though. Privately, he mocked humane societies as small-minded and sentimental—full of romantics who’d rush to save flies from murderous spiders. It was foolish, Burnham felt, to “fritter away our money and time on silly, emotional things as proposed by so-called animal lovers” at a time when America roiled with so many substantial opportunities and terrors.

Burnham was here at the Maryland Hotel to call these animal lovers to a higher purpose, to gather them behind an idea. It was a grand and sparkling idea, an idea with momentum. The idea was already making its way through the U.S. House of Representatives in the form of a bill, introduced by one of Burnham’s partners, the Louisiana congressman Robert Broussard. Theodore Roosevelt, a friend of Burnham’s, had been so impressed with the idea a few years earlier that, newspapers reported, he’d pledged “his hearty approval and promise of cooperation.” Days before the speech in Pasadena, Burnham had gone to Denver to meet with the former president and secured his endorsement all over again. The New York Times called the idea “practical and timely.” Editorials around the country claimed that the idea’s time had come, or that it couldn’t come soon enough.

The idea was to import hippopotamuses from Africa, set them in the swamplands along the Gulf Coast, and raise them for food. The idea was to turn America into a nation of hippo ranchers.

II

The Meat Question

“I do not think this importation idea can be laughed down,” Congressman Broussard had insisted to the press. And truly, to anyone who appreciated common sense—who loved to see logic, like a bicycle chain, pushing a wheel smoothly forward—the idea was nothing short of gorgeous. Hippopotamuses, it turned out, could solve a number of problems for the country, all at once. For starters, they constituted a blubbery, elegant fix to what newspapers had taken to calling the Meat Question.

America was withering under a serious meat shortage at the time. Beef prices had soared as rangeland had been ruined by overgrazing, and a crippled industry struggled to satisfy America’s explosively growing cities, an unceasing wave of immigrants, and a surging demand for meat abroad. There were more mouths to feed than ever, but the number of cows in the country had been dropping by millions of head a year. People whispered about the prospect of eating dogs. The seriousness of the Meat Question, and the failure to whip together some brave and industrious solution to it, was jarring the nation’s self-confidence and self-image. It was a troubling sign that maybe the country couldn’t keep growing as fast and recklessly as it had been. Maybe there were limits after all.

Now, though, someone had an answer. The answer was hippopotamuses. One Agricultural Department official estimated that an armada of free-range hippos, set moping through the bayous of Florida, Mississippi, and Louisiana, would easily yield a million tons of meat a year. Already, Representative Broussard had dispatched a field agent on a fact-finding mission. The man, a native of southern Africa, found the Louisiana swamps “wildly dismal and forbidding.” (The “silence strike[s] one with an almost unforgettable horror,” he wrote in his report, titled “Why and How to Place Hippopotamus in the Louisiana Lowlands.”) Still, the place was perfect for hippos. His conclusion: “The hippopotamus would find no difficulty living in Louisiana.”

Apparently, the animals tasted pretty good, too, especially the fatty brisket part, which could be cured into a delicacy that a supportive New York Times editorial was calling, euphemistically, “lake cow bacon.” (“Toughness is only skin deep,” another reporter noted.) Congressman Broussard’s office was receiving laudatory letters from ordinary citizens, commending his initiative-taking and ingenuity. Several volunteered to be part of the expedition to bring the great beasts back.

In other words, in the encroaching malaise of 1910, it was easy to be gripped by the brilliance of the hippopotamus scheme, to feel hippopotamuses resonating not just as a way of sidestepping catastrophic famine, but as a symbol of American greatness being renewed. Burnham’s generation had seen the railroad get synched across the wild landscape like a bridle and the near solid swarms of buffalo and passenger pigeons get erased. America had dynamited fish out of rivers, dredged waterways, felled and burned forests, and peeled silver from the raw wreckage of what had once been mountains. The frontier was now closed. So much had been accomplished and so much taken. It was clear that a once boundless-seeming land did have boundaries, and with those limits revealed, you couldn’t help but feel like you were drifting listlessly between them. There was a sense in the country of: Now what? And, lurking beneath that: What have we done?

For Burnham, though, this moment was only a chance for the country to pause and regather itself, then start over, with more wisdom this time. “Let us not make the same mistakes again,” he would tell the Humane Association that night in Pasadena. “This nation has reached a stage in its development where we should take stock of our assets and make full use of them in an intelligent manner.” So much of the continent had been left “lonely, silent, devoid of life in any useful form,” and, Burnham believed, “the hour of time is at hand when we can make use of it. It is within our power to people it with useful and beautiful animals.”

In short, the same industriousness that had allowed America to snatch up the continent’s natural resources and snuff out its beauty could be deployed now, more pragmatically, to restock it. Yes, the hippo idea sounded crazy. But as a glowing editorial in Washington Post noted, “Proposals which at first may look odd and chimerical to the mass of our readers will be seen to be matter-of-fact propositions when they become familiar.” And if we’d learned to swallow raw oysters and suck the meat out of crabs, the paper argued, why couldn’t we also embrace “that plump and pulchritudinous beast which has a smile like an old-fashioned fireplace?” The reasons it might look impossible were fickle and foolish. Burnham understood that the most restrictive boundary America was running up against was psychological—a scarcity of courage and imagination, and not really just meat.

The introduction of hippos would signal an awakening, a kind of national maturation: proof that, as Burnham put it, “we have passed from the destructive to the constructive period of our national life.” Lippincott’s Monthly Magazine was even more stirred by their promise: “This animal, homely as a steam-roller, [is] the embodiment of salvation,” it wrote. “Peace, plenty, and contentment lie before us; and a new life, with new experiences, new opportunities, new vigor, new romance, folded in that golden future when the meadows and the bayous of our Southern lands shall swarm with herds of hippopotami.”


The master of ceremonies at the Maryland Hotel that night was the Reverend Robert Jones Burdette, an avuncular Baptist minister known nationally for his early career as a newspaper humorist and touring performer. (Burdette, it was said, had delivered his comedic lecture “The Rise and Fall of the Mustache” more than 3,000 times.) All night he introduced speakers with poems and little jokes. But when announcing Burnham, all of Burdette’s corniness fell away. The reverend seemed suddenly stiffened, stilled—like the air before an electrical storm.

“I am going to introduce to you a man who knows the cruel edges of war,” he began. “Who has seen the keen blades sweep together as they clashed like the grim shears of Atropos, severing the throbbing threads of human life, smearing the golden sands and the emerald grasses with the darkest stains that ever discolored the pain-distorted face of God’s beautiful world. A soldier. A scout whose name has filled both hemispheres with stories of his daring and loyal service. The rider of the bad lands between the lines, who trusts his own knowledge some, providence a great deal, and the sound legs and good horse sense of his steed perhaps most of all in some blood-freezing emergencies.… I am honored, in being permitted to present, as our next speaker, the only man in America who [knows] the darkest shades of darkest Africa.… Major Frederick R. Burnham.”

The scout surveyed his audience. He readied himself to speak.

“I am by nature an optimist,” he said.

III

Guts

Frederick Russell Burnham was born in southern Minnesota in 1861. One night the following year, his parents watched from their isolated log cabin as the night sky turned red in the distance. The nearby town of New Ulm was burning. Chief Little Crow was leading the Lakota on a raid, killing hundreds of people, including children, during a conflict known as the Dakota War. Burnham’s father, Edwin, a Presbyterian minister, rushed off to the town of Mankato to gather powder and bullets to protect the family.

One evening while Edwin was away, Burnham’s mother, Rebecca, was brushing her hair in the doorway when she saw a band of Lakota slip out of the forest. Knowing she wouldn’t be able to evade them with her child in tow, she hid the boy—not yet two years old—in a heap of newly shucked corn, too green to catch fire. She told him to keep perfectly still. Then she took off, vanishing into the cottonwoods toward a neighbor’s house six miles away. At dawn she came back to find that the Indians had burned the cabin, but her son was still alive. He’d stayed motionless in the corn—stashed away, like baby Moses in his basket, as a river of violence rushed past. “I had faithfully carried out my first orders of silent obedience,” the scout later wrote.

Seven years later, Edwin was injured when a log he was carrying slipped and fell on him, puncturing a lung. The family relocated to Los Angeles, a town materializing out of the sagebrush and dust, where he could find some relief in the warmer climate. But Edwin would pass away only a few years after they arrived. Burnham’s mother took out a loan and bought two train tickets, for herself and Burnham’s young brother, to return east, where they could be with family. Fred stayed behind, deciding to strike out on his own in California. He got a job delivering telegrams as a mounted messenger for Western Union and excelled at the job, riding hard over precarious terrain day and night, switching to a second horse when he wore out the first, then a third horse, and a fourth. In no time, he’d repaid his mother’s loan, racing between Los Angeles and Anaheim, out to Santa Monica, and through the hinterlands that would become Pasadena. He was often alone for days at a time. He was 13 years old.

When he was 14, religious family members in the small town of Clinton, Iowa, concerned about his soul, summoned Burnham to live with them—to try life as a regular townie kid. But the regularness of Clinton didn’t suit him. He resented his relatives for trying to impose a prefabricated existence on him. He wanted to live in a world that unfolded, little by little, on the trail ahead of him. Playing games—ordinary kid games, with sticks and balls—seemed strange to him; he couldn’t get his head around it. “I felt an urge to do bigger things,” he said. He lasted a year. Then one night he stole a canoe, slipped off down the Mississippi, and never came back.

Burnham reached Texas, where he encountered the grizzled characters of a fading West. Many of these old frontiersmen had wound up as alone at the end of their lives as Burnham was at the outset of his, and they’d sit with him for hours, unspooling their stories. An old scout named Holmes had lost his family in the Indian Wars and, without any heirs to pass his knowledge on to, began teaching Burnham the old ways of scouting. He led Burnham through the desert for six months, forging the boy’s grit and courage into actual skills.

These adventures were exhilarating but often unpleasant. Holmes could be a curmudgeon, especially at the end of a long, hot day, and would pick apart everything Burnham did. Watching the boy sling a saddle off his horse, the old man would bark: “Oh my God, I never can teach you anything! You are a little ass. In the morning you can go back home.” But then the sun would come up and all would seem forgiven.

From Holmes and the other high priests of scouting he encountered, Burnham learned to read the air like a river and pull the scent of a campfire out of the warmer currents floating along high ridges; how to build up his internal compass and rely on it even in total darkness; how to hone a photographic memory for the tracks of individual horses; how to improvise and conceal booby traps; how to carry a gallon or two of water in a saddle blanket, then wring it out over a concave rock; how never to ride a straight line into camp, in case someone had detected you and was plotting an ambush. One of the old men would use corncobs and sand to demonstrate how forts were built, or how to decipher the movements of troops. More than anything, Burnham learned that, as he later put it, “we should be learning something always, no matter how long we live, or how long we play the game.”

Soon he began spending all his money on ammunition. He practiced trick shots, trained himself to be ambidextrous. He’d set up oilcans in the brush and fire at them from a gallop, or place a cork in a puddle and shoot underneath it to make it hop, then try to hit it again in midair—practicing, again and again, until he could nail them three times out of five. But he also learned to treat his gun as a luxury and a lifeline, not an appendage. (The old scouts had taught him that reliance on a firearm decayed a man’s courage and made him worthless in hand-to-hand combat.)

The most grueling lessons were psychological—learning to weather the loneliness, fear, and deprivation amid which those physical skills would be deployed. Scouts, after all, worked alone. “The darkness of night is his best friend,” Burnham wrote, “for it will hide his secret movements—although it is at night that physical exhaustion is most apt to breed the cowardice that comes creeping into the bones of every man at times.” One of the most pernicious forces a scout needed to suppress was hunger. It could be just as powerful a disincentive as exhaustion or fear—often more powerful. In a way, Burnham came to see the stomach, paradoxically, as the weakest and most persuasive part of a man. It messed with you mentally, tried to order you around. A scout couldn’t afford to humor his stomach; it was hard enough to make sure his horse was properly fed. And when Burnham ended his years of apprenticeship and began working out in the world—protecting mining camps from raids or guarding prospectors as they transported their gold back to town—he found that eating conventional food on these missions was often impossible. (Hunting can be a problem, for example, because cooking over a fire creates light and smoke, and butchered carcasses attract conspicuous circles of buzzards.) So he adapted. He’d hammer deer jerky into a powder, mix the powder with flour, and bake the mixture into a saddle-bag-shaped loaf. Then he’d eat off that block of deer cake for the duration of his travels, one pound per day.

This flexibility—the fierce epicurean stoicism that Burnham cultivated—would be a subtle hallmark of all of Burnham’s future adventures. In East Africa, he’d do as the local tribesmen did, eating no vegetables for months at a time, instead consuming a mixture of three parts milk and one part fresh blood, drawn from a vein in the neck of a living ox the way syrup makers tap the trunk of a maple. (After ten days, Burnham claimed, his system had adjusted.) During conflicts in Africa, he’d steal rank-smelling, partially fermented corn that had been buried in the ground by the locals and live off that for a while. During one stakeout, he subsisted wholly on a ration of uncooked corn, grinding away at the stuff until his jaw was sore and his starchy, thickened tongue made his speech unintelligible.

“The man of one diet is hopelessly handicapped,” he wrote, “for nature has made it possible for a well organized human being to wrest sustenance out of a thousand foods.… Man’s stomach, like his hand, can be trained to adapt itself to many strange uses.” In other words, the stomach wanted what it wanted, but appetite, like all desire, was a liability. And with enough discipline, you could disregard it and fill the stomach with drab blocks of pure common sense instead.

It was only because Burnham had had this epiphany, and proved his hypothesis in the growling laboratory of his own gut, that he could consider hippopotamus steaks such an obvious solution to America’s meat shortage 30 years later.


For all his self-control, Burnham was susceptible to gold fever and spent years during his young adulthood rashly chasing rumors of lost mines around the American Southwest. He had only one small strike, at age 22. It brought him just enough money to send back to the town in Iowa he’d long ago escaped, for a girl he’d met there, Blanche Blick, and make her his wife. He bought them a house in an orange grove in Pasadena and settled into a more conventional life as an upstart Californian citrus grower.

But somehow the man with an alchemical ability to turn crud into food couldn’t manage to produce oranges from orange trees. The economics of his operation quickly bottomed out, and the sedentary lifestyle he’d carved out for himself and Blanche left him restless. The whole project had been a serious miscalculation. Burnham spent his time reading books about Africa and dreaming.

Burnham’s infatuation with Africa had started as a child in Minnesota. An older girl named Katy Boardman, charged with babysitting him for a few days, had read Burnham adventure stories about young boys trekking into the wilds of a southern territory known as the Orange Free State—one of the republics founded by the descendants of Dutch settlers called Boers. (In the mid-1800s, Boers living in the British-controlled Cape Colony, in present-day South Africa, had undertaken a large-scale migration known as the Great Trek, seeking autonomy.) The stories Katy read each evening brought Burnham his only moments of calm and focus during his stay at the Boardman home. Otherwise, he and Katy’s four younger brothers were running riot through the place, at one point shaving the family’s pig with Mr. Boardman’s only razor. But at bedtime every night, all five boys would sit still, beguiled by those stories from Africa, and Burnham had gone on reading similar ones ever since. Even as he wandered the Southwest as a young man, he tried to stay up on the developments in the region, following along as longstanding strife between the British and the Boers even sparked a brief war in 1881.

Burnham was particularly enthralled by the Cape Colony’s prime minister, Cecil John Rhodes. Rhodes was a shrewd and aggressive imperialist—a “superbrain,” Burnham called him. Burnham was swept up by Rhodes’s vision for remaking the African continent. Like many people of his time, Burnham earnestly believed that the transformation of Africa was a noble and even perversely humanitarian goal, never recognizing the hubris and vile racism that underlay it. “Rhodes saw Africa as a vast unkempt field, calling to him to be cleared,” Burnham wrote. He was striving to plant “the flower of civilization” there.

Frontiers like this were Burnham’s natural habitat. It’s why he’d been drawn to the Southwest in his youth. “It is the constructive side of frontier life that most appeals to me, the building up of a country,” he explained to a friend. “When the place is finally settled I don’t seem to enjoy it very long.” But the Southwest had been tamed, wrestled from the Indians and demystified. And as deflating as it was to admit, Burnham had only truly participated in the tail end of that conquest.

Now he was transposing all those same boyish ambitions to southern Africa, where the deserts happened to look remarkably like the ones he’d spent a decade traveling. Sitting in his orange grove in Pasadena, something about the blank slate he perceived in Africa and the industriousness of Rhodes seduced him. “I was as one summoned by an irresistible call,” he wrote. He figured Rhodes would need a good scout, one who knew how to operate in daunting desert terrain. He left for Africa with his wife and young son, Roderick, on January 1, 1893.

IV

The Human Epitome of Sin and Deception

In late January 1900, the novelist and war correspondent Richard Harding Davis was sailing from England to Cape Town on a ship called the SS Scot. The journey lasted 17 days, and every night, Davis noticed, the men on deck would gather around the same small, reserved man with piercing blue eyes. The crowd consisted of big-game hunters and career soldiers, many of whom had held command in British wars in India or Sudan—roughneck, capable survivors, in other words, with their own yarns to spin and advice to give. But they all sat like schoolkids, Davis later wrote, pelting the quiet man with questions.

The man explained to them how to tell a column of dust raised by a cavalry from one kicked up by a wagon train; how to read the speed of a horse from its prints; how to conceal a campfire. The crowd was impressed with the quickness and clarity of the man’s answers, but more impressed that, in the couple of instances when he wasn’t able to answer, he told them so—it was a unique combination of mastery and humility. This man was Frederick Russell Burnham, of course, on his way back to Africa seven years after that first impulsive trip. He had made his name fighting for Rhodes’s Cape Colony and gained a reputation as a scout. A series of conflicts had flared up almost as soon as Burnham and his family arrived in South Africa in 1893. Rhodes’s forces were pressing into Matabeleland, in present day Zimbabwe, and struggling to suppress the Ndebele tribe there. Burnham leaped right into the battle. It felt like the Indian wars of his youth all over again. Before long, Matabeleland had been occupied and rechristened Rhodesia.

Three years later, when the Ndebele staged an uprising and the so-called Second Matabele War erupted, Burnham and his family were living outside the city of Bulawayo. There was a second child now, a two-year-old girl named Nada. As the conflict intensified and the Ndebele advanced, the Burnhams were moved into Bulawayo for their protection. The city was being hastily locked down and fortified with homemade defenses; the Burnhams and another family were stuffed into a three-room shack, with their livestock milling outside.

Soon, a virus ripped through the colonists’ oxen. Thousands of animals died in the course of three weeks. “The scavenging hyenas and vultures could make no impression on the thousands of huge, swollen carcasses that blocked the roads for miles,” Burnham remembered. Bulawayo was 500 miles from the nearest railroad—it was with oxen carts that the colonists brought in food and supplies. Soon, thousands of people began dying, too. “For weeks,” Burnham wrote, “there was an unremitting stench.” The colonists couldn’t spare the fuel to cremate the bodies, and the men—going out at night to defend Bulawayo against raids by the Ndebele, who had put the crippled city under siege—were simply too exhausted during the day to bury them.           

Eventually, Nada came down with a fever. By that point, the remaining livestock had been eaten. So had the pets, including Nada’s three ostriches, which she’d been given as chicks. Ultimately, Nada was one of many children who could not outlast the siege. Burnham was off fighting when she died, and it was up to Blanche to enlist some friends to bury her daughter in a shallow grave outside town. Burnham was devastated, obsessing over a series of painful and unanswerable question—questions, he later wrote, that started with If only…, and even more wrenching questions that started with Why…. That June, he received a critical bit of intelligence, locating a man believed to be the Ndebele’s religious leader and commander, or Mlimo, in a secret cave. Burnham was sent to assassinate him. Sneaking into the cave, he paused a second to watch the holy man. “Constantly before my enraged vision rose the picture of my wife vainly holding to her breast our dying Nada,” he later wrote. Then he shot the Mlimo under the heart and ran out of the cave ahead of the commander’s men, lighting villages on fire as he went. 

The following year, at age 36, Burnham left Africa for Alaska. Gold had been discovered, and he was again determined to be part of the beginning of something big. But the gold still evaded him. He kept up on the news from South Africa: the antipathy between the British and the Dutch-descended Boers was escalating again. Burnham wrote to his friend, H. Rider Haggard, explaining that he now spent six hours a day in Alaska traversing a map of southern Africa in his mind, seeing all the trails and streams that led out of the city of Pretoria; picking the right spots to camp, obtain fuel, and stage the animals if there was another war. By now everyone felt one coming. “I fear I will miss it,” Burnham wrote glumly.         

He was mining quartz north of Juneau when, on January 4, 1900, a telegram arrived from the new British commander in South Africa, who had heard about Burnham’s service during the previous conflicts. It read: “Lord Roberts appoints you on his personal staff. All expenses paid if you accept. Start shortest way Cape Town and report yourself to him.” Burnham was en route to Africa two and a half hours later, aboard the same ship the telegram had come in on. Once in England, he transferred to the SS Scot, where Richard Harding Davis found him, reluctantly mesmerizing his fellow passengers night after night.


The Second Boer War was not going well for the British when Burnham received the call. The Boers had surprised the colonists, shattering their imperial confidence with a string of shocking and decisive victories right after combat had started the previous fall. 

In truth, the entire conflict was saturated with feelings of bewilderment and disarray. Two modern historians describe the Second Boer War as a clash characterized by a “capacity to produce confusion and ambivalence” and a “wide variety of half-truths.” (Even the war’s immediate causes are hard to pull from the slop of competing propaganda; in part, the British were simply seeking control of the Transvaal, a Boer territory rich in gold.) And for the British, “the scale of [the war’s] embarrassments and traumas were not merely shocking,” but relayed back home, vividly, by a new kind of popular press. (Both Rudyard Kipling and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle covered the war.) By December of 1899, England was determined to change tactics. Lord Frederick Sleigh Roberts of Kandahar was installed as the new commander in South Africa. Roberts began assembling his team, summoning Burnham as his chief of scouts and Major-General Lord Herbert Kitchener of Khartoum and Aspall as his chief of staff. Kitchener was a particularly merciless strategist, and helped steer the British through a series of barreling offensives. Within months, the tide had turned completely. Soon the Boer government in the Transvaal would be shattered, and its leadership would flee to Europe. But the Boers kept fighting tenaciously as guerrillas—a decentralized and lethal swarm. Burnham’s job was to gallop around inside this fractured conflict, undetected.

Like a lot of freelance adventurers involved in the war, and even many British citizens, Burnham felt great respect for the other side. He was awed by the Boers, in fact. He believed that they were uniquely menacing adversaries because, like the best scouts of the American Southwest, they’d somehow retained the instincts and senses of more primitive men. In a way, Burnham considered himself a Boer at heart, trapped in the wrong nation or time. His entire life, he’d felt people nudging him toward a world of “soft carpets, soft food, soft life, soft men and women,” he wrote. But “sometimes I wish I had never learned to read or form any conception of duty, civilization or religion; for then I might have been outwardly, as I am now at heart, a thorough savage, nothing more.” For years after the war was over, he would carry on about the virtuosity of two of his enemies in particular: the Boer’s lead scout, Danie Theron, and a more enigmatic figure working underneath Theron. The man was known as the Black Panther of the Veld. “He was one of the craftiest men I ever met,” Burnham would tell an interviewer 30 years later. He was “a man of extraordinary power.”

The Black Panther’s name was Fritz Duquesne. Burnham had heard that he’d adopted the nom de guerre as a boy, after watching a wild panther stalk its prey at a watering hole. Duquesne noticed how efficient the animal was—how it always waited to attack, intent and totally untroubled, until the other animal was compromised. The boy vowed to emulate the panther and made it his totem. The panther, Burnham wrote, was a wild predator that no one had ever succeeded in taming. By the Second Boer War, Duquesne had become just as cunning and sinister.

Duquesne would spend the conflict trying to kill Burnham, and Burnham was assigned to kill Duquesne. Burnham called him the “human epitome of sin and deception.” Another writer described him as a “walking living breathing searing killing destroying torch of hate.”

Captain Fritz Duquesne
Captain Fritz Duquesne

Duquesne was only one of countless threats Burnham had to dodge during the war, as his commanders sent him to infiltrate and sabotage the scurrying, deadly remnants of the Boer army. Burnham’s exploits were numerous and bizarre. Once, he hid for two days and nights inside an aardvark hole. Another time, he floated down a river disguised as a dead cow, drifting under a fresh, fleshy hide with two eyeholes cut out of it, to size up an enemy camp downstream.

In the spring of 1900, he was captured by Boer scouts but managed to conceal his identity. The Boers had been given index cards describing the famous Frederick Russell Burnham—a supposedly ruthless, godless, illiterate rogue from the American West. Realizing this, Burnham sparked an erudite theological debate with one of his captors—was baptism by immersion the one true route to salvation, or was it baptism by sprinkling?—then followed that up by reciting some poetry. Eventually, he slipped away from the Boers’ wagon train in the dark. As day broke, he hunkered in a fallow field, hidden just barely by four inches of vegetation, and resigned himself to lie there in the heat, with his hat over his head for camouflage, until the sun set again and it was safe to move on. Stuck in the brush, he became fixated on a thick ear of corn he’d jammed in his breast pocket before escaping, worried it was sticking up just enough beneath his shirt to give him away. He was already carrying one whole biscuit and a fragment of a second; the corn suddenly seemed to him like a horrible indulgence. “What a fool to be such a glutton for food!” he later remembered thinking. “I was not living up to the traditions of the American scout.” But a Boer patrol came and went. Burnham had waited them out, invisibly.

Eventually, he made it back to a campsite and from there was sent on a series of missions to cut supply lines. He spent his 39th birthday, in May of 1900, hiding in enemy territory, preparing to blow up some bridges, feasting on a ration of chocolate and condensed soup. Then, in early June, he was given 25 pounds of explosives and sent to cut the railway connecting Pretoria to the Indian Ocean.

After setting out, Burnham encountered a group of Boers in the distance, and his horse, Stembok, was shot. The animal fell on him. His spine burned. He assumed his back was broken. But he managed to reach his target anyway—a specific point on the railway, beside a distillery—traveling the rest of the way on foot, vomiting blood and compressing his abdomen with both hands to lessen the pain slightly, as though he were holding his guts together manually. (At one point, he wrote a farewell note to his wife, Blanche, and dropped it on the ground, hoping British soldiers would eventually pass by and find it.) Then, after rigging his explosives and detonating them, he hauled his busted body into a grove of eucalyptus and hid, trying to make himself invisible yet again as a unit of Boers fired systematically into the trees to flush him out. At one point, a commander sat on horseback less than 20 yards away from where Burnham was hiding, chastising his men for their ineptitude. Eventually, the troops gave up and moved on.

Hours later, Burnham heard the voices of British soldiers approaching. He was rushed to a field hospital, where doctors determined that, though his spine was not damaged, his internal injuries were severe. Lord Roberts promoted him to major and sent him to recuperate in England. On the ship back, he chatted with a young British newspaperman named Winston Churchill who had also been captured by the Boers and escaped. The two men swapped stories and, though Churchill’s involved taking many risks which Burnham, as a scout, could not condone, the scout ultimately understood that the writer had done the best he could. “His moves were restricted by the handicap of physical weakness,” Burnham wrote, “which made a twenty mile run at night”—what Burnham judged to be the most straightforward move in those circumstances—“entirely beyond his power.”

In England, Burnham was invited to dine with Queen Victoria and decorated with the Distinguished Service Order, a high honor for heroism during wartime, by King Edward VII. Burnham, with his characteristic stoicism, described the award as so humbling and unnecessary that it was “almost humiliating.” “I felt of no more importance than a grain of sand on the shore of the mighty sea,” he wrote.


Slowly, Burnham’s injuries healed. The darkness of Nada’s death was dissipating, too. Blanche had given birth to another child—a son named Bruce—and they joined Fred in England. By 1905, the couple were hatching a plan to return their family to Rhodesia and restart their lives.

The Burnhams’ oldest child, Roderick, was now 19 years old and in school back in California, living with his grandmother. One night that October, he woke and ran to her, shrieking from a nightmare. He claimed that he had watched his little brother chase a toy boat into deep water and sink to his death. The next day, a telegram arrived from England. It was from Blanche and Fred, and it read: “Bruce drowned. Coming soon.” Bruce was seven years old. He’d been swept away in the Thames.

The Burnhams returned to California, wrecked. They spent a lot of their time at home, overlooking a picturesque arroyo, in a secluded area of Pasadena called San Rafael Heights. Burnham tried his best to console his wife. It was a time of recovery and repose. “The wild quail, the meadow larks and mocking birds still drown [out] the ding dong of the American locomotive,” he wrote to a friend the following February, “and the squeak of the trolley car is still very faint. Nature has kindly softened the acute sorrow of my wife. So all in all, this year of 1906 can not be such a dreary and painful one as 1905.”

It was during this time that Burnham started to think seriously, and ambitiously, about an idea he’d had many years earlier. Maybe it was because Bruce’s death had made the horror of Nada’s slow starvation feel fresh again. Or maybe it was because Burnham was marooned at home, glaring at the arid and relatively lifeless landscape around him—a place, he knew, that had already been drained of so much of its wild, edible game by short-sighted hunters. Eventually, he sat down to write an article about this idea of his, hoping one of the major magazines back east might be talked into publishing it.

“There is in Africa a wonderfully varied range of interesting animals,” he wrote. “Most of the desirable ones could easily be introduced into our own Southwest.”

Part Two

Four years later.

V

We Ought to Have More Creatures

“Transplanting African Animals,” by Major Frederick Russell Burnham, was published in New York’s Independent magazine in January 1910. Before long, a chain of serendipitous connections were made and Burnham was invited to share his ideas in a hearing before the House Committee on Agriculture. It would be a long afternoon of testimony, but at the very start a federal researcher named W.N. Irwin summed up the matter nicely: “Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee,” he told the congressmen, “in studying the resources of our country for a good many years, I was led to the conclusion that we ought to have more creatures than we are raising here.”

It was March 24, 1910. Under discussion was H.R. 23261, a bill to appropriate $250,000 for the importation of useful new animals into the United States—the hippo bill, as the public would come to understand it. H.R. 23261 had been introduced by the Louisiana congressman Robert Broussard, who had limited himself to a very short statement at the start of the hearing, not wanting to detract from the impressive roster of experts he’d assembled—“three gentlemen,” he explained, “who probably have devoted more time than almost anyone else to this matter.”

Ceding the spotlight was not in Broussard’s nature. Then 45 years old, Robert Foligny Broussard was a raucous and charismatic Democrat from New Iberia, Louisiana. He was the son of a Cajun planter and had lived in the district he represented for most of his life. He loved speechifying and glad-handing and generally addressed himself to the job of campaigning the way a gourmand addresses himself to a platter of oysters—despite having never encountered any real opposition in his seven successive reelections. A native French speaker, he sometimes traveled to give campaign speeches for colleagues in close races in Maine or Massachusetts, parachuting in to charm any French-Canadian constituents in their mother tongue.

Robert Foligny Broussar
Robert Foligny Broussar

Louisianans knew Broussard affectionately as Cousin Bob. He claimed to be related to a quarter of the voters in Iberia Parish—sometimes to a full half of them. “Certain Louisianians may protest they are not his cousins,” one Saturday Evening Post profile noted. “That is a matter of minor importance. The point is that Cousin Bob is their cousin; and he is satisfied, even if they are not. It is quite impossible to stop Cousin Bob from being everybody’s cousin.” A company in New Orleans named a cigar after him.

Broussard had met Burnham for the first time that morning. Launching a national effort to import foreign animals that could benefit American society, especially hippos, had been percolating on Broussard’s legislative agenda for some time, and he had been referred to Burnham by mutual friends in Washington who knew the major would gladly advocate for any bill he introduced to fund that work. It was a stroke of symbiotic political matchmaking. Four years earlier, after returning to Pasadena from England following his son Bruce’s death, Burnham had tried to jump-start his own African animal project in Washington. He had called for 30 varieties of edible antelope—klipspringers, gemsboks, waterbucks—as well as other animals, including giraffes, to be imported from Africa and plopped down in the American Southwest. The pioneering conservationist Gifford Pinchot, then head of the forestry service under President Theodore Roosevelt, had been scrambling to claim and protect more land as federal reserves, and Burnham had imagined those areas as ideal incubators for the transplanted creatures. New populations could be built up under the government’s protection, then dispersed. Formerly vacant, unproductive landscapes could be converted into wonderlands for sportsmen and new storehouses for the nation’s food supply. Burnham and several wealthy friends had even raised $50,000 to pay for the first wave of importations. They’d had a successful meeting with President Roosevelt. Pinchot had written to Burnham, “I have talked with a good many men about the plan and no one has developed any weak points yet.”

But the proposition had eventually broken apart in the churning, acidic stomach of Washington politics. An enemy of Roosevelt’s in Congress had lumped the president’s support for the plan into a broader, petty attack. Importing antelopes and giraffes suddenly became politically impossible. The experience had left Burnham angry—mostly at himself. He’d been naive enough to believe that America made decisions about its future in a more commonsensical way.

This time around, though, Burnham was partnering with an insider. He and Broussard were like Darwinian finches—the same species of capable specialist evolved to thrive within two parallel environments. As adeptly as Burnham maneuvered through the African desert, Broussard seemed to maneuver through the disorienting wilderness of Washington, reading the landscape, performing what could only seem like magic to outsiders. In Broussard, Burnham saw new hope now that his gorgeous idea for America might actually become a reality. He called the congressman “a tower of strength for the movement.”     

Broussard, for his part, had locked onto the potential of African animals for his own idiosyncratic reasons—and they did not, initially, have anything to do with food. Cousin Bob had actually set out to solve a different crisis for his constituents. The crisis was a flower.

Water hyacinths had been brought to New Orleans in 1884, distributed as gifts by the Japanese delegation to an international cotton exposition. New Orleanians loved the frilly, pale lavender flowers and gradually planted them as decorations around the city in garden ponds. The hyacinths multiplied rapidly. (The plant reproduces asexually.) Soon they were spreading through local waterways, clotting into impenetrable mats, then drifting toward the mouth of the Mississippi like big, menacing hairballs toward a drain.

By 1910, when Broussard introduced his bill, the flowers had been plaguing his state for at least a decade. They’d clogged up streams and made shipping routes that had previously moved millions of tons of freight unnavigable. They’d blanketed rivers and wetlands, hogging the oxygen and killing fish. The hyacinth had destroyed fishermen’s livelihoods and transformed some of the state’s greatest resources into a chain of stinking dead zones. The War Department was staging an all-out offensive against the flower, “[b]ut they have only been partially successful,” Broussard said. “They clean a stream today, and in a month it is covered all over again with the same plant.” They’d even tried throwing oil on the hyacinth, but the plant would just sink to the bottom, wait out the disturbance, then send out another bulb and rise again.

Broussard was not the sort of man who could abide such defeat. He liked to plug up problems with big solutions; he was “a large operator,” one reporter wrote, who “goes in for broad effects.” It occurred to him that perhaps some animal could be brought to Louisiana to swallow this particular problem up, and he seems to have hit on the hippopotamus after encountering the curious, aging bureaucrat he’d now called to brief the House Agricultural Committee just before Burnham.

William Newton “W. N.” Irwin was a veteran researcher at the pomological branch of the Bureau of Plant Industry at the U.S. Department of Agriculture. He was an apple guy, basically—“one of the foremost fruit experts in the country,” according to The Washington Post. Irwin appears to have spent his career championing ideas that were simultaneously perfectly logical and extravagantly bizarre. (Another of his crusades was trying to convert Americans from eating chicken eggs to eating turkey eggs. The advantages of turkey eggs were just so obvious to Irwin: they were richer, larger, and more nutritious and had thicker shells and membranes, so they stayed fresh longer. Sometimes he wouldn’t eat a bunch of turkey eggs until six months after he’d purchased them. And still, he bragged, “the yolks would drop out round and plump, and the white, or albumen, would be perfectly normal.”) He had first laid out the case for hippopotamuses while delivering a paper at a conference in Missouri the previous year. He reviewed the causes of America’s gathering meat crisis and noted that, in the past, the country had sidestepped these kinds of Malthusian forecasts by expanding just a little farther west. There had always been more land to put into production. But now the great prairies had all been overgrazed or carved into farms; there was little suitable rangeland left to occupy. The only way forward, Irwin concluded, was to find ways of wringing nourishment out of land that now seemed barren or worthless—for example, the vast marshes along the Gulf Coast. Extracting the energy embedded there would require assembling a new set of tools—new technologies. The hippopotamus was one such technology.         

Hippopotamuses eat aquatic vegetation, like water hyacinths—loads of it, Irwin learned. Deposit some hippos in a hyacinth-choked stream, he argued, and they’d suck it clean in no time. That is, hippos could solve Louisiana’s problem with the flower while simultaneously converting that problem into the solution to another—an answer to the Meat Question. The animal, Irwin now told the committee, would “turn the plague that they now have in the South into good, wholesome flesh for our people.” The hippopotamus was a perversely elegant win-win.

Of course, it could be hard to see that logic through all the lavish weirdness of the proposal. But for Irwin—and Burnham—any resistance to their idea came down to simple small-mindedness. The only reason Americans didn’t already eat hippopotamuses, Irwin claimed, was “because their neighbors don’t, or because nobody ever told them it was the proper thing to do.” Like Burnham, he saw the Meat Question as a test of American ingenuity and resolve: To defend our freedom and way of life, some generations of Americans are called to go to war; this generation was being called to import hippopotamuses and eat them. And, also like Burnham, Irwin seemed incapable, or at least unwilling, to let any emotional objections or queasiness detract from the divine common sense of their plan. At times he seems to have gotten a little pissy about it, actually. A few months earlier, Irwin had invited a Washington Post reporter to his office, fed him a stick of hippo jerky while showing him a photograph of five East African men skinning the very beast he was now digesting, and whined: “I am at a loss to understand why anybody should protest against the hippopotamus as a food animal. There is no good reason beyond that inexplicable American habit of following beaten paths. Everyone seems to hate to go out and blaze a trail.” In one scientific paper, Irwin compared himself to Christopher Columbus, being laughed at as he sailed toward what looked like the edge of the earth but was, in reality, a new and nutritionally superior world of turkey eggs and hippopotamus brisket.


When it was Burnham’s turn to testify, he echoed Irwin’s arguments but tried to imbue the bureaucrat’s geeky reasoning with his own firsthand experiences and gravitas. Burnham challenged the committee to consider how bizarre it is that we eat only cows, pigs, sheep, and poultry—just four types of animals, basically all of which had themselves been imported by Europeans centuries ago. Why, somewhere along the line, had we stopped feeling entitled to improve our country’s food stocks by infusing them with animals from the great global pantry abroad? “I think we are allowing one of our greatest assets to lie idle,” Burnham told the committee. It was only the passage of time that had made a pork chop or a bowl of chicken soup feel American—not their actual origins. Time would make hippo roasts just as familiar.

Burnham also noted that hippopotamuses would be only a few shades stranger than other animals recently brought into the country. Twenty-five years earlier, for example, an Englishman named George Cawston had started an ostrich farm near Pasadena, where Burnham lived. Cawston had been made fun of initially, caricatured as a crazy man riding ostriches—he offered ostrich rides at the farm—but he was now making a fortune selling ostrichplumes for pillows and ladies’ accessories. More recently, the federal government had introduced Russian reindeer as a food source in Alaska. And in the 1850s, Burnham noted, the nation’s Secretary of War and eventual president of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis, had brought African camels to the deserts of the American Southwest, convinced that they would outperform horses as pack animals on that terrain. And they did—the camels’ endurance impressed everyone, just as Davis smugly insisted they would. But in that case, too, it was explained to the committee, silly emotions had gotten in the way of good sense. The soldiers on horseback made fun of the soldiers asked to ride camels; the camel riders began refusing to ride their camels. Eventually, the experiment was discontinued, and many of the camels were left to scatter in the desert.

Burnham told the committee that he’d actually stumbled onto one of the feral descendants of these camels while traveling through the region with a cowboy friend in his youth. “We were five days chasing one of those animals with the best horses we could get in Arizona,” he explained. Eventually, they caught the camel, and though it took days of roping and fighting they were able to tame it. Burnham and his friend started concocting plans, thinking maybe there’d be a market for camels if they rounded enough of them up. It never happened. As Burnham explained, “one of the Apache Wars broke out at that time, which was more interesting than breaking camels, and we both went off to that.” But he’d seen firsthand how well a foreign animal could adapt to America—how well it could serve us. His dream of importing useful new animals was born then and there, he told the congressmen. “And it has clung to me ever since.”

It was an impassioned, impressive testimony. But Congressman Broussard had invited another speaker that afternoon, one who would wind up being the star attraction. Broussard introduced this man to the committee as a “hunter of great note” in Africa who happened to be touring America now, lecturing on the African continent’s wild animals. “I now desire to present to the committee,” Broussard announced, “Captain Fritz Duquesne.”

It was him, the Black Panther of the Veld. Two of Broussard’s three expert witnesses—these men seated in the hearing room, graciously educating the 61st Congress of the United States about the usefulness and deliciousness of hippopotamuses—were, in fact, arch enemies who had vowed to assassinate each other.

Duquesne took the floor and sought immediately to establish his singular credibility on the subject at hand. “I am as much one of the African animals as the hippopotamus,” he began.

VI

A Unit of Hate

The details of Fritz Duquesne’s life dart around in a deep pool of uncertainty. Partly this is because the journalists of his day who assembled them were unscrupulous, but mainly it’s because Duquesne would dramatically reinvent himself again and again.

Frederick L’Huguenot Joubert Duquesne (pronounced du-cain) was born in the Cape Colony on December 21, 1877—according to one suspect source, at least; friends would claim that even Duquesne did not know his own age. He was a lean and alluring man with a youthful, clean-shaven look. He was said to be a champion womanizer, with an unflappable confidence that seemed drawn from some mysterious wellspring. His hair was black, or else it was brown. His eyes were brown, hazel, or blue. He spoke with a clipped British accent, which may have been fake.

Duquesne grew up on a farm among other Boer families. His father was a hunter and trader who was constantly traveling, and so Fritz was raised by his mother and his Uncle Jan, who’d been blinded when an elephant gun backfired on him during a hunt. As a boy, Duquesne would watch the adults return from the river with a hippopotamus—they were among the easiest animals to hunt—then butcher its massive carcass and divide the meat among their families. It was up to Duquesne and the other kids to collect the fat and sell it to the French soap manufacturers who came around to claim it.

As a teenager he was sent to school in Europe. He was studying at a military academy in Belgium, learning about weaponry and explosives, when a letter arrived from his father, calling him back to fight for his people against the overbearing British. It was 1899; the Second Boer War was underway.

Duquesne arrived at Boer headquarters in Pretoria, a city in the Transvaal republic, northeast of the Cape Colony, just before the British aggressively revised their strategy and the war turned uglier and more unruly. Over the next year, Roberts and Kitchener would funnel the Boers into concentration camps and scorch the earth behind them. There were as many as 160,000 Boer prisoners in the camps at one time; 25,000 would die there by the end of the conflict in 1902.

Boer soldiers like Duquesne began roving the land in small guerrilla squadrons, without the security or support of a formal army. Duquesne was captured and escaped at least twice. (In one failed attempt, he painstakingly dug through the grout of the prison wall with a spoon, pushing the resulting dust out the window to blow away in the wind. It took weeks and ultimately came to nothing: When Duquesne finally tried to wriggle through the hole he’d opened, the stone wall—which he’d rendered structurally unsound—partially collapsed on him. A guard found him pinned and unconscious the next morning.) At one point, he was shipped all the way to a prison in Lisbon. But he escaped easily, first finding the time to seduce his jailer’s daughter. He then made his way to England, claimed to be a Boer defector, enlisted as a British soldier, hitched a ride back to the front in Africa, and took off on his own again.

Duquesne became a military courier, delivering messages between Boer commandos. Traveling around, he saw the devastation of Kitchener’s scorched-earth policy—the fires, the horses sprayed with bullets so the Boers could not use them, the crops burned and the livestock shot up and clubbed. He was sickened by how much the British had obliterated, how desolate they’d left the land. There was virtually no one left, except for the occasional pockets of women and children who fed Duquesne in his travels.

During this time, Duquesne found an opportunity to visit his family’s homestead, north of Pretoria, after 11 years away—according to the writer Clement Wood, who in 1932 published a detailed but extremely romanticized and journalistically tenuous account of Duquesne’s life. Duquesne knew that his father had died shortly after calling him back to fight but had no other news of his family. Wood writes that it wasn’t until Duquesne had gotten off his horse, and touched the blackened stone that had once been the corner of his house’s foundation, that he knew where he was; the British had so totally destroyed the place, it was unrecognizable. Duquesne found a servant there who had worked for his family since he was a child. The old man, Kanya, was living in a primitive shelter he’d dug for himself in the ruins. Hunched over and demoralized, Kanya explained that the British soldiers had hung Duquesne’s blind uncle Jan from a telegraph pole with a cow rope, then jabbed at his body with their bayonets. They’d taken turns raping Duquesne’s sister Elsbet, then shot her. Then they’d tied his mother’s hands, raped her, and carried her off.

Duquesne assumed that his mother had been taken to the nearest concentration camp, a few days away on horseback. He sped there and, disguising himself in the British uniform he’d been given as a supposed defector, entered the camp and tried to track her down. He found her in a barbed-wire paddock clutching a seven-month-old baby, both of them starving and dying of syphilis—essentially dead already.           

Before leaving, Duquesne pledged to his mother that he would kill 100 Englishmen for every drop of blood in her body. But he felt nothing for the baby—it was his half-sibling, but it was also half-British, the evidence of his mother’s rape. Riding away from the camp, still in uniform, Duquesne saw two captains in the British army approaching. He saluted them. Once they’d passed, he turned in his saddle and shot both men in the back. Then he got off his horse and kicked each in the face.

Any number of these details that Wood relays could be wrong—possibly all of them. But at the very least, the story was as an attempt to explain one unmistakably true thing about Fritz Duquesne: that at some point in Africa, he became radicalized, consumed with searing rage for the British and for Lord Kitchener personally.

“Something happened inside of him that had fused him into a unit,” Wood wrote, “a unit of hate.”


Duquesne was captured one last time, late in the Boer War, while plotting a sensational symphony of explosions around Cape Town. The British shipped him to a prison camp on Tucker’s Island, in Bermuda, with his wrists and ankles bound so tightly that he’d be scarred for the rest of his life.

He wasted no time in escaping. In one version of the story, Duquesne coordinated a jailbreak with two other prisoners, banging out their plans in Morse code from their cells. They slipped past the guards and dove into the sea with their clothes and boots tied to their bodies as bullets whizzed around them. They spent three weeks on the lam, subsisting mostly on onions pilfered from people’s gardens at night. Eventually, Duquesne reached the port town of Hamilton, where, according to a 1995 biography by Art Ronnie, Counterfeit Hero, he established himself as a pimp for a prostitute named Vera.

It was a strategic job placement; in the course of her nightly business, Vera acquired detailed information about the ships moving in and out of the port. Duquesne had been her pimp for only a week when he managed to get one of Vera’s clients drunk and learned he was a crew member on a private yacht about to sail for Baltimore. While Vera serviced the sailor, Duquesne stole his uniform and snuck onto the ship in his place, huddling into one of the holds, pretending to be drunk. He was eventually discovered, but he hit it off so well with the yacht’s owner, a middle-aged inventor of a powdered headache remedy, that he was ultimately invited to ride along. Duquesne set foot on American soil on July 4, 1902. Unless, according to another account, it was on December 16.

There was peace now in southern Africa—the Boer territories had been subdued and claimed by the British. But, given his sinister machinations during the war, Duquesne believed he would not be welcome there. He was on his own now. With the help of a network of Boer sympathizers on the East Coast, he slowly began constructing a life for himself in America. He went to New York and got a job selling subscriptions for the New York Sun. Soon, after proving himself and deploying enough of his charm, he was bumped up to reporter. Duquesne was an immigrant, in other words, living his own lonely version of the classic American immigrant story—reinventing himself, hustling. And it was working. Seven years later, Fritz Duquesne found himself sitting in the White House with the President of the United States.

President Theodore Roosevelt, preparing to leave office in early 1909, began enthusiastically plotting a stunning first act to his retirement: a big-game-hunting expedition to East Africa, undertaken in conjunction with the Smithsonian. Roosevelt spent months studying up, writing letters to men who’d hunted in the region, figuring out which caliber firearm to use on which species and how exactly to topple a lion or rhino. Somehow, Duquesne, with his native’s knowledge of the continent and its wildlife, had inserted himself into this informal committee of experts and was invited to meet with the president that January. They talked for more than two hours. Duquesne was impressed with the President. He told the press, “He seems to have mastered all the details.”

Over the next year, Roosevelt’s journey through Africa would unfold in the newspapers back home in daily, time-delayed dispatches. It became a national fascination. (By the end of 1909, for example, there were two separate children’s games called With Teddy in Africa, featuring a miniaturized Roosevelt and his local guides to skin and field-dress miniaturized giraffes, hippopotamuses, and warthogs.) Duquesne had been dropped into the center of that excitement, briefly, during their meeting at the White House. Now he’d do his best to capitalize on it.

He wrote a series of syndicated columns called “Hunting Ahead of Roosevelt,” in which he drew on his own adventures in Africa to speculate about the kinds of animals and adventures the president was now encountering. When that momentum seemed exhausted, Duquesne went negative, keeping his name in the papers by mocking Roosevelt, denigrating him as nothing more than a dandy tourist blustering across the continent with a team of Africans to do the real hunting for him. He offered his own unflattering translation of the honorific reportedly given to Roosevelt by his African guides. (“Bwana Tumbo,” Duquesne told the press, meant “Mr. Unusually Large Stomach.”) And as Roosevelt readied to return in early 1910, Duquesne announced that he believed the former president might have contracted a deadly, still-dormant disease and should not be allowed back into the country.

By then, Duquesne had adapted his hunting stories into a theatrical lecture called “East Africa—the Wonderland of Roosevelt’s Hunt” and taken the show on tour. It featured moving pictures and stereopticon slides of “hunting scenes and savage life in darkest Africa,” all narrated by “Captain Fritz Duquesne,” as he’d taken to calling himself: “a man who knows and feels what he tells because it is what he has lived.” As it happened, he was booked for two shows at the Columbia Theatre, in Washington, just as Broussard was gathering experts for his hippo hearing.


In a sense, then, Duquesne’s appearance at the committee hearing was both an advertisement for his performances and performance in itself. The man wanted attention, and he knew how to work his audience when he got it.

Duquesne affably walked the congressmen through his knowledge of hippos and parried their skeptical questions with composed and charming assurances. He described how easy it was to domesticate a hippo; how you can feed a young one milk from a bottle, “like a baby,” and lead it on a leash like a pudgy hound. “It is absolutely not dangerous,” he said of the animal and described the meat—especially from young, castrated males—as a delicious, satisfying, and sustaining meal. (“Splendid food,” Duquesne insisted, “excellent food.”) As proof, he pointed proudly to how well his own people, the Boers, had performed in the recent imperial wars, despite being outnumbered. “There was nothing mentally or physically defective about them,” he explained, “and they lived on hippopotamus.”

Duquesne was not finished, however. He recommended elands, a kind of brutish antelope, as another phenomenal addition to American wildlife. Also giraffes. And what about elephants? Hannibal’s army crossed the Pyrenees on elephants, Duquesne reminded the congressmen, so this should give us all some inkling of the animal’s usefulness and stamina. “It went right around the Pyrenees,” he said, “backward and forward.”       

It was a fetching, whip-smart whirlwind of a performance, and it seemed to sweep up everyone. Before it was over, one congressman had invited him out to Bethesda to have a look at some captive zebras being bred there and offer an expert opinion.

“I think I have about exhausted the proposition,” Duquesne finally told the committee. “I have finished.” Although, he added, if the congressmen wanted him to perform his lecture right then and there, he’d be glad to. He happened to have all his transparencies with him.

VII

The New Food Supply Society

The hearing was followed by a surge of excited publicity. “Hippopotami for Dixie,” one headline read. The Chicago Tribune covered the proceedings right above news that Delmonico’s, the famous steakhouse, had been forced to raise the price of everything on its menu due to dwindling meat supplies. Another story speculated that, because full-grown hippopotamuses would be too large to profitably ship to the stockyards in Chicago, smaller slaughterhouses would have to be built on-site, creating a constellation of local food systems, and breaking the monopoly lording over American meat production. (Only four years earlier, in The Jungle, Upton Sinclair had exposed the horrendous abuses of that monopoly—the way, for example, workers sometimes slipped into rendering tanks, then were churned together with scraps and sold as Durham’s Pure Leaf Lard.) Most newspapers led their coverage with splashy quotes from Fritz Duquesne, but even the torturously uncharismatic W. N. Irwin got called on occasionally. (“I like to say ‘hippo’ instead of the full name, because it is shorter and somewhat more euphonious,” Irwin paused to explain to one reporter.) The momentum felt unstoppable. According to The Washington Post, it was “a question of only a very few years now when large shipments of hippos will be made to America.”

It wasn’t likely that Congress would be able to act on Broussard’s appropriation bill before the end of its session, but Broussard, Burnham, and Duquesne believed that, with the right legwork, a reintroduced version would breeze through the next one. And so they decided to build a new organization to leverage their position and keep the pressure on—a lobbying firm, essentially, that they would call the New Food Supply Society. Shortly after the hearing, the congressman invited Duquesne and Burnham down to his plantation in Louisiana to hash out some preliminary plans.

It’s unclear what, if any, contact the two enemies had had in the nine years since they’d fought against each other in Africa. The evidence suggests that Burnham and Duquesne never actually crossed paths during the war—just loomed heavily, and terribly, in each other’s minds. Theirs was an old-fashioned kind of rivalry. What adhered them to one another was a dismaying and unshakable respect, nothing as vulgar as hatred. It involved a bizarre kind of honor; Duquesne remembered that he had once “tossed coins with a brother scout for the privilege of having first shot [at Burnham,] of splitting his body with a bullet,” but had never managed to track the great scout down. Now their inadvertent partnership on the hippopotamus project gave them an opportunity to finally know one another at close range. They’d fought on different sides but were still soldiers—part primitives, deep down—and they were presumably far more comfortable with each other than with the genteel politicians surrounding them.

Burnham was impressed by his old rival. “Duquesne was clever, educated and resourceful,” he would recall. He knew all about the sins in his past, but chose to force them out of his mind. He wanted to help the Boer. Duquesne was free-floating in permanent exile and, nearly a decade after being cast out of Africa, still struggling to set a new trajectory for himself in the United States. Burnham believed that this noble attempt they were making to answer the nation’s Meat Question would show his former adversary, firsthand, the sort of hard work, imagination, and values that made America great. It might finally steer Duquesne’s talents in a productive direction. The hippo project was a way to convert Duquesne, to cleanse him.

Burnham was ambivalent about playing the reformer. He remembered his own experience as a kid, suffering through life with his pious relatives in Iowa. But he believed that if he could understand what “had transformed this strong and remarkable man into a being abnormal and terrible” and “conquer the cruel darkness” that had infected Duquesne somewhere along the way, there was a chance that the wily Boer could “become one of the world’s noblest figures.” And so, Burnham later wrote, “I set out to win over to genuine Americanism one of the most remarkable men I had ever met.” Duquesne could be assimilated, made useful—just like the hippopotamus.


 As Broussard, Duquesne, and Burnham began plotting the formation of the New Food Supply Society in the spring of 1910, each man was being driven by different levels of idealism and opportunism, and by different semi-secret motives. Letters began flying between the three men, and then also—all of a sudden—to and from a fourth man as well, a New York City–based writer and inventor named Eliot Lord.

It’s possible someone may have actually asked Lord to participate in the fledgling New Food Supply Society, or he may have just barged his way in, but within two days of the hearing he was writing to Burnham, claiming to already have rounded up some of the most powerful members of the House of Representatives for the group’s organizing committee and detailing what his own duties in the organization should be. There was a slipperiness to the man, not unlike Duquesne’s, but Lord’s slipperiness was clumsier and less convincing. His rapid-fire updates to the other partners came on a series of mysterious and seemingly random letterheads: John A. Stewart, president of the Carbonating Company of America, or Huff & Coryell Underwritten Securities, or the Republican League of Clubs. Repeatedly, he nagged Burnham to ask a mining magnate he knew from his Africa days to bankroll the organization.

Burnham was suspicious of Lord. He’d gone about everything in his life with caution and poise, and he found Lord’s rashness and moneygrubbing irritating. He described Lord to a friend as “flighty and without any financial balance.” Burnham was ready to forward the society’s goals, to ask friends for financing and give speeches to groups of influential sportsmen and naturalists he had access to. But he wanted to see a real plan in place first. He imagined the New Food Supply Society becoming a “permanent and valuable branch” of the nation’s new conservation movement, but so far it felt pretty wishy-washy. He wrote to Broussard: “I do not wish to go among my friends and ask for their names for a society that is soon to go the way of so many abortive congresses and federations and high sounding things mentioned about twice in a Sunday paper and then forgotten.”

Broussard agreed. “Like you,” he told Burnham, “I am adverse to organizing any movement unless energy, spirit and intelligent management are to follow the organization.” But Broussard was also becoming busy with higher-profile projects. He was journeying back and forth to Central America all summer, part of a delegation trying to bring an upcoming World’s Fair to New Orleans. And he’d spend August traveling his district, shaking the hands of his many Louisianan cousins and wringing all the available joy from another reelection campaign, even though he was once again running unopposed. Still, he told Burnham that he hoped to schedule a meeting with the would-be New Food Supply Society at some point soon—to sit down, all of them, and talk things out face-to-face.

Lord did not relent. He kept claiming, throughout the summer, to have an increasingly impressive roster of dignitaries ready to become charter members of the New Food Supply Society. He unilaterally announced plans to send Duquesne, as an “agent of the Society,” on a lecture tour of Ivy League colleges and then the leading seaside and mountain hotels. Of course, the New Food Supply Society still did not technically exist, and so, again and again, in letters to Broussard and Burnham, Lord begged them to finally incorporate it. He even went so far as to compose one of these letters to Broussard on a sheet of New Food Supply Society letterhead. In the upper left corner, Lord listed Broussard as chairman of the society and himself as secretary. “My compensation can be arranged for after the Society is in funds,” he informed the congressman.

Duquesne, meanwhile, seems to have been the only one doing any concrete work. Not long after the hearing, the society had sent him on a fact-finding mission to Louisiana, and he hoped that his role as freelance hippo expert might soon turn into a legitimate job. Lord was farming out articles Duquesne wrote about African animals to newspapers, which in the interim was a nice bump for his career, and Duquesne kept making sure that the other members of the would-be society saw his clips.

In short, Duquesne wanted credit. He made it clear that he was doing this work at his own expense and that the newspapers seldom paid him for his articles. In a letter to Burnham, he described writing African animal essays all day until his hand cramped and his handwriting became illegible, at which point he’d switch to using a typewriter, which carried its own costs—ribbons, maintenance, and so on. Burnham tried to buck him up. (“My dear Captain,” he wrote. “You certainly are pushing your part of the society in advance of the rest of us.”) He told him he would try to get Lord and Broussard to finally hammer out some financial arrangement and employ Duquesne properly. Duquesne replied to Burnham that he didn’t appreciate being left in the dark and was getting fed up with Lord’s “glowing promises.” “I do not want this movement to die through undue satisfaction or dry rot,” he said.

Months passed like this. Burnham tried to keep his optimism up, writing to pitch new acquaintances about the idea and scheduling public appearances, including his speech to the Humane Association of California in Pasadena that fall. At one point, he sent Lord $25 to keep the operation running. But the time between the men’s letters grew longer and longer. In September of 1910, Duquesne wrote to Broussard: “What have you that is new or valuable in the way of suggestion? If any make them and I shall act.” Broussard replied: “There is no news to communicate.”

The following month, the New York World published an article about the importation of African animals which apparently credited the idea to Charles Frederick Holder of Santa Catalina Island in California, a well-known fisherman of exceptionally large tuna. Duquesne was irate. He sent copies of the article to both Burnham and Broussard, seething, and demanded that Broussard issue some sort of universal correction to the press.

It was a momentary outburst; soon, the slow and painful birthing process of the New Food Supply Society would quietly resume. But something in Duquesne had snapped. He may have believed, deep in his gut like Burnham did, that importing hippopotamuses was the right and necessary thing for America—that the animal, if transplanted properly, would thrive here. But it was clear by now that he was working primarily for the prosperity of his favorite transplanted African animal: himself.

“It seems every day I hear of someone else, not Duquesne, being the man who brought this matter before the people,” Duquesne wrote to the congressman. “I am working day in and day out to keep this matter before the people, at some expense too.” But now, he explained, there were half a dozen other writers wandering around New York, all cribbing from Duquesne’s published work to sell stories about their supposed plans to import African animals.

“The thing was never heard of in DC till I spoke to you,” Duquesne insisted to Broussard. “No one else, mind you. Only Duquesne.” 

Part Three

Seven years later.

VIII

Captain Claude Stoughton

Around Thanksgiving in 1917, the head of the New York City Police Department’s bomb squad, Thomas J. Tunney, asked two of his detectives to begin investigating a certain Captain Claude Stoughton, a British officer who had served in the West Australian Light Horse division and was now stationed for a time in New York.

It’s unclear why exactly Tunney had taken an interest in Stoughton, though his suspicions seem to have grown out of an ongoing investigation of a recent explosion at a warehouse in Brooklyn. City authorities had also been approached about Captain Stoughton by a widow on Riverside Drive. America had entered World War I that April, and the woman was troubled by sympathetic comments about the Germans which she’d heard a slightly inebriated Stoughton make at parties, and even more so by the style of his mustache. He wore it “trained upward in imitation of the well known style affected by the German emperor,” she explained.

Tunney’s detectives began digging up what they could on the man. They obtained a photograph of him, a slender and handsome man in uniform, and learned that he lived in a second-floor apartment at 137 West 75th St. But an eventual search of the apartment produced photos of Stoughton dressed in other countries’ uniforms, too. Another photograph identified him as a war correspondent for a Belgian newspaper and showed him wearing his hair in florid curls. In another, he sat in tall grass and wore a thick black beard. Another pictured him with ammunition slung over his torso, standing over a dead white rhinoceros. (Clearly, Tunney wrote, the man “fancied photographs of himself, as he made up rather dashingly.”)

The trove of paperwork the detectives recovered was similarly fragmented and irreconcilable. There was an insurance policy for a staggering $80,000 worth of motion-picture film, taken out five years earlier, protecting against “fires, pirates, rovers, assailing thieves, jettison, barratry of the master and mariners and all other perils, losses and misfortunes.” There were newspaper articles—piles of them, which, according to The New York Times, detailed “practically every bomb explosion since the war began,” with a special focus on a ship called the SS Tennyson, which had blown up a year earlier, after leaving Brazil for New York. One of the clippings described an investigation into the Tennyson explosion that had led to a British safe-deposit box, where police seized $6,740 in cash in an envelope addressed to someone with the virtually unpronounceable name Piet Niacud.

Duquesne’s lecture pamphlet
Duquesne’s lecture pamphlet

The men had also obtained a program for a theatrical lecture staged seven years earlier. The cover featured a very small circular photograph of President Theodore Roosevelt in safari gear, and a much larger studio portrait of Captain Stoughton. The captain was wearing khakis and clutching the holster of his sidearm, while glaring dramatically into the middle distance as though he were stalking a lion. He was identified here by another name, one that had appeared in several other documents as well—including, most troublingly, a letter of introduction from a diplomat in Nicaragua, describing him as a man who had “in many circumstances rendered notable services to our good German cause.” The name was Fritz Duquesne.

“A thousand questions sprang up in our minds about the man,” Tunney remembered. They started following whatever leads they had. At some point, they reached out to a well-known adventurer in California who, according to a magazine clipping they’d found, had once appeared alongside Duquesne at a congressional hearing about hippopotamuses in March of 1910.

IX

Preparedness

In 1917, Frederick Burnham was living in relative seclusion. Shortly before the First World War started, he’d sold the house in Pasadena and moved his family and in-laws to a ranch in Tulare County, California, backed up against Sequoia National Park. He felt that Pasadena had swollen into a stifling and crowded suburb. The ranch, which the Burnhams called La Cuesta, offered them privacy, space, and some very well-deserved peace.

The phase of Burnham’s life that had included the hippo hearing, seven years earlier, had been busy and stressful. While the New Food Supply Society was struggling to get off the ground, he was also traveling back and forth between Mexico and California, establishing copper mines and irrigation projects in the Yaqui Valley for a number of financiers, including the Guggenheim family, J. P. Morgan, and John Hays Hammond, a mining baron he befriended during his days in Rhodesia. Burnham considered Mexico “the most active region left in the world”—the next unruly frontier, rich with opportunities—and he was drawn to it just as he’d been drawn to the Southwest as a boy and Africa as a young man. But Mexico, too, eventually burst into violence. And when the Mexican Revolution began, in 1910, Burnham was called down to watch over Hammond’s interests; at one point, he would command an encampment of 500 armed men on the banks of the Yaqui.

The move to La Cuesta ranch presented him with yet another empty frontier to master and improve—but a tranquil one, on a smaller scale, far removed from any geopolitical violence. He imported white-tailed deer from Mexico and took pride in how they prospered. He introduced wild turkeys, peccaries, pheasants, and game bantams. The Burnhams were part of a small community of settlers living deep in the Sierras, widely dispersed—people who worked hard and made do on their own. Burnham thought of them as a “lost white tribe.”

“When the World War broke,” he remembered, “it was some time before the reality of it penetrated into our deep canyon.” But when it did, the lost tribe sprang into action. Young men filed out of the mountains to enlist and fight. “Elderly women walked four miles in the heat of summer over dusty mountain roads to knit and sew for soldiers over seas,” he wrote. This determination reassured Burnham. Otherwise, he was unsettled by the war. The new technological mode of warfare—the gassing, machine guns, and trenches—had “turned us all into military robots,” he wrote. He argued that the traditional skills and ethos of self-reliance that those old scouts had taught him as a boy remained as important as ever, and he worried that they were being lost.

Self-reliance was becoming an obsession of Burnham’s—the only sensible response to the growing disorder of the world. In the run-up to the war, he’d been extremely sympathetic to the so-called Preparedness Movement in America—the belief that conflict was inevitable and that President Woodrow Wilson wasn’t building a sufficiently large and capable military to handle it. Burnham and his friends traded letters about “Preparedness,” extolling it as an ideal, griping about the glaring unpreparedness of those around them. And in July of 1916, Burnham was listed as a grand marshal’s assistant in San Francisco’s Preparedness Day Parade.

The parade would be a stunning display of civic preparedness, featuring more than 50,000 marchers: 200 nurses in uniform; 500 physicians and surgeons; 200 optometrists and opticians, prepared to help the nation’s eyes; a vaudevillian actress, dressed as the Goddess of Preparedness; and a Division of Six-Footers, which was essentially a few rows of very tall people organized by a six-foot-four gentleman named J. R. Martin. But the day was disrupted by a terrorist attack. Antiwar, anti-preparedness radicals detonated a suitcase bomb shortly after the start of the parade, killing 10 and injuring 40. It was perhaps the clearest sign yet of the insolence that had begun churning in the world—the audacity it took to try and catch a Preparedness Day Parade by surprise.

Burnham kept preparing, however. In fact, he prepared more vigorously now. In early 1917, he enlisted as one of 18 lieutenants in a battalion of aging, able-bodied men from around the West that his friend Theodore Roosevelt had begun zealously organizing and was threatening to lead into battle himself if President Wilson continued to keep the nation’s military on the sidelines. By now, American writers had related Burnham’s feats in Africa, making him a famous war hero. But it gnawed at him that he’d never actually fought for his own country. He thought, at age 55, that he’d finally get his chance. But Roosevelt’s army never shipped out. It wasn’t until America finally joined the Great War in April 1917 that Burnham found an idiosyncratic opportunity to serve.

Manganese, a mineral used to make steel, had suddenly become invaluable during the war: a scarcity developed after shipments that the U.S. relied on, including German exports, were compromised or cut off. America scrambled after new exports from Brazil and other South American countries, but also took a hard look at its own potential reserves. The mineral had not been worth much during the gold and silver rushes, and engineers now began poring over old U.S. Geological Survey documents and historical maps, looking for any sign of deposits that the miners had skipped over.

Burnham attacked the problem differently. He began rounding up prospectors he’d encountered in his youth. They were wizened old nomads now, but, Burnham would remember, they’d retained an “indescribable spiritual quality” and “perennial optimism” that allowed them to “wander vaguely over the desert wastes with the patience of the burro and the imperturbability of the Sphinx.” Burnham began roaming the desert with these men, hunting for manganese. Many of them were able to lead Burnham back to deposits they remembered stumbling across years ago. Soon they were pulling manganese out of the hills in Nevada, from the sides of Mount Diablo, outside San Francisco, and from the belly of Southwestern deserts, and sending it off to be bolted into the flanks of the modern war machine. It was the only inheritance this nearly extinct species of American frontiersman could manage to leave: “the desert people’s best tribute to the nation,” as Burnham put it. For him, it was reassuring proof that old skills could still contribute in a new kind of war.

In other words, Burnham spent the years after Broussard’s congressional hearing essentially championing the same ideals he’d fought for in Washington: self-sufficiency and industriousness powered by an underlying optimism. As a young scout, he’d taught himself to stay awake for longer than seemed humanly possible by thwacking the back of his head with his fist if he started to nod off. Now, at the outset of the 20th century, America clearly had problems—horrible and frightening ones. But they seemed solvable to Burnham if the nation would only rap itself on the head with enough determination and force, if it would shout at itself to wake the hell up. His loyalty to this belief was unwavering. And in this way he was the perfect foil to his old nemesis, Fritz Duquesne—who during those same years, the New York City police detectives were now learning, had been slowly shedding his belief in everything. 

X

Captain Fritz Duquesne’s South American Expedition 

Duquesne had worked hard to cobble together a small amount of notoriety and influence by the time he appeared at Broussard’s hippopotamus hearing, and as the New Food Supply Society bumped along, he was determined not to let any of it go. He branched off on his own, marshaling all his entrepreneurial energy to stay in the limelight. He wound up spiraling into darkness instead.

At first, Duquesne simply took the hippopotamus idea and built on it, eccentrically. In the spring of 1911, he organized a series of banquets in Washington and New York, likely as showcases for a potential animal-importing venture he was considering launching on his own. He served guests a menu of imported African springbok soup, dik-dik, and hippo croquettes. Next, he explored bringing elephants to Central and South America and selling them as beasts of burden. And after that, he came improbably close to staging an incomprehensible publicity stunt for an American matchstick manufacturer, wherein Duquesne would bring over a band of indigenous Peruvians and have them drive a herd of imported llamas across the eastern United States, from New York City to the company’s headquarters in Ohio.

 In 1913, however, Duquesne began planning a more promising business venture—one that apparently had started in earnest but would gradually contort into an ambitious and deadly con. Theodore Roosevelt was now organizing a follow-up to his African expedition: a long, daring journey to trace one of the Amazon’s tributaries through the Brazilian jungle. Duquesne saw another chance to capitalize on the public’s fascination with Roosevelt’s adventures, just as he’d done with his lectures during Roosevelt’s safari.

He started canvassing acquaintances, and then acquaintances of acquaintances, for money to produce Captain Fritz Duquesne’s South American Expedition. It would be part movie, part lecture; he’d travel through the jungle with his wife Alice, filming the same sorts of things that Roosevelt would encounter, then narrate his footage live on stage. (Duquesne first encountered Alice while locked up in the British prison camp in Bermuda—she was the daughter of an American bureaucrat stationed there. It was a classic meet cute: he was resting under a tree, taking a break from his chain gang, when a ball from her tennis game came rolling toward him.) Duquesne eventually secured funding from the Thanhouser Film Corporation and the Goodyear tire company—he’d apparently agreed to do some rubber hunting in South America on the side—and agreed to deliver the finished travelogue in time for the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco, in 1915. He bought 20,000 feet of film, at four dollars a foot, and insured the lot of it before sailing out of New York, thereby generating the policy that Tunney’s detectives would discover in his apartment four years later.

Apparently, not one foot of the film was ever used. World War I began shortly after the Duquesnes left New York, in the summer of 1914. The details are foggy, but President Wilson’s initial insistence that the United States remain neutral seems to have disillusioned and enraged the Black Panther. Duquesne’s contempt for England, forged during the Second Boer War, was so overpowering that, in his mind, the only conscionable response to the outbreak of the Great War was for America to team up with Germany and crush the British Empire. In short, he hated Britain so much that he would hate any nation that refused to hate it, too. According to his biographer Clement Wood, Duquesne’s attitude became: “There are no good Americans except the anti-English ones.”

Duquesne sent Alice back home on a ship from Brazil, then went to the German consulate and offered up his services as a spy and saboteur. He started hanging around the docks in disguise. From then on, Duquesne would move through life in a cloud of aliases. These included Frederick Barron, Colonel Bezin, F. Crabbs, Colonel Marquis Duquesne, Fred Buquesne, J. Q. Farn, Berthold Szabo, Von Goutard, Vam Dam, Fritters, Worthy, and Jim. Some people knew him as the Handsomest Man in Europe.

But now, on the docks, Duquesne morphed into a frumpy and feeble middle-aged botanist from the Netherlands who walked wrenched over in a stoop and wore thick, unflattering glasses. He called himself Frederick Fredericks.


As Fredericks, Duquesne hung out in bars, sidling up to drunk English sailors and offering them bribes to carry rare orchid bulbs to his friends and relatives abroad. But the packages contained explosives; Duquesne would later claim to have sunk 22 ships and started 100 dock fires during this time.

Most famously, Duquesne would claim responsibility for the destruction of the HMS Hampshire, a British ship that sank west of the Orkney Islands, in northern Scotland, in 1916, killing more than 600 men aboard, including Duquesne’s old nemesis Lord Kitchener, now Britain’s secretary of war. (Clement Wood’s 1932 biography, titled The Man Who Killed Kitchener, relays as truth Duquesne’s totally fabricated account of how he supposedly infiltrated the Hampshire, posing as a young Russian count named Boris Zakrevsky, then signaled a German U-boat to take the ship down.) But, as Frederick Burnham later pointed out, much of what Duquesne actually accomplished during his time in South America was likely to disrupt outgoing shipments of manganese—exacerbating the problem that Burnham and his tribe of prospectors would file into the desert to solve. That is, the two adversaries still somehow managed to lock themselves in an oblique, intercontinental standoff—Frederick Burnham versus Frederick Fredericks, with one man racing to rebuild what the other was breaking apart.

In February 1916, Duquesne packed the film from his aborted motion-picture project into a trunk and registered it as cargo aboard the SS Tennyson, a British ship heading for New York. Then he went about engineering the ship’s destruction.

Maybe there was no film in the trunk; maybe it was filled with explosives instead. Or maybe they were in the six boxes labeled “Minerals,” which, investigators came to believe, Duquesne had also stashed aboard the Tennyson. But something on the ship exploded as it approached the equator. Three sailors were killed in the fire. Before long, a clerk who claimed to be a co-conspirator was captured by British intelligence and gave up Duquesne’s name. He also led authorities to the safety-deposit box and the envelope full of money waiting for “Piet Niacud.” “Niacud” was “Duquesne” spelled backward phonetically.

Duquesne was now wanted for murder by the British. But before long, on April 27, word came in The New York Times that Duquesne had himself been murdered. He was traveling through the Bolivian frontier when his party was raided by “hostile Indians.” Then, two weeks after that, a second dispatch in the Times reported that he was, in fact, alive—that, though badly wounded, he’d heroically fought off the vicious Bolivian raiders and escaped. The world, it seemed, had underestimated the tenacity of Fritz Duquesne.

But the truth was, there were no Bolivians and there was no attack. Duquesne seems to have faked his own death, then regretted the decision and miraculously resurrected himself. According to Inspector Tunney’s account, police eventually discovered that the first wire report from Buenos Aires, telling the Times of Duquesne’s death, had been filed with the byline “Frederick Fredericks.” 

atavistillu-1429650230-5.jpg

XI

Frauds

By the beginning of 1917, Duquesne was a suspected murderer and a fugitive, a fake film producer and a formerly dead botanist, and likely still a German spy. But it was taking American authorities time to piece all this together, and Duquesne was either audacious or reckless enough not to care if they did. That summer, he resurfaced in Washington, D.C., and was very quietly puttering around under his own name, trying desperately to latch onto some kind of living.

Duquesne connected with Horace Ashton, an old friend whose photographs had illustrated some of his hunting articles. Ashton did his best to help Duquesne, even putting him up for a job as a U.S. censor and propagandist for the war effort. Ashton later explained to police that he’d only learned Duquesne was back in the country by chance. During a visit to Washington from New York, Ashton had taken a beautiful young secretary to dinner. The woman later wrote to him: “You may be interested to know that Captain Duquesne is in Washington, but does not want it to be known.” She was Robert Broussard’s secretary—the former congressman, now senator, from Louisiana. Apparently, Duquesne had reached out to his old comrade from the New Food Supply Society, too. And Broussard, presumably in the dark about Duquesne’s recent activities, had also tried to help, coming close to getting him hired doing low-level clerical work under the “acting quarter-master general and director of purchases, storage and traffic” of the U.S. Army.

After a while, however, Duquesne must have started to seem like a lost cause—broke and unemployable. Ashton brought him back to New York and let him crash at his apartment—the second-floor flat on West 75th Street. There, Duquesne attempted to get back on the lecture circuit. But the zeitgeist had changed. His old material was irrelevant now—the public wasn’t interested in learning about African safaris, only in hearing Allied war heroes tell battle yarns. And so Duquesne transformed himself into Captain Claude Stoughton, a nervy and debonair military man who had, his promotional materials claimed, “perhaps seen more of the war than any man at present before the public.” Stoughton had been bayoneted three times, gassed four times, and stuck once with a hook.

Captain Stoughton’s career took off. His talks made decent money, his heroism earned him respect, and ladies found him alluring. Interesting people invited him to parties. Duquesne was wrenching his way back into society. His invented persona had such magnetism and such possibility, in fact, that he began deploying his alter-ego in a wide variety of personal appearances. Claude Stoughton was a gifted booster, brimming with pep and dynamism, and he seemed willing to promote any cause if it kept the admiration and affection flowing. This even included making speeches to pull in donations for the Red Cross and to sell Liberty Bonds. Stoughton would appear uniformed, before crowds of devoted American patriots, and belt out slogans like, “We must have dollars as well as men in the fight for freedom!” The irascible Black Panther, whose contempt for England had metastasized so completely that he’d gone to work blowing up ships for the Germans, was now raising money for the Allied war machine.

The biographer Art Ronnie writes, “It is difficult to explain the paradox of Fritz Duquesne at this time.” This is an almost preposterous understatement, but also, ultimately, as truthful and illuminating as one can be. There’s a cynical way to read Duquesne’s activities in New York: that he was up to no good, running some diabolical con that would eventually throw the world he’d infiltrated into chaos, just as it always did. But it’s also possible that Duquesne simply liked the attention, the performance. And maybe he liked it so much that he wouldn’t allow even his deepest and most sinister principles to break him out of character—because his character’s life was so much more gratifying than the remnants of his own.

Ronnie describes him as “an arrogant prisoner of his own ego.” He had stopped caring about anything except his own glorification. The Black Panther was an adrenaline junkie and a nihilist now. There was nothing he wouldn’t get behind, and there was nothing he wouldn’t destroy.


Duquesne was arrested in New York on December 8, 1917. He was charged with insurance fraud. Investigators alleged that, aside from orchestrating a scheme to claim the insurance money for the film he blew up on the Tennyson, he was also running a similar, parallel fraud—one that accounted for Inspector Tunney’s original arson case in Brooklyn. While in South America, Duquesne apparently agreed to produce educational movies for an Argentine board of education, bought $24,000 worth of film on his return to New York, insured it, stashed it in the Brooklyn warehouse, then set off an explosion that burned the building down.

Duquesne was held in a city jail for months as the fraud charges knotted into complicated legal cases, and the British haggled for his extradition for the explosion aboard the Tennyson. He started behaving erratically. His appearance changed. The alluring glint in his eye turned into something wilder. So did his hair. He started blathering nonsensically.

This transformation was met with skepticism, of course. In May 1918, a judge ordered a three-person “lunacy commission” to assess his condition and issue a “lunacy report.” Duquesne appeared at the commission’s hearing ranting and unhinged, shouting orders at the doctors who’d come to testify as though he were commanding them in battle. The lunacy commission sent him to a state mental hospital in Beacon, New York, exiling him alongside a man who whistled constantly, believing he was a train, and another man who, Ronnie writes, “said he was not Napoleon but Napoleon’s tomb.” At some point, Duquesne’s wife, Alice, visited, shook his hand through the bars, then divorced him. It was “obvious he had gone German,” she said.

Soon, Duquesne’s body stopped working as well. In court one day, he collapsed and claimed to be suddenly paralyzed from the waist down. This elicited even more cynicism from the government, but when doctors stuck pins in his legs and under his toenails—torturing him, in short, to prove he was malingering—Duquesne never once wriggled or winced.

And so he was transferred to Bellevue Hospital on a stretcher and installed in the very last bed of a long, secure ward. He had a view of First Avenue through a window with three iron bars. He slept with his blanket over his face and every day asked to be set by the window in a wheelchair so he could watch the birds. The nurses adored him and would lift his slack body wherever it needed to go. He got lighter and lighter. He read the newspaper with a pair of pinhole glasses he improvised out of cardboard. The birds started eating out of his hand. He wasn’t an old man, but he seemed like one. Then one night he escaped.

Duquesne had managed to acquire two small hacksaw blades and had been quietly going at the window bars day after day as he sat in his wheelchair. Eventually, he got all the way through two of them and, just past midnight on Tuesday, May 27, 1919, four days before he would finally have been extradited to England, Duquesne squeezed out.

He’d been faking paralysis for seven months. (Later he claimed to have been vigorously massaging his legs, to keep his muscles conditioned, during his twice-daily visits to the bathroom.) After wiggling through the window, he leaped six feet onto the roof of a neighboring ice house, or perhaps shimmied down using a blanket as a rope. Then he leaped again from there to the ground. And still “even this display of agility,” reported The New York Times, “did not give him his liberty.” Duquesne was then “forced to climb a brick wall about six feet high and an iron fence with menacing spikes, about eight feet high.” Then, after he’d done all that, he lurched down 27th Street toward the Hudson River, hopped a ferry to Hoboken, New Jersey, and disappeared.

The wiliness and determination of it all was jaw dropping. Duquesne had waited patiently until he’d receded to near invisibility, then pounced. It was a classic Black Panther performance. It must have killed him that no one was around to see it.

A month later, in fact, Duquesne messengered a letter to a friend in New York, purporting to lay out the dramatic mechanics of his escape. The operation involved two swashbuckling, fictitious accomplices and a foreign sports car zooming away in the night. The letter was a kind of press release; Duquesne wanted his friend to get the story published. “Nota bene,” he wrote. “As many papers as possible. Keep clippings.”

XII

Taking Chances

There are no herds of hippopotamuses in Louisiana. As far as I can tell, not one ever set foot in the bayous of the Gulf Coast. The idea was never exactly defeated but seems merely to have evaporated unspectacularly over a very long period of time.

In March 1911, a full year after the committee hearing, Frederick Russell Burnham traveled to Washington to meet with Congressman Broussard again about the hippo idea. They decided that Broussard would reintroduce his bill that spring, and in the meantime Burnham would lead an exploratory trip to Africa, scouting out other good candidate species for importation to strengthen their case. He would leave as soon as possible.

“We are serious in the movement, and I am confident of the success of the project,” Burnham told the Washington Herald. A year earlier, the New Food Supply Society had seemed awash in goodwill from the public and the press. But America had apparently turned more skeptical now; as Burnham gave interviews around Washington and New York that week, he sounded increasingly pained to stress the sincerity and value of their vision. He kept trotting out his imported-reindeer and ostrich-farm examples as proof of concept. Finally, he just told one reporter: “I have spent 11 years in Africa, and I have had two years of experience in British East Africa and have traveled about and led expeditions into the interior, so I know the lay of the land pretty well, and I think I know what we are doing,” and left it at that.

Burnham never sailed for Africa, however. He was forced to cancel his expedition at the last minute, when the revolution in Mexico escalated and his business partners called on him to protect their investments along the Yaqui River. Even so, he kept sending Broussard encouragement and information: tips he’d elicited from a famous German circus master for shipping wild animals long distances; photos of the ostriches at Cawston’s Ostrich Farms in Pasadena, with an assurance that “if that strange and erratic bird can be handled and domesticated,” then the other “magnificent animals of Africa” could be, too. Broussard, meanwhile, made one set of meticulous political calculations after another about the society’s next move, postponing the introduction of his bill from one upcoming session of Congress to the next. But he’d soon leave the House for the Senate. Then, in 1918, he passed away.

W. N. Irwin, the Agriculture Department bureaucrat—the old man who had told The Washington Post, “I hope to live long enough to see herds of these broad-backed beasts wallowing in the Southern marshes and rivers, fattening on the millions of tons of food which awaits their arrival; to see great droves of white rhinoceri … roaming over the semiarid desert wastes, fattening on the sparse herbage which these lands offer; to see herds of the delicate giraffe, the flesh of which is the purest and sweetest of any known animal, browsing on the buds and shoots of young trees in preparation for the butchers block”—died within a year of his appearance at Broussard’s congressional hearing. Scientific papers that Irwin had written continued to appear long after his death, drifting into journals like whispers from a particularly petulant ghost. One, published in 1914, proposed importing a breed of pygmy hippo instead of the larger variety, because it would be easier to control. Another made the case for turkey eggs, which even in death, apparently, Irwin found to be superior.

Eventually, officials at the Department of Agriculture contradicted Irwin’s reasoning in the press, insisting that hippos were a terrible idea and that America ought to work instead to turn those useless-seeming marshes into grassy pastures, then give the South beef cattle to raise on that reclaimed land. Because people ate beef. Because beef was a normal meat to eat.

And that’s essentially how America did choose to break through the Malthusian barrier that the New Food Supply Society saw coming in 1910. Rather than diversify and expand our stock of animals, we developed ways to raise more of the same animals in more places. Gradually, that process led to the factory farms and mass-confinement operations we have today—a mammoth industry whose everyday practices and waste products are linked to all kinds of dystopian mayhem, from the rise of antibiotic-resistant bacteria, to a spate of spontaneous abortions in Indiana, to something called blue baby syndrome, in which infants actually turn blue after drinking formula mixed with tap water that’s been polluted by runoff from nearby feedlots. That same runoff also sloshes down the Mississippi River to its mouth, pooling into one of the world’s biggest aquatic dead zones, seven or eight thousand square miles large at times—an overblown, reeking grotesque of the exact conditions the water hyacinth was creating there, far more modestly, in Broussard’s time. Meanwhile, the flower continues to cause problems. The state of Louisiana alone spends $2 million a year spraying herbicides at it.

These aren’t problems that America created so much as ones we’ve watched happen—consequences of our having ducked other, earlier problems by rigging together relatively unambitious solutions that seemed safe enough. We answered the Meat Question. But there were more meat questions ahead.

I’m not arguing that America would be a better or more beautiful place if it had imported hippopotamuses in 1910. But there is something beautiful about the America that considered importing them—an America so intent on facing down its problems, and solving them, that even an idea like this could get a fair hearing; where the political system and the culture felt so alive with possibility, and so confident in its own virtue and ingenuity, that elected officials could sit around and contemplate the merits of hippo ranching without worrying too much about how it sounded; where people felt free and bold enough to imagine putting hippopotamuses in places where there were no hippopotamuses.

Somewhere along the way, our politics, and maybe our psyches, too, became stunted by a certain insecurity—by the fear that someone is quietly sneering at us, just waiting to skewer and betray us if we take a bold chance. Who knows how we became so guarded. And maybe it’s naive to think that we weren’t back then. But the fact is, Robert Broussard’s bill did exist. It was discussed and debated. There was a window when anything was possible. Then the window closed. In retrospect, it’s hard to even pinpoint a moment when America said no to hippopotamuses. There were just too many moments when it failed to say yes.

In the end, Frederick Burnham and Fritz Duquesne stood at either end of a spectrum—a spectrum where optimism shaded slowly into cynicism. The petering out of the hippo scheme, and the horrible reality of world war that arose on its heels, may have been a point when America took a step away from Burnham and toward Duquesne; when we became just a little more convinced that modern life would be governed by the sinister logic of a Black Panther and not the lucid vision of a scout. Some orchid bulbs are actually explosives. Some paralyzed people can secretly walk.

Summarizing the whole episode at the end of his life, Burnham wrote that, in his memory, the difficulty with the animal-importation plan started with one particular congressman’s objection. The man had argued that, if exotic species like the hippo were introduced for the common good, wealthy, self-interested hunters would simply sneak in and kill the animals for trophies. It was inevitable, the congressman said—betraying a conviction that people are basically sly and opportunistic, and should never be trusted.

You can call that cynicism or you can call it realism. But it’s the attitude that’s given us a hundred years of hippopotamuslessness in America.


In the summer of 1943, a man named Mart Bushnell visited Frederick Burnham at his home in California. Burnham was 82, still four years away from his death, and accustomed to visitors. Men who had read about his exploits as boys kept turning up to meet the old scout before he died. They were never disappointed. Bushnell, after his own pilgrimage, wrote: “Frequently, these almost legendary characters fail to measure up to expectations—but not Major Burnham. He surpassed even the highly colorful adventurer he has become in my own imagination.” Burnham still had a thick head of hair, nearly all his teeth, and a mind that was as quick and focused as ever. Most of all, Bushnell was taken by the same enduring quality of Burnham’s eyes: “clear, steady, and almost magnetic in their probing,” he called them.

Bushnell was visiting on business from the Boy Scouts of America. Burnham was not only a longtime member of the group’s National Council but a model for the entire organization—the original Boy Scout. The group’s founder, the Englishman Lord Robert Baden-Powell, had been one of Burnham’s commanders in Africa and was so impressed by his friend’s integrity and ability that he aspired to build an institution to raise generations of similarly capable men. The Boy Scouts wore neckerchiefs because Burnham had always worn one in the desert. Their motto, “Be Prepared,” couldn’t have been a clearer distillation of his beliefs.

Bushnell had come to discuss the creation of a Major Frederick Burnham Medal for Frontiering and Scouting Skills. And, he’d learn, Burnham had very strong opinions about what should be required to earn such an honor: Boys, he felt, should demonstrate mastery of everything from “stalking and evasion” to “axemanship,” and should have to hike in isolation for two days and nights with almost no food, foraging for wild vegetables. In short, Bushnell reported back to headquarters, Burnham was disappointed that the Boy Scouts weren’t doing more to put America’s youth through the kind of intensive training that the old scouts like Holmes had put him through in the deserts of Arizona as a kid nearly three-quarters of a century ago. Major Burnham, Bushnell explained, was “vitally concerned with the virility of the country’s future man power.”

America was now in the throes of a second, gruesome world war—“war to the nth degree,” Burnham called it. “It is beyond shallow emotion, beyond good and evil as commonly reckoned.” And yet, he argued, “not even the world-wide harvest of death need dismay us.… In spite of war’s present black-out, the future is certain to be brighter than all the ages past.” Somehow his optimism was still unflinching, and he projected it, almost tangibly, into the space around him. Bushnell told his superiors that his visit with Burnham was “one of the most stirring experiences of my life. How I wish every boy in America could feel the impact of this wonderful fellow’s personality!”

Burnham was also a wealthy man now. Twenty-five years earlier, he and his son Roderick had struck oil on an overlooked piece of land between Los Angeles and Long Beach. He used the money to buy three adjacent houses in a new neighborhood being built on the bucolic fringes of Los Angeles. Roderick and his oldest daughter’s family moved into two of the houses, and Burnham and Blanche took the third. Directly above it, on a scrubby, mostly desolate hillside that Burnham said reminded him of the landscapes of Rhodesia, was propped a tremendous white “O”—part of a sign to advertise the new real estate. The developers were calling the area “Hollywoodland.”

Burnham built a study for himself on the first floor and filled one wall with dozens of framed portraits of the friends and mentors who had influenced his life: Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener, Cecil Rhodes with his dog, Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot, the forward-thinking forester and conservationist in Roosevelt’s administration who’d championed Burnham’s animal-importation scheme since he took his first crack at it in Washington. The New York Times had once claimed that Burnham’s story was one “no novelist could write because of its seeming incredibility.” (Ernest Hemingway and Cecil B. DeMille, however, would later both be working on screenplays about Burnham at the time of their deaths.) But now Burnham committed to setting it all down himself, and would spend much of his last years at his desk, a large ornate map of Africa behind him, writing simple essays and remembrances. In 1943, he collected these pieces into a book, printed a few hundred copies, inscribed each, and distributed them personally to friends. “Dear Pinchot,” he wrote in one. “Once upon a time we took an active part in trying to save this nation from starvation. Hippo meat would now be welcome.”

Burnham called the book Taking Chances. The title came from an Ohio senator who had said: “It is the spirit of venture, of taking chances, that has built America. Without it we cannot go forward, with it we cannot fail.” One of the chapters in Taking Chances, “The Totem of the Black Panther,” was about Fritz Duquesne. Duquesne was now in his late sixties and had just begun serving a 20-year sentence at Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary in Kansas. The Black Panther had reappeared briefly after his hospital escape, posing as a New York City vaudeville critic named Major Fred Craven, but subsequently disappeared again. Then, in 1941, after two years of FBI surveillance—of tailing Duquesne on the streets of Manhattan and orchestrating meetings between him and a double-agent in a bugged office in Times Square—the government arrested Duquesne as the alleged leader of a 33-person Nazi spy syndicate. The so-called Duquesne Spy Ring included a thuggish Gestapo operative trying to foment strikes among American workers, an aging male librarian, and a seductive figure skater named Lilly Barbara Carola Stein. The Bureau accused Duquesne of coordinating the syndicate’s communications with Germany, sending the Third Reich technical information about military gas masks, fuel tanks, airplanes, and munitions, and plotting to start fires at American industrial sites. Prosecutors produced his communiqués as evidence: the Black Panther had stamped each with an inky, attacking cat.

J. Edgar Hoover bragged that the operation that led to Duquesne’s arrest was the most ambitious and well-executed spy roundup in American history, and it produced what is still considered the nation’s largest espionage case. In the arc of Duquesne’s life, however, it amounted to just another con—a final, eccentric, and ham-fisted epic. His FBI file described him this way: “Excellent talker with captivating personality. Inveterate liar. Sexual pervert.”

“His doom fills me with sadness,” Burnham wrote of his old adversary in Taking Chances. He had tried to redeem Duquesne, and was still hopeful that some empathetic and perceptive historian might one day absolve the Boer by showing he was merely “a product of the extreme hate to which we have all contributed, and for which we continue to pay the price.” Burnham still kept a letter from Duquesne in his desk in the Hollywoodland study: “To my friendly enemy,” it read, “the greatest scout in the world, whose eyes were the vision of an empire. I craved the honour of killing him, but failing that, I extend my heartiest admiration.” And among those portraits on the wall, he’d hung an old, framed picture of the Panther, too—just a reedy, awkward boy in his first military uniform, looking sideways.

Burnham was organizing his papers at the time, as well—preparing them, and the singular life they chronicled, for posterity in archives at Stanford and Yale. One day in 1944, he came across a typescript of the speech he had given to the Humane Association at the hotel in Pasadena, 34 years earlier, while advocating for Broussard’s bill. There in the text was his younger self, ardently challenging his audience to recognize that the “complacent belief in the unending plenty of our natural wealth” had now been obviously disproven, but also unveiling an idea that could restore that feeling of promise in America—one that just made so much sense but would require working against “overwhelming difficulties and the loud guffaws of the ignorant” to make a reality.

Burnham read the speech over. His hand shook with age, but he pressed hard and scrawled a note across the top:

“The facts are still unrefuted” signed, “FRB – 1944.”

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Note on Sources

All events described and dialogue quoted in American Hippopotamus are drawn from congressional transcripts, first-person accounts, personal letters, contemporaneous newspaper and magazine stories, scientific journals, and published biographies of the subjects. These include the books Scouting on Two Continents and Taking Chances, by Frederick Russell Burnham; Counterfeit Hero: Fritz Duquesne, Adventurer and Spy, by Art Ronnie; The Man Who Killed Kitchener, by Clement Wood; Real Soldiers of Fortune, by Richard Harding Davis; He-Who-Sees-In-the-Dark: The Boys’ Story of Frederick Burnham, the American Scout, by James E. West and Peter O. Lamb; In Meat We Trust, by Maureen Ogle; and The Boer War: A History, by Denis Judd and Keith Surridge.

Much material was also drawn from the Robert F. Broussard papers, at the Edith Garland Dupré Library at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette and the Frederick Russell Burnham Papers, split between the Hoover Institution Archives at Stanford University and the Sterling Memorial Library at Yale University. Thanks to I. Bruce Turner for his research assistance in Lafayette and to Caitlin Verboon for her research assistance in New Haven.

Finally, personal communications with Rod Atkinson, a great-grandson of Frederick Russell Burnham’s, and documents he provided were invaluable. Thanks to Rod for his help and enthusiasm for the project, as well as to Captain Russell Burnham of the U.S. Army, another great-grandson of “The Major.”

When We Are Called to Part

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When We Are Called to Part

An absorbing, affecting, and often funny story of the last years of a vanishing community known as the living grave.

By Brooke Jarvis

The Atavist Magazine, No. 31


Brooke Jarvis is an independent journalist who lives near Puget Sound, Washington. She has written for Rolling Stone, Al Jazeera America, The Washington Post, and Aeon, among others. She is a contributing editor toYes! magazine and a 2013 fellow in environmental journalism at Middlebury College.


Editor: Charles Homans
Producers: Gray Beltran and Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Megan Detrie
Illustrator: Fabienne Rivory
Researcher: Kelsey Kudak
Source Images: Library of Congress, Hawaii State Archives, Wikimedia Commons

Published in November 2013. Design updated in 2021.

Speeding down the street is a car that I love. A Toyota station wagon—probably from the 1980s, but who can say—that used to be red or maroon but is now mostly gaping, rust-lined holes and sun-bleached swatches of gray and white. The windshield is cracked; since I last saw the car, someone has patched a hole with plywood and covered the top with roofing paper. For a second my breath catches, and I stop in my tracks. Dumb as it is, I hope. But the car is moving too fast, too purposefully down the center of the road. And instead of a pair of sunglasses, white hair sticking out of a visor, and a small, hunched figure with her hand held up to block the sun, in the driver’s seat is a much younger, black-haired woman I don’t know.

I should have realized that the car would still be here. In Kalaupapa, plenty of vehicles keep rolling for years after the salt air and the ingenuity of isolation have left them more plywood than metal. But it’s still a shock. The car is driving, and Gertie is not.

Gertie—Gertrude Kaauwai, known variously as Gertie, Gert, or Girly—hated that station wagon. She’d had to switch to it once her remaining foot deteriorated to the point that, even with her stubbornness and the dexterity gained by more than four decades on crutches, she could no longer climb into her big gray truck. On my first day in the settlement, before I even met Gertie, my new boss pointed the truck out to me on the street and explained that I should get as far out of the road as possible when I saw it coming—usually in the morning, during Gertrude’s food run for her dozens of cats, or in the late afternoon, when she was driving to the bar and would have to squint into the western sun. Just pull into any nearby yard, he said, it’s fine. The disease had gotten to Gertrude’s eyes, and she couldn’t see well at all. If she’d lived anywhere else, she would have been forced to stop driving long before. But Kalaupapa has its own rules.

The settlement, as everyone who lives here calls it, is the only town on an isolated peninsula on a sparsely populated Hawaiian island. Its history began a century and a half ago, when the first boatload of leprosy sufferers arrived—the unwilling founders of what in different times was known as a leper colony, or a leprosarium. Decades after modern medicine neutralized the disease, Kalaupapa is the largest remaining settlement of its victims in the United States.

I’m back visiting for the first time in more than four years, but nearly everyone guesses much less: “How long’s it been? A year? A year and a half?” Time’s passage always feels more uncertain here, more uneven. When I lived in Kalaupapa, I got used to hearing frequent references to patients who had died many decades before, often as if they were still alive. When I was new, and still putting faces to names, I assumed several of them were.

Now I know all too well who’s missing. In a sense, the past four years have been relatively kind to Kalaupapa. During the 12 months I lived here, in 2008 and 2009, we lost nine patients, almost a third of those who remained; since I left, three have died. I heard about them over the phone or by email: Uncle Henry first. Gertrude a year later, on Christmas Eve. Auntie Kay just a few months back. Her things are now boxed up in plywood crates in her side yard, waiting to be shipped to her family on the once-a-year barge.

And someone else is driving Gertrude’s car; someone else is living in her house. No one plays cribbage anymore in the settlement bar, where she used to hold court until the eight o’clock closing time every night. The bar’s owner, a patient named Gloria, tried to ease the transition, rearranging the tables so that no one would have to sit in Gertrude’s old seat. People appreciated the effort, but it was basically futile; her absence was inescapable all the same. These days, with so few patients left, there’s no moving forward after a death in Kalaupapa. There’s really not much moving forward at all.

I used to love to explore the woods outside the settlement, which are filled with evidence of a much bigger town: concrete walkways and front steps that now lead nowhere, glass medicine jars and ceramic doorknobs shining in the mud. Once, a friend and I set out to capture a wild beehive and found our target not far into the forest, inside an overturned, overgrown cast-iron bathtub.

At first I found these discoveries quaint or charming. Like the settlement’s isolation, like its peculiar history, they were half-abstractions, stories to tell when I returned to the outside world. But in time I began to see them as the remaining patients did: relics not just of people they had known, but of a community that had dwindled to just them, and that would not last beyond them. No new patients, and no children, have come in decades; every death is one step closer to the end of Kalaupapa as they have known it.

In a settlement defined by tragedies—parents and children torn apart, years of forced isolation, funeral bells that once rang every day—this is the one that no one expected. The place that no one wanted to create, the place where no one wanted to go, is coming to an end. And even a prison eventually becomes a home, becomes something you mourn.

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“Molokai?” the shuttle driver at the Honolulu airport asked. “Why would you go there? They don’t even have a McDonalds!”

This was true, I knew. Molokai—a 38-mile-long island situated between Oahu and Maui—also had no stoplights, barely a handful of restaurants, and a population holding steady at around 7,400 people. Major roads crossed rivers via fords, not bridges; when the rivers ran high, whole sections of the island would be cut off. The local paper would sometimes quote “Uncle Merv” or “Auntie Paula” without giving a last name. It was known as the last Hawaiian island, one of only two in the archipelago that still had a majority native-Hawaiian population. When I arrived at the open-air airport the next day, a hand-painted sign greeted me: “Aloha,” it read. “Slow Down. This is Molokai.”

And the place I was going made the rest of Molokai look like Manhattan. A year earlier, in 2007, during my final months of college in Virginia, I had discovered an ad for an internship with Kalaupapa National Historical Park, which coadministered an unusual settlement on the Kalaupapa Peninsula, on the north side of Molokai. It was home to 28 leprosy patients—the peninsula’s only permanent legal residents and the last remnants of a 140-year-old community that at its peak had housed more than 1,100 people.

At the time, my friends were applying for consulting jobs in Washington, and when we spoke about our post-graduation plans, I held up the Kalaupapa job as evidence that there were too many interesting opportunities out there, that it would be a shame to settle so soon and so nearby. It was more rhetorical device than plan, though: I never really believed I’d actually end up in Molokai, boarding the little nine-seat Cessna for a seven-minute flight over the edge of the earth.

Residents sometimes explain Molokai’s geography by comparing it to a shark. The southern shore, with its low beaches and shallow reefs, is the belly. Halawa Valley, at its eastern tip, is the nose, and the long beach of Papohaku in the west is the inner curve of the tail. In between are grasslands, farms, and a rainforest cut by deep valleys. Protruding from the island’s north shore—the shark’s dorsal fin—is the Kalaupapa Peninsula.

Looming over the peninsula is a cliff, known to locals as the pali. It formed about 1.5 million years ago, when a landslide sent a third of Molokai crashing into the sea. The break left the island’s north shore a sheer, impassable wall, 3,000 feet high in places—the tallest sea cliffs in the world. Millennia later, the eruption of a small volcano formed a flat peninsula at the base of the cliff. Only incidentally connected to the larger island—“topside” Molokai, as it’s known locally—the peninsula is five square miles of land surrounded on three sides by deep ocean and on the fourth by the chiseled face of the pali. In the winter, storms swell rivers and stir surf, cutting off all ocean access and, periodically, trail and air access as well. The peninsula is an island within an island, a tiny, solitary world of its own.

The plane skimmed briefly over houses and fields, and then the land simply stopped. The earth turned 90 degrees, from flat cow pasture to sheer cliff, and there was nothing below us but crashing waves, thousands of feet down. For a moment, I was afraid that the plane would drop, too, simply fall out of the sky. Instead, we flew along the western coast of a low peninsula, rising subtly to the lip of a deep crater in its center. I registered a forested interior, a jagged, rocky coast on the far side, and, close at hand, a small grid of roads and buildings extending from the beach. We landed on a thin airstrip at the very tip of the peninsula, the plane pulling off the tarmac and parking on the grass in front of a one-room airport and a lighthouse. A few miles to the south, the cliffs we had just crossed faced us, deep green, furrowed, and imposing. Of topside I could see nothing—just a few distant trees at the cliff’s edge. We were sealed in: the tropical-paradise version of a snow globe.

In the 1860s, the peninsula’s unique geography caught the eye of the Hawaiian government. A series of newly introduced diseases—measles, influenza, smallpox, whooping cough—had ravaged the islands, and now leprosy, an even less-understood scourge, had arrived. A chronic bacterial infection, leprosy is rarely fatal, but the disfigurement and pain it causes have long made it one of humanity’s most feared and misunderstood diseases. The bacterium that causes it fares poorly in the body’s warm core, so it primarily attacks hands, feet, faces, eyes, and skin. Numbness and paralysis lead to unnoticed and untreated burns or cuts, and sometimes to infection and amputation. Hands begin to “crab,” or close up, and bones and tissue break down and are absorbed by the body. Victims may lose nasal cartilage, gum tissue and teeth, even eyelashes and eyebrows. Blindness, too, is common.

Terrified Hawaiian officials looked to the peninsula as a natural prison, a place to quarantine sufferers from the general population. The peninsula’s milder western coast, known as Kalaupapa, was already occupied by a native village, so the first boatload of patients who arrived in 1866 were deposited at Kalawao, the barren, windy eastern coast. (By some accounts, early patients were made to swim to shore, so great was the ship captains’ fear of infection.) The patients were dropped off with few provisions and no medicine, and expected to grow their own food in spite of their health and the harsh environment. Ten of the first 12 to arrive died within two years. The peninsula earned dire nicknames: the painful shore, the living grave.

Change came slowly. Help arrived first in the form of family and friends of the condemned, then religious workers, and, much later, government employees. They were known as kokua—“helper” in Hawaiian, but a word that eventually came to refer to anyone who lived in the settlement but wasn’t a patient. The most famous kokua was a young Belgian priest known as Father Damien, who came to minister to the patients in 1873. He helped build not just a church but also a clinic, homes, and a cistern. He made a point of sharing bowls and pipes with patients and counting himself as one of them. “We lepers,” he would write. Damien eventually contracted the disease himself and died 16 years after he arrived in Kalawao. Gandhi later claimed him as an inspiration; in 2009, the Vatican canonized him as a saint.

Gradually, the settlement was relocated to the calmer Kalaupapa side of the peninsula, replacing the village, and the state began to take a more active role in its management. Supplies and care dramatically improved, but dehumanizing treatment continued. Many houses still have wooden boxes on their porches, built there so kokua could leave meals for patients—then called inmates, as those accused of having leprosy were arrested and put on trial—without having to go near them. Fences separated the patient and staff areas of the settlement, and endless rules governed when, where, and how those inflicted with the disease could interact with others. The building where families could visit their incarcerated loved ones had a chain-link fence running down the middle.

Some patients underwent involuntary tests of experimental medicines; some were sterilized. Those who had children were separated from them. Newly arrived patients, even young children, were told that they would never leave Kalaupapa—that they would die there. “This is your last place,” one patient recalled being told.

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I stepped off the little Cessna that first morning, sweaty and conspicuous in the winter clothes and pallor I had carried with me from the mainland. My new boss, Steve, met me in his truck to drive me back to the settlement. My job was to prepare for the mandated closure of the peninsula’s only landfill by setting up composting, recycling, and waste-prevention programs. Everything we couldn’t figure out how to deal with would have to be flown out at high prices or trekked out on the back of a mule. Trash lady, essentially, but like everything here, made much more complicated—and to my mind at the time, more glamorous and exciting—by separation from the outside world.

Living in Kalaupapa, I’d been warned, meant knowing the math and measurement of isolation. One bar, one post office; a care home for the patients, a cafeteria for workers. Bread was delivered by plane from topside on Mondays to the little state-run store in town. Vegetables arrived Wednesday morning and milk on Wednesday afternoon. (Don’t buy too much or people will talk about it, I learned. Don’t be late or you won’t get any.) One barge a year, an occasion that was celebrated like a holiday. It offloaded food, gas, cars, lumber, and other supplies onto the tractor-tire-lined pier that jutted into the bay and left carrying old appliances and junked cars that were finally beyond saving.

Besides the barge and the expensive Cessna flight, the only other reliable way in or out of Kalaupapa was a brutally steep three-mile trail that led to topside Molokai. Its 26 switchbacks zigzagged up the cliff face like a scar, sun-beaten and dusty in the summer and pitted with thick mud in the winter, and always covered in fresh mule shit from the caravan that brought tourists down for the short daily tour of the settlement.

Workers came to know its uneven steps by heart. Many of them made the journey once or twice a week, either to visit their families topside—only employees and full-time volunteers were allowed to stay in the settlement for more than a few days at a time, and children under 16 were prohibited from visiting at all—or to avail themselves of services that were unavailable on the peninsula. (I once gasped my way up the trail with a 102-degree fever after bodysurfing into a rock and contracting a staph infection; as the signs at the top of the trail warn would-be visitors, there are no medical services for non-patients in Kalaupapa.) One mechanic managed to make it all the way down from topside with a motorcycle, carrying rather than riding it around the sharpest turns. A year after I moved away, a bridge near the top of the trail was washed away in a landslide, rendering the settlement inaccessible except by plane for nearly seven months.

Steve took the paved road that led away from the airport along the beach toward the settlement, rumbling over the cattle guards meant to control the goats, boar, and axis deer that had overrun the island. The strip of land between the road and the ocean, I saw, was filled with graves—field after field of them. Headstones were wildly tilted in the sandy soil, some collapsed into rubble piles or reduced to jagged fragments of metal rusting in the salt air. One tomb was held in the embrace of a large tree that had grown around it.

Many of the graves had no headstones at all, just white wooden crosses with names stenciled in black paint. These were clearly among the most recent memorials. The earth beneath them was still heaped up, still decorated with bedraggled stuffed animals and faded plastic flowers, unopened beers with rusty caps. Behind the wheel, Steve caught me gaping. These, he pointed out, weren’t even all the marked graves—there were large and small cemeteries all over the peninsula, some only recently reclaimed from the forest. And the known graves accounted for only a small percentage of what the settlement’s induction numbers suggested must be here.

A few small wooden cottages started to appear along the road, trucks or ATVs parked in their yards. As we pulled into the center of town, Steve pointed out the churches, the administrative offices, the one-pump gas station, and the store that overlooked the curving concrete pier. Homes fanned out from the tiny downtown in a loose grid—one-story cottages on short stilts, most built from the same handful of blueprints.

Steve dropped me off at Bay View Home, a complex of long, pale yellow buildings whose porches looked west over a row of palm trees, Kalaupapa’s shallow bay, and the receding face of the pali. Bay View had once been a dormitory for blind patients but now housed park workers and the occasional volunteer. On my new porch were a couple of wheelchairs, covered in spiderwebs like the rest of the building. There was also an oddly shaped platform that I later learned was a chair for patients to sit on while sores on their feet were treated and dressed. The last patient to live in the complex, I was told, was a man known as Uncle Peter (Auntie and Uncle are terms of respect for the elderly in Hawaii), who had died only a few weeks earlier. I inherited the task of feeding the cats he had left behind—Tom, Blackie, and Hoover—plus a family of mooching mongooses, all of which congregated on the porch of his abandoned building at mealtime.  

Bay View sat near the edge of the settlement, one of the last buildings on the way to the trail. From the center of town it would have been easiest to walk home by cutting through a round, mown field next to the care home than to stick to the more circuitous road. But in the center of the field lay the rubble and twisted metal remnants of a hospital—it had been destroyed in a fire when both of the settlement’s fire trucks malfunctioned at the same time. Remembering the unmarked graves, I stuck to the road and didn’t cut corners. For weeks I wouldn’t walk anywhere that wasn’t paved.

The Hawaiian word for taboo is kapu. Unlike its English counterpart, the term hasn’t had its ominous religious connotations washed away by overuse: It means the kind of disrespectful behavior that can follow you for the rest of your life, and beyond. I didn’t learn the word for weeks or months, but I felt it right away, on my first day in Kalaupapa. I knew enough of the settlement’s history to understand that there were invisible rules governing everything around me, but not enough to know what they were or how to avoid breaking them.

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On Steve’s advice, my first act as a new resident of the settlement was to go to the bar. There were a surprising number of gathering places in town, given the tiny population, most of them holdouts from a time when the patients were younger and more numerous. There was a slowly collapsing pool hall overlooking the water; a stone pavilion the Lions Club had built on a rocky stretch of beach in the 1950s; a dusty social hall that had once hosted movies (the reels carried down from topside by mule), dances, and visiting celebrities such as Shirley Temple and John Wayne. But these were only sporadically used. The bar, I was given to understand, was an institution.

The front of the bar was an open porch, covered by a slanting roof held up by pillars of cinder blocks. A handsaw with the words “Fuesaina Bar” painted on it hung outside. That first day, I found the place packed; a cow in the pasture above the pali had chewed through the settlement’s TV cable. (This, I soon learned, was more or less normal. Kalaupapa’s electricity, phone service, and sad little dribble of an Internet connection would cut out for days and sometimes weeks at a time.) People crowded around a collection of folding tables and chairs set out on the cement floor.

One corner of the porch was protected from the wind by a thin wall, its windows shielded with wooden slats rather than glass. A tiny white-haired woman in dark sunglasses, a visor, and a knitted cardigan pulled over a polyester button-down was sitting with her back to the window, presiding over a game of cribbage. She had a bandage on one leg, which had been amputated at the shin, and an orthopedic walking cast on the other. A pair of crutches leaned against the wall by her chair. Her fingers were almost entirely gone. When it was her turn to shuffle, she spread the cards across the table and stirred them around with an eraser-tipped stick grasped between the nubs of her fingers and her palm before gathering them back up. This, I knew, was Gertrude.

Gertrude drove her gray truck to the bar at four o’clock in the afternoon every day. She never drank, but she was still the place’s best customer, the one whose presence kept things hopping. A few years earlier, she had stopped coming to the bar at night because she could no longer see well enough to drive home in the dark. Without company or a game to count on, other people stopped coming as regularly, just drifted through or got beer to go. Finally, Gertrude’s neighbor, a historical preservationist for the park named Richard, agreed to ride his bike to the bar every night at eight and drive her home in her truck. Cribbage became a nightly ritual and the bar an axis of the settlement’s social life.

The bar had been owned by a number of patients over the years and had operated under a number of names. In the back room was a counter where Gloria Marks, the current owner, leaned over a ledger, tallying items sold. There was an ice cream freezer, a rack of chips and snacks that all seemed to be flavored with li hing mui—a salty dried plum popular in China, Hawaii, and not much of anywhere else—and a refrigerator stocked with Budweiser, Bud Light, Heineken, and mini bottles of cheap wine. There were old photos of Gloria and her husband, Richard Marks, Kalaupapa’s last sheriff, still living then but mostly unable to leave the care home. You could still see his resemblance to the younger man smiling from the cover of a yellowing magazine displayed in the bar.

There were postcards for sale, a whole stack of them featuring a cloud formation that looked vaguely like the face of Father Damien. As in most of Kalaupapa, there were also cats by the dozen, chasing geckos, fighting each other, reclining on the unoccupied chairs. The cats belonged to Gertrude, if the word can be used to describe the naming and regular feeding of otherwise feral animals. There was Crooked Tail, named for obvious reasons, and a thin, mustachioed cat she called Hitler.

Gertrude walked me through the rules of cribbage, banging her shuffling stick on the table when I made mistakes in counting points. When it was my turn to shuffle, I shyly told the table I wasn’t very good at it. “You got hands!” Gertrude cried. She brusquely instructed me in a method simpler than the one I was trying but still out of reach for her. I shut up and shuffled.

Gertrude’s nickname when she was younger was Spitfire. She refused to go to school after seventh grade and would take off to “the backside”—the wild, uninhabited part of the peninsula east of the settlement—on horseback any chance she got. After losing her foot in her thirties, she used her crutches to do things that made the doctors furious, climbing the trail—it was fenced off at the top in those days—and navigating the boulder-strewn beach that led to a deep valley carved into the cliffs. She siphoned gas out of people’s cars and hid it in drums in the woods, for no other reason than to do it. She was angry a lot. Much of her anger had to do with her first two husbands, both of whom, she told me, became abusive. She cursed people out, broke up relationships. She freely owned up to having been a general pain in the ass.

Gertrude told these stories readily, matter-of-factly, not long after we met, before I had seen much of her stubborn side myself. Of all the patients, she was perhaps the most open to new people, the easiest to get to know. Anyone, no matter how temporary their stay in the settlement, was welcome to join her for cards, to call her Auntie and ask her about her life. You’d find out right away if she thought you were being rude or an idiot—rolled eyes, slow head-shaking and muttering as she focused intently on her cards—but you’d get plenty of chances to do better. And once she got to liking you, she’d rib you mercilessly about your cribbage playing, shriek at your comebacks—in the right mood, she especially loved jokes about her disability—and add your little bottles of bad wine to her bar tab. But heaven help you if you failed to show up for cards for a few days.

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Gertrude would often cover her mouth with her hand while she talked, hiding the effects of the disease. She’d sometimes refer to herself as an ugly old lady—though even into her seventies, she was also an enormous flirt. She was convinced that there were rumors around town—I never heard them from anyone but her—about her “going around” with several young male workers in the settlement. When Richard, her neighbor and close friend, then in his fifties, had a fight with his girlfriend, Gertrude asked both of them, “Is it me?”

Gertrude first came to Kalaupapa in the early 1940s, when she was 11 years old. The doctor didn’t tell her she had leprosy—she insisted that she contracted it only after arriving there. Instead, she told me, the doctor said she was going to live with her mother, who had been sent to Kalaupapa some six years earlier, leaving her family behind on Maui. Gertrude had been told only that her mother was sick and in a hospital; she didn’t remember hearing the words “leprosy” or “Kalaupapa.” Her father had remarried, to a woman Gertrude said abused her, including by burning her with a hot iron. She welcomed the move but had little notion of where she was going.

When Gertrude arrived, she met a young woman and embraced her, convinced it was her mother. But Gertrude’s mother was already dead. The woman was a patient named Sarah Benjamin who took it upon herself to mentor the young girls who were sent to the settlement. “I could be your mother,” she told Gertrude.

In Gertrude’s recollection, after a few months in Kalaupapa the doctors decided she wasn’t sick after all and tried to send her home. She was so terrified of returning to her stepmother that she prayed for what she called “the sick.” Eventually, it came. “I started to get lumps all over my face, in my mouth, all over my belly,” she told me. “Lumps that hurt so much. Nobody can touch you. It was so painful.”

She prayed again: “Jesus, I asked you to give me leprosy. But not like this!” And she believed she heard a voice in response: “You asked for it, my child.” From that time on, she said, “I came sick, sick, sick. I was all, they called it, bust up.” For several years, she was frequently bedridden with pain.

At the time, doctors were still treating leprosy sufferers by injecting them with oil extracted from the seeds of the chaulmoogra tree, a remedy for skin conditions used for centuries in Asia. The injections were painful but arguably a lesser evil than the nausea-inducing practice of taking the oil orally; one doctor wrote in his autobiography that more than one patient told him they’d rather have leprosy.

In 1941, however, doctors at a leprosarium in Louisiana discovered that a recently synthesized drug called Promin could actually cure the disease. Promin required frequent, painful injections, but its advent marked the beginning of leprosy’s gradual retreat from the fearsome place it had occupied in the popular imagination since biblical times. In the 1950s, a pill treatment became available, and by the 1970s drug trials were under way for the treatment still used today, a multidrug regimen that can cure leprosy on an outpatient basis. Today, those who begin taking medication early in the disease’s onset may not experience any noticeable effects at all, and even longtime sufferers can avoid passing it on.

But for those who came to the settlement before the arrival of effective drugs, it was a wringer. Patients who had arrived as children would later describe their terror upon first seeing the settlement’s residents, their faces and extremities ravaged by the same disease they had contracted. I once asked Gertrude what was the biggest change she’d seen the settlement undergo in her years there. “The patients,” she said. “They look more clean.”

After the medicine arrived, it took years before state authorities were convinced that it was safe to shut down the quarantine and allow the settlement’s residents to return to the world that had expelled them. When they did, they considered closing Kalaupapa altogether. But there was the population of current patients to consider—many of them were disfigured or disabled and unused to the outside world, where the stigma attached to their disease had not been erased by its cure. So in 1969, the state decided that patients could choose to leave or to stay—to live out their lives in the only home many had known since childhood, protected from prying eyes and supported by the state, free to travel as they wished. Embracing the isolation that had once been imposed on them, hundreds stayed. But no one new would come.

And so Kalaupapa became a place frozen in time. The community continued to exist, but it could not grow, only slowly erode away. Support staff came and went, and life went on as it does in many small towns, with gossip and grudges and parties and romance. But year by year, the population of patients—to whose lives Kalaupapa’s current reality is unyieldingly tied—grew older and ever smaller.

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Most of my Kalaupapa days began in the predawn darkness in a dank cement building that had once been the settlement’s police station and now housed the maintenance department. (My office had been a holding cell.) I’d gather with the rest of the maintenance staff—a plumber, a carpenter, groundskeepers, a mason, a couple of electricians—for a morning meeting, then spend my day trying to figure out the logistics of getting rid of the settlement’s waste or keeping it from accumulating in the first place. I drove a trash trailer around town, sorted cans and baled cardboard. You learn a lot about a place from its trash—for example, that there’s no isolation Internet shopping can’t breach.

Many patients, I discovered, were generally suspicious of the recycling and composting programs—they would have been an even tougher sell if not for the imminent closure of the landfill—and of newcomers in general. They found it hard to keep up with the revolving door of temporary workers, making friends only to have them leave; some had lodged complaints with administrators to ask for less-frequent turnover. I set out to prove that I was serious about being a part of the settlement community, helping plan dinners and parties and an Easter coconut hunt, showing up regularly for cribbage and craft nights and the recently instituted volleyball games. I joined a group that cleaned out the old social hall, scrubbing the ancient movie screen until decades of grime ran off in thick brown drips. The old system of mule-delivered reels was easily replaced with an LED projector and a Netflix subscription, and suddenly we had the only active movie theater on the entire island.

And I started going to church. I wasn’t religious; I went at first simply to meet people I hadn’t yet encountered. But when a church’s entire congregation consists of seven people, attendance can’t politely be a one-time thing.

Kalaupapa had two active congregations, one Catholic and one Protestant. The Catholic church, St. Francis, had the more robust membership—perhaps not surprising for a place whose most famous former residents are a priest and a nun. (Both Father Damien and Mother Marianne, a nun from Syracuse, New York, who ran a hospital for leprosy patients in Honolulu before coming to Kalaupapa in 1888, were sainted in the years after I left.) Unlike the Protestant church, it also had a full-time clergyman, a tiny Belgian octogenarian priest named Father Felix.

But I was raised Presbyterian and never quite figured out when to stand or kneel during Mass, so that first Sunday morning I joined the handful of congregants at Kanaana Hou, a yellow building whose churchyard was ringed with a stone wall and overgrown bougainvillea. We gathered on the church stoop a few minutes before eight, facing the hale kahu, or minister’s house, which had stood empty for years. Once every few months, a visiting minister would come to preach at Kanaana Hou, but usually it was up to the congregants to run things. This meant that services were short, simple, and often personal—and that I found myself in the unexpected situation of really liking church.

When everyone was gathered, someone pulled the rope to ring the heavy bell in the steeple. We entered together, singing along as a park worker named Richard—the man who drove Gertrude home from the bar each night—played “When the Saints Go Marching In” on his recorder. Church Cat, a sleek, orange fellow who looked decidedly less inbred than most of his settlement peers, waited for us inside, stretching in the sunlight in the center aisle.

That week it was up to Pali, an 81-year-old patient and the church’s de facto deacon, to lead the service. He’d outsourced some songs and readings to other attendants in advance. Other songs he chose on the fly from the church’s English and Hawaiian hymnals, challenging Richard to accompany us or strumming and drumming along himself—he was missing fingers on his right hand—on his perpetually out-of-tune guitar.

Pali, short for Edwin Lelepali, was the life force of the church. Born in Honolulu, he’d been diagnosed with leprosy at ten and sent to Kalihi Hospital on Oahu. He was transferred to Kalaupapa shortly after the Pearl Harbor bombing, sent in a cattle boat along with a large group of mostly child patients to join the settlement’s more than 400 residents; the state figured Kalaupapa would be safer. Like the other patients, he’d been sent there against his will, but when his father visited a few years later, he told him that he’d fallen in love with the place. Instead of the crowded streets of Honolulu, there was hunting, fishing, camping, and the Boy Scouts. He wouldn’t go back to Honolulu if he could.

Years later, Pali helped lay the pipeline that carried water to the settlement from a nearby valley. You could occasionally find his name scratched in sidewalks, floors, or other cement-pouring projects he’d helped with. By the time I met him, he’d buried two wives and countless friends in the graveyard by the beach. He also buried a series of dogs beneath a row of elegant headstones. “Akamai: The Best Watch Dog and Loved,” read one of them. At Kanaana Hou, he oversaw the offerings, the annual bingo game, and the meals after funerals.

When it came time for the sermon, Pali stood up, put his hands in his pockets, and spoke briefly and obliquely about struggling with temptation. We closed, as the congregation always did, by singing the first verse of “Blest Be the Tie that Binds,” the same hymn that punctuates Thornton Wilder’s Our Town:

Blest be the tie that binds

Our hearts in Christian love.

The fellowship of kindred minds

Is like to that above.

After the service, Pali stopped me. “You’ll be here next week, yeah?” he asked. The next week, he asked the same thing. A few weeks later, he told me that the following Sunday it would be my turn to lead the service.

That week was the end of April, which meant that we left Kanaana Hou as the congregation always did on the last Sunday of each month, driving across the peninsula to hold an unusually solemn service inside Siloama, the church’s predecessor from the days when the settlement was on the Kalawao side. The congregation was formed in 1866, the same year the first patients arrived, and the church building dedicated five years later. The building—a white one-room chapel with a narrow steeple that stood out against the dark green cliffs—had been rebuilt or restored more than once, but it was a reminder that our current congregation was the latest, and perhaps the last, in a direct line that began with some of the first patients to be sent there. There were large tombs in the churchyard, a thick Hawaiian-language Bible on the altar, and an outhouse with the “patient” and “kokua” signs left intact from the days of strict segregation. On the wall behind the altar was a plaque, installed in the 1950s by another Kanaana Hou congregation. It read:

THRUST OUT BY MANKIND

THESE 12 WOMEN AND 23 MEN

CRYING ALOUD TO GOD

THEIR ONLY REFUGE

FORMED A CHURCH

THE FIRST IN THE DESOLATION

THAT WAS KALAWAO.

One Sunday morning that spring, a tiny dark-haired woman in glasses, a visor, and a colorful muumuu got up to speak. Catherine Puahala was one of Kanaana Hou’s most dedicated congregants, but she had lately been sick and unable to attend church; she now stood with the help of a kokua from the care home. Catherine was 81. She couldn’t keep on weight and was always cold; she spoke that morning about how delicious the warmer air felt, how glad she was not to have to wear a sweater, how blessed we all were that God made the world so good. Other days in church, she spoke passionately about her neighbors abusing their dogs. They weren’t—she’d begun to hallucinate the howls of animals at night and was tortured by them.

Like Pali, Catherine had lived in Kalaupapa since just after Pearl Harbor. She’d had a happy marriage to a man named Jubilee, one of the long-deceased patients I’d at first assumed was still alive, so often did I hear people talk about him. I saw her mostly at church or at community parties, often dressed in bright colors, a visor pulled low over her face, her arm almost always intertwined with someone else’s. Once, someone asked if she and a pretty young nurse were sisters. “Different mothers!” Catherine quipped.

Earlier in life, Catherine had worked with leprosy-patient advocacy groups both on and off the island. The disease had not been kind to her hands, face, or vision; of all the patients I knew, she had perhaps the most noticeable physical damage. Her smile might not have been recognizably happy to people who didn’t know her, but you could hear it when she spoke. Her voice was somehow both slurred and precise, her enunciation exaggerated to make up for the effects of tissue damage and numbness. But the kindness and happiness that suffused her words were audible—the real version of what actors in commercial voice-overs strive for. We called her Catherine the Great.

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For decades, there was no firm plan for what would happen to Kalaupapa once the last patient was gone. The National Park Service, which started operating on the peninsula in 1980, at the behest of patients who wanted the settlement’s history preserved, began formally drafting one only in 2009. Crafting the plan required striking a delicate balance: preserving the peninsula’s historical seclusion and sacred status while gradually opening it up to the outside world.

Kalaupapa and its residents had been a source of international fascination for the better part of a century—largely on account of Father Damien, whose story was the subject of books and films as early as the 1930s. As the process of canonizing Damien and Sister Marianne advanced in Rome, reporters and miracle seekers alike began to make pilgrimages to Kalaupapa. Over the course of a few decades, the settlement’s patients went from having their outgoing mail fumigated to receiving audiences with Pope John Paul II.

Ever since the patients of Kalaupapa had begun determining their own future in the late 1960s, however, they had carefully guarded their privacy. Many of the modern rules that keep Kalaupapa so isolated—the ban on children, the limits on outside visitors, even the prohibition against surfing (for fear that if residents could surf, outsiders would be tempted to sneak down the trail) had come not from administrators but from the patients themselves. Now the residents of the changeless town found themselves asked to face—and weigh in on—the imminent end of their world. Many simply wished that it would not end, that nothing would change. No development or commercialization, no hotels or camping. Many of them opposed the idea of unescorted visitors, or of visitors staying overnight; a few wanted to maintain the ban on children.

But the end was coming in any case. One of my Bay View Home neighbors was a park employee named JJ, whose job was to tag and organize items that would one day be displayed in a Kalaupapa museum—likely after the patients were gone and more visitors allowed to come. He was cataloging aloha shirts and orthopedic shoes, rosaries and photographs and wheelchairs, musical instruments and specialized tools designed by patients to make everyday tasks easier: opening a soda can, holding a spoon, turning a key, cutting with scissors. Eventually, the curatorial project claimed the foot-dressing chair from the Bay View porch, the one we used to sit on to watch the sunset. It was strange to see it years later, tagged, filed, and de-spidered in a temperature-controlled room filled with furniture and shelves of old prostheses, one of them with a shoe and sock still on it.

Inside a gray curatorial cabinet in another room, beneath a piece of protective white muslin, hung an old Kalaupapa Lions Club T-shirt that I was pretty sure was identical to ones still being worn around the settlement. On a low shelf, I noticed a cinder block that a resident had used to keep a car’s broken hood from flying open—it was painted with a dancing cartoon dog and the words “Hold Down Da Hood.” It reminded me of a smooth, round rock I used to pass on my way to the trail, painted with the slogan “Smile—It no broke your face!” I’d always loved the rock—when I went back to the mainland, I kept a photo of it by my desk—but now its paint had chipped away to illegibility. How, I wondered, do you decide what to preserve and what to let deteriorate? How do you decide when an object has finished its active life and is ready for a museum?

It’s an odd thing to preserve history as it’s still being lived, and surely odder to be a living, breathing character in that history. Early on, I’d expected the patients to be eager to share their stories of the past, their opinions about the way they’d been treated. But they often preferred the small-town gossip of the present, what we called the coconut wireless: who was annoyed with whom, who was getting hired or fired, who drank too much at a party, whether the grass was being mowed often enough, whose visitors caught too many fish.

The community meetings that were held monthly by the Patient Advisory Council, the park superintendent, and administrators from the state Department of Health tended to run toward similar matters. Once we spent at least ten minutes gravely discussing eggs: Why did the store run out last week, and what could we do to keep that from happening again? We spent another 15 minutes debating which dogs were well behaved, which were in heat, and which should probably be kept on leashes. One week administrators sent around an official memo reminding everyone not to park their car in the middle of the street just because they’d run into someone they wanted to talk to.


One day in July, Auntie Catherine the Great announced that she didn’t think she’d be making it until Christmas that year. To the rest of us, her health seemed no worse than usual, but she was adamant. Christmas was her favorite holiday, and she wanted to have one more. So one sunny summer day, a group of patients and kokua gathered at her house to eat a Christmas feast of turkey, dressing, and cranberry sauce. We hung twinkling lights, and a worker dressed as Santa. Catherine grinned as we sang our way through her favorite carols.

A week later, Catherine died after being medevaced to a hospital in Honolulu. Jennifer, a park employee who was a close friend of Catherine’s, came to the Bay View kitchen, where I was on my lunch break, to deliver the news, then hurried out to start prepping programs for the funeral. Catherine would be flown back to Kalaupapa for burial.

The tropical weather and the absence of a morgue meant that there was usually little time for mourning before everyone had swung into action, dropping the day’s work for the familiar tasks that follow a death. Maintenance workers took the old backhoe out to the field by the beach and dug a grave in a pre-chosen spot. They assembled the simple, wooden coffin from a supply that administrators had ordered long before. Nurses dressed the deceased in the outfit that, while living, he or she picked out, packed in a bag, and stored in preparation: burying clothes. They applied makeup, maybe placed a favorite stuffed animal in the coffin. In death as in life, Kalaupapa residents often wore sunglasses, to cover drooping eyelids.

When Catherine died, it was my job to make plumeria leis to drape over her coffin and pick bougainvillea to pass around in bags at the graveside, so that everyone could toss a flower before the sandy dirt was shoveled back in. As I left the Bay View building to pick flowers, I found Jennifer still on the porch, sobbing. The porch was being repainted, and one of the maintenance guys had left a radio on. It was playing a song by Sarah McLachlan that Catherine used to ask Jennifer to play over and over on her ukulele.

I’d worn black to my first funeral in Kalaupapa—for a patient named Elaine, who’d once owned the bar and who chose to be buried in a sequined dress—and stood out ridiculously in the sea of aloha shirts. The next time I was out of the settlement I bought my own, knowing that there would be more occasions to wear it. By the time I left the next spring, seven more patients would die; Catherine was the first of them I was close to. It was shocking to see her in Kanaana Hou, the place where I’d known her best, lying in an open coffin and somehow looking nothing like herself. We sang “Blest Be the Tie that Binds,” the same hymn we sang at the end of church services every Sunday, but this time we sang the later verses, too:

We share each other’s woes,

Our mutual burdens bear.

And often for each other flows

The sympathizing tear.

When we are called to part

It gives us inward pain

But we shall still be joined in heart

And hope to meet again.

Electric drills emerged to screw the lid onto the coffin. Men hoisted it into the settlement ambulance, a hand-me-down from another island still labeled “Johnson Atoll.” Everyone headed out to the cemetery by the beach, where the backhoe stood ready to scoop the dirt back into its place: a grave in front of Catherine’s husband, Jubilee.

We were engrossed in the graveside service when one of the settlement’s fire trucks rolled up. Without asking anyone else’s permission, Kalawaia, a park carpenter, had decided to borrow it to pay tribute. He sent an arc of water over the grave toward the ocean. The sun turned it into rainbows.

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Gertrude hated going to the care home to get the dressings changed on the end of her leg and her remaining foot. But the disease had left her with little feeling in her extremities, so she didn’t notice when her foot became infected late that summer, straining against her bandages. By the time anyone discovered what had happened, her whole lower leg had turned black.

She was sent to the hospital in Honolulu, where doctors wanted to amputate. Losing one foot, however, had been quite enough for her. “You send me back!” she told the doctor once she found out the plan. He warned her that she was likely to die. “Well,” she said, “if I die, I die in my house, and in my place, where I love. That’s alright with me.”

Back at the settlement, Gertrude treated herself with a plant she called “Hawaiian medicine,” the precise nature of which she kept a secret from everyone but the settlement cook she trusted to gather it for her. Amazingly, her leg got better. While it healed, she stayed away from the bar—she couldn’t use her crutches and hated to be seen in a wheelchair. Instead, I’d visit her little green-trimmed house in the afternoons. We’d look at old pictures and watch TV, and I’d help her cut up steak and open cans of food for her cats. Without the distraction of cribbage, she was free to talk, and I took the chance to ask her about some of the things the patients rarely seemed to want to discuss.

Not long before, a state senator had come to the peninsula to deliver a resolution passed by the legislature, 142 years after the first patients came to Kalaupapa: a formal apology for the way they had been treated. The resolution recognized the patients and their families “for their sacrifices, for thinking more of the public than of themselves, for giving up freedom and opportunities the rest of society takes for granted, for rebuilding their lives with pride and dignity, for overcoming prejudice and discrimination, and for consistently reaching out to others in need.”

I asked Gertrude what she thought of the resolution. She said she didn’t need an apology—if patients hadn’t been quarantined, she said, “people like you folks that don’t have the sick” would have gotten it. I considered debating this point with her. In fact, when the Hawaiian government decided to exile leprosy sufferers to Kalaupapa, the risk was lower than anyone knew: Leprosy is far less contagious than was once believed, and an estimated 95 percent of people are genetically immune (though the percentage is lower among native Hawaiians and some other ethnic groups). But I didn’t. Instead, I asked Gertrude about the part of the apology that said the people of Kalaupapa had “been remarkably resilient and have responded to their situations with kindness, generosity, and forgiveness rather than anger, bitterness, and despair.” This seemed like a pretty good summary of what I found most impressive about the patients, I said. Gertrude replied that the legislators must not have talked to the bitter ones.

To explain her own lack of bitterness, Gertrude would often talk about her third husband. When Gertrude’s second husband was dying, he asked his cousin Barney to look out for her. Before long, Barney asked Gertrude to marry him. She said no; he wasn’t a patient, and she couldn’t believe he could really want her. But he kept asking, over and over again, for more than 15 years. In 1995, at age 63, she relented. “He didn’t wait even a few minutes,” Gertrude told me. “He just went to the priest and told him he’s going to marry me.” They were married in Father Damien’s church in Kalawao. Barney taught her not to be ashamed of how she looked, to have patience with those who stared on their visits to the mainland. Most of all, she said, he was kind to her and taught her to be kinder to other people. Though he’d been dead for years, she still credited him with her wide circle of friends, the joy of her current life.

There was a big turnout for Gertrude’s first night back at the bar. Good news is so rare in the settlement that it demands celebration, and we’d all been worried about how the crumbling edifice of Kalaupapa would withstand a Gertrude-sized hole.


It was around this time that I decided to extend my time in Kalaupapa. My initial contract was up after six months, and I’d been unsure of how much longer I should stay. Some of the kokua I knew had come for short contracts and ended up living there for decades, becoming passionate experts in the minutiae of Kalaupapa history. Although I loved our little community, I was also 23 years old, and I felt the horizon getting stiflingly close. But Gertrude’s near miss had reminded me how fragile the Kalaupapa I knew was. I couldn’t leave and expect to find it again.

Adding another six months meant time to get the recycling program up and running, to go hunting with my fellow maintenance workers and learn how to butcher wild boars, to watch the winter bring waves that turned beaches from sand to rock, winds that stripped stop signs from their posts, and rain that turned the pali into a series of gushing waterfalls. It meant more parties and more funerals. Gloria’s husband, Richard, the former sheriff, died in December. In February, Kuulei Bell, a patient and Kalaupapa’s former postmistress, who’d once hung a lei around Pope John Paul II’s neck despite being instructed to hand it to an aide, passed away in a Honolulu hospital. We learned of her death at church on a Sunday. Pali, as I’d often heard him do, began counting the remaining patients—who was in Kalaupapa and who was in the hospital, who might be the next to go. That was the same day I’d told him I’d be leaving the settlement in a month’s time. I squirmed with the guilt of being the latest person to leave him behind.

In my last few weeks, I hiked to the deep lake inside the crater at the center of the peninsula—a trip I had saved, thinking that leaving something unseen would make the insular peninsula seem bigger than it was. I let the little shrimp that live in the water nibble my toes, thinking of the patients’ tales of diving in the lake in their younger days. When I left, I told everyone I’d be back—probably the next winter, I said. I told Gertrude that I’d see her again soon.

But once I was gone from Kalaupapa, time started speeding up again. Soon nearly two years had passed. Then one gray winter day, I received a phone call.

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Gertrude died on Christmas Eve in a Honolulu hospital, not in her home after all. But she would be buried in Kalaupapa. She had been adamant that she didn’t want a funeral, and my friends who went told me it was a strange, spare graveside vigil. People started telling stories about Gertrude, until a kokua interrupted: This wasn’t what Gertrude wanted, she said. So people dispersed. I’m sure some of them ended up back at the bar, sure that it seemed empty and wrong without her.

It was a common observation that kokua were the ones who cried at funerals. Patients tended to be more stoic—they’d been to so many. In the 1940s, Gertrude used to say, there were sometimes two or three a day; she went to every one. I once asked her how she felt about the eventual end of the patient community in Kalaupapa, the end of the world in which she had lived nearly her entire life. She told me she couldn’t imagine Kalaupapa without the patients. “If God gon’ bless me to live yet, in those years,” she said quietly, “it’s going to be very sad for me.”

I didn’t manage to visit Kalaupapa again until last summer, more than two years after Gertrude’s death. Seventeen patients were still living then, but only eight of them were in Kalaupapa. The rest were mostly in the hospital; Norbert Palea, the youngest at age 72, was in prison for smuggling methamphetamine back to Kalaupapa after going to Honolulu for medical treatment. Kanaana Hou’s regular congregation was down to four people. Richard had become an official registered member—concerned that the church that had been started in 1866 would end with her and Pali, Auntie Kay, another dedicated patient member, had asked him to join before she died.

Pali was still running things, though somewhat less ebulliently than I remembered, and still counting patients. “You think they’d keep this place open for just one?” he asked one day as we went riding to the airport in his truck. He’d been repeatedly assured that Kalaupapa could be his home as long as he lived, but lately he’d been asking this question. He was still refereeing volleyball games on Wednesdays and Saturdays. People had started to call the game Paliball, and I heard a kokua compare it to cribbage and Gertrude: It was hard to imagine it continuing without him.

There was a new effort under way to sterilize the cats, and while you still saw them sleeping most everywhere, including all over the warm, silent streets after dark, they were noticeably fewer and even seemed less mangy. High-speed Internet had finally arrived in Kalaupapa, via a very long cable that snaked over the cliff and down along the trail. The bar was quieter at night than I remembered it.

Late one night, a group of young workers played video games on the big screen in the social hall. There was music blasting and a cooler of beer right next to an interpretive exhibit about Mother Marianne. “It used to be so raucous down here, I don’t think the patients would mind at all,” one woman said. “I think they’d be glad somebody’s still having a good time.”

One day I hitched a ride to the airport and walked back to town through the graveyards along the beach. Nearly five years after Catherine’s funeral, the sand was still heaped up on her grave. The name on her wooden cross was faded and partially obscured by dozens of leis made of beads, yarn, and fake flowers; unopened Heineken bottles sat at its base. Nearby I found the new graves of Auntie Kay and Uncle Henry.

On the edge of the beach, in an area where I had never attended a funeral, I found Gertrude’s grave, surrounded by its own little rock wall. Her cross, too, was piled with leis, and a forest of plastic flowers populated by ceramic figurines and seashells crowded around it. The cribbage board we used to keep score was sticking halfway out of the sand, its bright paint worn away to bare gray wood.

I didn’t think I’d cry, but the wholly expected shock of finding a cross with Gertrude underneath it overwhelmed me, and I did. I sat for a while and watched the waves, the ironwood trees swaying in the trade winds, the afternoon light on the pali. It hadn’t occurred to me to bring anything to put on the graves, and now I was sorry.

The graveyard was nicer than it used to be: Richard had found some money to repair the headstones that had fallen over or been split apart by rusting metal. As usual, the beach by the graveyard was empty of people, though a few monk seal pups had hauled out on the sand—a highly endangered species enjoying a recent renaissance, taking up residence on the quiet beaches of Kalaupapa. Watching them reminded me of my first hike up the trail to the top of the pali. From high up the cliffside, I watched a humpback whale float, still, on the surface of the bay. After a time, she began to thrash about so violently, she disappeared in the roiling water. Then something that looked from a distance like a small gray bullet shot out of the waves: a whale calf taking its first breaths.

My last morning in the settlement, I went around hugging people and promising, once again, to be back soon. Finally, I put on my pack and headed for the trail. There’s an overlook at the top, just before it cuts away from the pali and toward the topside road. The view of the peninsula from there is a common image on postcards and in books and brochures about Kalaupapa. In person, though, you can see the movement: a truck headed to the salt pools on the lava cliffs north of Kalawao, a tiny, unidentifiable person walking on the black sand beach. I tried to guess by the location and color of the cars who was home, who was visiting the store, who was taking their dogs out for a ride in the pickup truck. I needed to get going, but I kept turning back for one more look.

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Murder on the Mekong

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Murder on the Mekong

A reporter travels to the scene of a crime that transfixed East Asia and finds a tale of adventure, deception, and political intrigue.

By Jeff Howe

The Atavist Magazine, No. 30


Jeff Howe is a contributing editor at Wired, a journalism professor at Northeastern University, and a visiting scholar at the MIT Media Lab. He coined the term “crowdsourcing,” and wrote the book Crowdsourcing: How the Power of the Crowd is Driving the Future of Business. He is currently working on another book, The Principles: Stories in the Age of the Great Disruption.

Reporting supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

Editor: Charles Homans
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producers: Olivia Koski, Gray Beltran
Web Design: Alex Fringes
Photography: Gary Knight/VII
Audio Production: Michael May
Research and Production: Megan Detrie, Kelsey Kudak
Additional Reporting: Chongpu Zhang
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper


Published in October 2013. Design updated in 2021.

“No one has ever seen Naw Kham. He travels around, and if something bad happens, people say, ‘Oh, it’s Naw Kham. This is his fault.’

Marine Police Colonel Phoppakorn Khumcharoensuk

One

In the Golden Triangle, knowing things is usually more dangerous than not knowing them; it’s better to be ignorant than complicit, and it’s better to be complicit than dead. So Bon Tae stayed put after the gunfire awakened him from his nap on the cot in the break room at Thai Kitchen, a restaurant on the outskirts of the northern Thailand river port of Chiang Saen. He counted the shots: one, two, three, four. There were screams and the sound of boat motors. Then more shots—eight in all. Then silence.

Thai Kitchen’s bamboo and teak patio looked out over the west bank of the Mekong River. On the other side of the muddy water was Laos; Burma—officially the Republic of the Union of Myanmar—lay two miles upriver, where the Ruak River tumbled down out of the thick-jungled hill country to meet the Mekong. The confluence of the three countries and the two rivers is at the center of some of the most isolated and forbidding terrain in Southeast Asia. Known as the Golden Triangle, its topographical and cultural fragmentation has served the world’s black markets well. Until the U.S.–led invasion of Afghanistan scrambled the geography of the opiate trade, the Golden Triangle was the world’s leading source of heroin, and it is still the primary source of amphetamines consumed in East and Southeast Asia. Still, it is a place where violence usually hides in the shadows, more often threatened or rumored than witnessed. It was unusual to actually hear the shots.

Only when it was time for his shift busing tables did Bon Tae leave the break room. From the restaurant’s patio, he could see two Chinese barges docked several hundred yards upstream. They would have been indistinguishable from the other 200-ton vessels that worked the route between China and Thailand, except that these barges were surrounded by uniformed men carrying machine guns. They were members of an elite Royal Thai Army drug-interdiction task force; they were the first to arrive on the scene and had cordoned off the two vessels, keeping even local police away. What exactly had happened on the barges wasn’t clear. The scuttlebutt around the restaurant was that the Chinese sailors had done something illegal and had been arrested for an unspecified crime. The restaurant staff went back to work, and the diners returned to their meals.

At 9:30 a.m. the next day, October 6, 2011, a spokesman for the army task force—known as the Pha Muang, after a fierce Thai warrior king—held a press conference. Wearing a black uniform and a beret, he presented for the cameras a cache of nearly one million tablets of an illegal drug known as yaba, a blend of methamphetamine and caffeine popular in Asia.

The spokesman said that at 6 a.m. the previous day, the Pha Muang had received a tip that a major drug shipment would be transported across the Burmese-Thai border. The Pha Muang stationed themselves downriver from the border and waited in two speedboats. At 11:30 a.m., the task force intercepted two barges, the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8. As the Pha Muang approached, they came under heavy fire and returned it with their high-powered assault weapons. The gunmen abandoned the barges, boarded speedboats, and fled upriver—or, rather, all but one of the gunmen did. When the task force boarded the Hua Ping, they discovered a man’s body in the wheelhouse. A photo taken later that day shows him slumped headfirst over a Kalashnikov, blood pooling under his body.

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The Golden Triangle

When they searched the Yu Xing 8, the Pha Muang spokesperson said, the commandos discovered 400,000 pink pills wrapped in brown waxed paper and packed tightly into 65 bricks, in a cardboard box lying out in the open near the rest of the cargo. The pills had the letters “WY” printed on them, denoting a popular brand of yaba. An inspection of the Hua Ping yielded an additional 520,000 similar pills.

The Pha Muang, one of the force’s officers would later tell reporters, believed that the drugs had been sent downriver by the United Wa State Army—one of the numerous groups in the Golden Triangle that occupy the blurry middle ground between paramilitary force and drug-trafficking syndicate. The WY imprint was commonly associated with the Wa State Army; the group, according to the officer, was believed to be shipping the pills to a casino on the other side of the river.

The task force’s take had a street value of $6 million, and it made for an impressive photo op. But the Thais intercept dozens of drug shipments crossing their borders every year, and aside from the oddity of a shootout in broad daylight, the skirmish with the barges didn’t seem too out of the ordinary. Then, around noon the following day—October 7, two days after the firefight—the crew of a ship docked at the wharf in Chiang Saen saw something in the water. It was a body, bobbing amid the dirty chunks of Styrofoam and other trash collected at the edge of the wharf. The man was dressed in a T-shirt and black pants. He was missing part of his head.

Two

Three hours later, another body washed ashore just upriver from where the first had been spotted. The next morning, when Bon Tae arrived at his job at Thai Kitchen, he found his coworkers crowded along the reeds at the water’s edge. Hopping from one dry patch to another, he made his way down to the river to see what they were looking at. It was a third body, lodged amid the matted vegetation, facedown. Over the course of the day, another eight corpses were spotted along the Mekong. A few of them had managed to drift several miles from where the Pha Muang had boarded the barges. Others bobbed right into Chiang Saen’s harbor, where deckhands gathered to smoke cigarettes and play mah-jongg.

By Sunday morning, a row of corpses lined the wharf in Chiang Saen. All of them would soon be identified as members of the crews of the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8; all of them were Chinese nationals. The oldest was 52 years old. The youngest was 18. With the exception of two women, they were all men. All had been shot, but there were other injuries as well. One crewman had cuts on his body. Another had a broken wrist. One of the two women had a broken neck, capable, an autopsy reported, “of full rotation.” Some had been shot in the head at very close range. Others had been sprayed with machine-gun fire. Most of them were bound and gagged, with heavy tape over their eyes. None of them looked like casualties of a firefight. They had been executed.

News of the killings spread quickly through the tight-knit network of Chinese sailors who worked on the Mekong. Since Deng Xiaoping began encouraging foreign trade in the late 1980s, a bustling traffic in agricultural and manufactured goods had sprung up between China and its downstream neighbors. Some 400,000 tons of legitimate goods now make their way down the river as far as Chiang Saen every year, nearly all of it aboard one of the 116 barges operated out of Guanlei, a little port town in Yunnan Province. The thousand or so sailors who crew the barges come from little mountain villages across southwestern China, and many of them are the second generation in their family to work the Mekong. A crewman will make about $300 a month, roughly double a rural family’s average income.

The first photos hit the Internet over the weekend: the dead, limbs distended, facedown in the muddy river. Worse still were the shots of the bodies splayed on autopsy tables, ragged wounds visible under their clothes. Contrary to belief outside the country, dissent is widespread in China, at least on social media; such channels offer a far more honest gauge of popular sentiment than any public-opinion poll, and government officials monitor it closely. “I really hope President Hu will also see it too and that the Heavenly Kingdom will get justice for its people,” wrote one Internet forum commenter. “They died so tragically,” wrote another. “Government, just when are you going to get justice for our dead compatriots?!” The killings were the lastest in a series of attacks against Chinese in the Golden Triangle, where anti-Chinese resentment had been building as locals watched the country come to dominate the Mekong river trade.

“10/5,” as it came to be known in China—like 9/11, it was a date that needed no further explanation—was one of the largest massacres of Chinese civilians outside the country’s borders since World War II, and it demanded a response. Beijing ordered its Thailand-based consular officials to decamp to Chiang Saen and monitor the situation in person. Prime Minister Wen Jiabao contacted his counterparts in Thailand and Burma to urge “complete cooperation” from their governments. A delegation headed by China’s top cop, Vice Minister of Public Security Zhang Xinfeng, went to Bangkok to lean on the Thai police to move quickly. In the meantime, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned the Thai chargé d’affaires in Beijing to urge on the investigation. “The Chinese government values the life and safety of every Chinese citizen,” Vice Foreign Minister Song Tao said, “and demands a thorough probe of what happened, and that the murderers be brought to justice.” China, Jiabao’s government made clear, would not be afraid to flex its muscles over the case.

China officially suspended all traffic to and from its ports, and sent a patrol ship to escort the country’s merchant fleet back upriver. The drumbeat for punitive retaliation, meanwhile, was growing in China. “The brutal killing of Chinese sailors on the Mekong River reminds us of the urgency of stepping up security measures in an area plagued by drug trafficking and cross-border crime,” the newspaper China Daily wrote in an editorial.

The Pha Muang’s initial explanation of the incident was now under considerable scrutiny. Who had killed the barge crews, and why had they been blindfolded? Were Chinese merchant marines smuggling drugs, or had someone hidden the bags of pills among the apples and garlic? And why would the smugglers leave behind $6 million worth of drugs when they fled?

By October 10, five days after the incident, the Thais seemed to have a new answer. That morning, an array of officials from the army, the national police force, and the local cops now milling around Chiang Saen all told reporters the same story. The prime suspect, they said, was now a notorious drug runner named Naw Kham, the “freshwater pirate” of the Mekong River. “Investigators suspect,” local police chief Seramsak Seesan told the Chinese state news service Xinhua, “that the Shan drug lord Naw Kham was behind these killings.”

Three

Although Naw Kham’s name was familiar to anyone living along the Mekong, there were only two known photographs of him. The more prominent of them, which Interpol had circulated for years, was a blurry snapshot from the early 1990s, around the time that Naw Kham emerged as one of the leading drug traffickers in the Golden Triangle.

Naw Kham was born in 1969 in Lashio, a sleepy city in Burma’s Shan State, the restive province directly north of the Golden Triangle. The state is named after its dominant ethnic group, of which Naw Kham was a member. The Shan people are believed to have migrated out of the Yunnan region of China sometime in the 10th century; their descendants founded kingdoms in modern-day India, Thailand, Laos, western China, and Burma. The word Thailand is itself derived from Tai, another name for the Shan, and the Shan language can still be heard as far north as the Himalayas and as far south as Vietnam. The Shan people have always been known for their fierce independence—nowhere more so than in Burma, where Shan State, closer to China than it is to Rangoon, has long enjoyed a kind of de facto autonomy.

During Naw Kham’s youth, Shan State was a place deeply scarred by recent history. In 1942, Japanese soldiers swept up the Mekong Valley as they chased the Allies back into India. In 1944, the Allies chased them back across the same territory. By the time Japan finally surrendered, hundreds of thousands of Burmese, many of them Shan, had been killed. For a brief, shining moment after the war, a democratic order beckoned in newly independent Burma. In 1947, representatives of Burma’s major ethnic groups—convened by the head of the country’s interim government, an idealistic revolutionary named Aung San—voted to form a single, unified country. But Aung San and six of his cabinet members were assassinated five months later, and the country plunged into civil war. In 1962, it came under the control of the military junta that ruled the country for the next half century.

In the early years of the junta, Shan State remained mostly beyond the control of the new regime, a wild west in which a dizzying array of ethnic, Communist, and Chinese nationalist militias vied for power. The one thing they had in common was a financial reliance on opium, a crop first introduced on a large scale by the British in the late 19th century. “To fight, you must have an army,” one veteran of the Burmese civil wars told me. “An army must have guns, and to buy guns you must have money. In these mountains, the only money is opium.”

Refined into morphine and heroin, then sold to Thai and Laotian traffickers who in turn would sell the drugs to international crime syndicates in Bangkok and Saigon, opium allowed the region’s armed factions to bankroll their various independence campaigns and turf wars indefinitely. It also hopelessly blurred the lines between political struggles and narco-trafficking, to the point where every local guerrilla leader was equal parts Che Guevara and Pablo Escobar.

No one embodied this role more fully than Khun Sa, the charismatic leader of a series of ethnic Shan militias that began fighting to acquire genuine autonomy from Burma for the state in the early 1960s. Thirty-five years later, the goal of self-governance was as elusive as ever, and the Shan people were still mostly mired in subsistence-level poverty. But Khun Sa and his militia had built a multimillion-dollar drug-trafficking empire. According to Alfred W. McCoy, author of The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, at the height of its power, Khun Sa’s organization was responsible for a full half of the world’s opium. “He was the world’s most powerful drug lord,” McCoy writes, “with a market share never equaled before or since.”

In 1996, Khun Sa finally brokered a deal with Burma’s ruling junta, in which he agreed to lay down his arms in exchange for amnesty; he retired to a mansion in Rangoon, where he lived until his death in 2007. His army splintered into numerous competing militias—each ostensibly fighting for Shan independence, each deeply engaged in the opium economy. One of them was led by a 26-year-old guerrilla named Naw Kham.

Four

Naw Kham had made a name for himself as a young aide-de-camp to one of Khun Sa’s top colonels. After Khun Sa’s retirement, Naw Kham’s entrepreneurial gifts emerged: He signed a cease-fire with the Burmese government alongside his boss, and he and his gang became a people’s militia force, a euphemism for ethnic rebels who agree not to fight the junta in exchange for free reign to traffic in opium. For years the junta had maintained a measure of peace in Shan State by striking this kind of quid pro quo with as many factions as it could bring into the fold. The arrangement was well-enough known that Naw Kham spoke openly of paying a 30 percent cut of his drug revenues to the government.

Naw Kham’s base of operations was Tachilek, a bustling town near the Thai border. Khun Sa had been known to relish his public persona, courting the international press, but Naw Kham kept his head down. He established a headquarters in a drab concrete compound a couple of miles out of town, shielded from the world by barbed-wire-topped walls. (Even years after his departure, local taxi drivers refuse to take fares near the place.) There, he began methodically building his empire.

Soon, Naw Kham had expanded into the production of methamphetamine—a drug that was cheaper to make, easier to transport, and more profitable than opium. He built his own power plant so Tachilek’s unreliable electrical supply wouldn’t interrupt the operation of his drug labs. Other local traffickers followed his lead, and the Golden Triangle became as well known for methamphetamine as it once was for opium.

By 2006, Naw Kham had grown powerful enough to draw international scrutiny. After he was alleged to have attacked a Chinese patrol boat on the Mekong, Interpol put him on its most-wanted list. The Burmese government, meanwhile, was under increasing international pressure to respond to the rampant drug trade in the Golden Triangle. That May, the Burmese army staged a raid on Naw Kham’s Tachilek compound. The operation yielded some 150 weapons and so many methamphetamine pills that the soldiers didn’t bother to count them; there were “enough to buy the entire town,” a local newspaper reported at the time. The army, however, had failed to capture Naw Kham himself. The kingpin had been tipped off, and by the time the soldiers burst into his compound, he and his mistress had already slipped away.

Far from diminishing his power, the raid seemed only to make Naw Kham more elusive. He decamped to Sam Puu Island, in the middle of the Mekong River near the Golden Triangle—a place where his onetime boss, Khun Sa, had fought some of his most famous battles. There Naw Kham reinvented himself as a Mekong Robin Hood, imposing a tax on drug traffickers —about $160 for every kilogram of heroin and 10 cents for every methamphetamine pill—and redistributing a cut of the proceeds to various local paramilitaries and villagers to establish goodwill. Armed with grenade launchers, assault rifles, and other sophisticated military-grade hardware, Naw Kham and his men—now numbering about 100—would emerge from the shadowy corners of the winding Mekong to prey on unsuspecting ships.

Naw Kham and his followers set up a series of base camps throughout the Golden Triangle, passing ghostlike across national boundaries, where their pursuers couldn’t follow. If the Burmese were chasing him, he slipped into Laos. When the Laotians gave him trouble, he disappeared into the nooks and crannies of Thailand’s northern hills. It was a routine made possible in large part by his roots. “Since modern borders were first established, opportunists like Naw Kham have used them to pursue their own economic and political agendas,” Andrew Walker, a professor at Australian National University and an expert on cross-border trade in the region, has written. “Far from limiting their ambitions, modern borders have given local strongmen a new resource that they could draw upon in their attempts to exert local and regional power.”

Naw Kham had become a sort of folk hero to the people of the Golden Triangle, perhaps in part because he more than anyone else embodied the values of its inhabitants. The region is a place of many languages and several religions, but only one culture, really: Its people are merchants and dealers, operators who have persisted by playing one side against the other, keeping an eye on the main chance. It is a land of middlemen—and Naw Kham was the middleman par excellence.

Still, even Robin Hood can push his luck too far. In time, Naw Kham began demanding payment from ships carrying not just methamphetamines but also lumber, concrete, and fruit. Folk hero or not, no one likes a tax collector. By the time of the massacre, Naw Kham had earned the enmity of nearly everyone who did business on the river, criminal or otherwise—including the Chinese interests who had become more deeply entwined in the cowboy commerce of the Mekong.

Five

Naming Naw Kham as the principal suspect in the 10/5 massacre was one thing; catching him was another. The Hawngluek militia, as Naw Kham’s forces were known, had been evading their enemies for decades. They could strike without notice and then melt away into the mountains of southwestern Burma. For weeks investigators made little headway in their search. Naw Kham had extensive networks throughout the Golden Triangle, but after the shootings they had all gone dark. If anyone knew where he’d gone into hiding, they weren’t saying.

Not long after the killings, China’s vice foreign minister Song Tao summoned high-ranking officials from each country to Beijing. By the time the meeting had concluded, Song had persuaded the other countries to enter into a wide-ranging joint-security agreement to share intelligence and “carry out special campaigns to eradicate criminal organizations which have long threatened the region’s security.” The compact gave China full latitude to pursue Naw Kham wherever he might be, regardless of jurisdiction or sovereignty, according to an intelligence analyst based in Thailand who asked to remain anonymous due to the sensitivity of the agreement.

On an unseasonably warm day in late October, a little more than two weeks after the shootings, Liu Yuejin, the head of the Narcotics Control Bureau in China’s Ministry of Public Security, arrived in Guanlei, the home port of the two ill-fated barges. A 52-year-old with a flat-topped buzz cut that spoke of a lifetime in law enforcement, Liu cut his teeth in China’s populous northeast. Guanlei, a frontier town on China’s southern periphery, was a long way from Beijing. What Liu needed, he knew, was local knowledge.

Soon Liu began setting up a special team consisting of some 200 Chinese operatives in addition to military and police officials from across the Mekong region. The first order of business, Liu explained in subsequent interviews with several Chinese and American media outlets, was to identify the “men in black.” Witnesses had described seeing men wearing face masks and dressed in black clothing aboard the two vessels. No one had identified Naw Kham as being among them. But then this went to the root of Liu’s problem: Few people knew what Naw Kham looked like. All Liu had was a photo taken 20 years ago.

Liu’s men spread out across the region. The team identified a trafficker with ties to Naw Kham, lured him into Chinese waters, and took him into custody. On interrogation, the man offered to lead them to a drug mule whom he said worked directly for Naw Kham, or at least might know where to find him. Every 10 to 15 days, he said, the mule went up the Mekong into Shan’s drug-addled heartland.

The mule—likely traveling up the Mekong in a small boat, under cover of darkness—would be difficult to catch. But Liu had his own network. Southeast Asian countries often sent their law enforcement officers to China for training, and Liu had kept in touch with many of them. With the assistance of local police in Burma, Liu’s men captured the mule and brought him to China for interrogation. The man provided information about the structure of Naw Kham’s organization. Naw Kham, he said, had three lieutenants. Hsang Kham, 60, acted as Naw Kham’s chief lieutenant. Two other seasoned veterans of the Golden Triangle drug trade, Yi Lai and Weng Mie, reported to Hsang Kham. Naw Kham himself was elusive and spent most days hidden in the house of one mistress or another, or in one of his jungle camps.

On December 13, Yi Lai—a squat, broad-shouldered man with tightly cropped gray hair—was spotted on a bus in northwest Laos. He, too, was arrested and brought to China for interrogation. The noose around Naw Kham was beginning to tighten. Using information provided by Naw Kham’s lieutenant, the team conducted a sweep of villages up and down the Mekong. But Liu was fighting on Naw Kham’s home turf now—and even with four countries’ law enforcement resources at his disposal, capturing him wouldn’t be easy.

Six

In late December, Liu learned that Naw Kham was holed up with his mistress in a Laotian village near where the crew of the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8 had washed up. But just as they were surrounding the town, local officials and villagers came out to stop them. Even the presence of Laotian troops couldn’t deter them. “We were held there in a standoff,” Liu later told a Chinese news site. “We had the local sheriff, but they brought in local officials.” In Laos, the villagers explained, law enforcement is not conducted at night.

Finally, a high-ranking Laotian military officer broke the blockade. But by that time Naw Kham had escaped, paddling a small boat across the Mekong. It was Liu’s introduction to a dispiriting fact: He had his law enforcement network, but Naw Kham had been playing Robin Hood for years, doling out money to local villagers and making regular payments to the cops and grunts who served in the low-paying armies of Burma and Laos.

Shortly after the New Year, someone crept out of the jungle near Naw Kham’s haunt on Sam Puu Island and shot two grenades toward a group of Chinese barges and the gunboat that was protecting them. Ten days later, another attack was launched on a Chinese barge from the Laos side of the river. No one was hurt in either attack, but the message was clear: Naw Kham would not go quietly.

Naw Kham and about 40 of his associates by now had moved up into the mountainous jungle outside Tachilek, the city they had once ruled like kings. The Chinese task force was not far behind, but this time Liu had learned his lesson. He ordered his men to avoid using local mobile networks, favoring instead China’s Beidou satellite navigation system. Finally, in February, a local informant led them to the pirate’s camp. “A dozen tents were set up, and more than 40 armed men guarded the campsite,” Ma Jun, a member of the task force, later told China Daily. “In the daytime, only one small path led to the camp, but at night it was closed off with fallen trees, and the surrounding grassland was covered with land mines.”

Any approach was sure to lead to fatalities. Liu thought of calling Beijing to request a drone strike, but this would have been a momentous step on China’s part—a declaration that they, like the United States, were entitled to perform such cross-border extrajudicial killings. At the last minute, his superiors pulled back. “Catch him alive,” Liu was told.

After five days of observation, a member of the task force inadvertently alerted a sentry in Naw Kham’s camp, who sounded an alarm, and Naw Kham managed to give Liu the slip yet again. The Chinese media were starting to compare him to Osama bin Laden, and Liu himself was wondering if he hadn’t unwittingly volunteered for a similarly difficult manhunt. And yet, as Liu told The New York Times earlier this year, at every step they were chipping away at Naw Kham’s militia, capturing a few men here, a few more there. He knew he was getting closer.

The breakthrough came months later, on April 20, when the task force managed to catch Naw Kham’s right-hand man, Hsang Kham. Liu now had the pirate’s first and second lieutenants. Both, he later claimed, confessed to participating in the killings at the behest of their boss. And both knew his movements.

On April 25, Liu learned that Naw Kham was about to cross the Mekong back into Laos, not far from where Liu had almost caught him back in December. This time, Liu kept his operation a secret. Late that night, when Naw Kham and two associates slid onto shore near the village of Ban Mom, the law was there to greet him. Naw Kham reportedly tried to escape again, taking the boat back into the river. But Laotian police chased him down and took him into custody. The hunt was over. Within the week, Naw Kham would be transferred to the Laotian capital, Vientiane, then extradited to China, where the full force of the judicial system awaited him.

Liu was careful to spread the credit evenly. “Four countries—China, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand—succeeded in arresting Naw Kham and the gang’s core members,” he told Xinhua shortly after Naw Kham was brought back to China. “China will adhere to relevant international conventions in carrying out interrogation of the suspect, and we promise a fair and just judicial process.”

Back in the northern Thailand city of Chiang Mai, however, a journalist named Khuensai Jaiyen had his doubts. Six months earlier, Jaiyen had received a phone call. It was Naw Kham.

Jaiyen asked Naw Kham if he was guilty of the crime that the Chinese authorities had pinned on him. “He had two answers: He was not involved in the killings, and he didn’t know who killed them,” Jaiyen later told me. “Just two sentences, then he hung up.”

Seven

On an overcast morning in July 2012, I met Jaiyen at a shopping center in Chiang Mai, where he lives. Polite and owlish behind thick glasses, he waved me into his old Corolla. The monsoon season was under way, and as we drove back to his house, a light mist gave way to a pounding downpour.

Jaiyen lives in a neighborhood of modest bungalows. After driving past a tall fence that shielded the courtyard from the dusty street, we dashed through the rain into the house where he lives with his wife and son. In the well-kept living room, photographs of a younger Jaiyen with various dignitaries and generals lined the walls.

A pleasant city of canals and low-rise buildings, Chiang Mai is a hub for exiles from various repressive regimes elsewhere in Southeast Asia. Jaiyen is representative: His journalism, which he publishes in a Shan- and English-language newspaper called the Shan Herald, makes many people in his native Burma very uncomfortable. For years, he has documented the Burmese drug trade in Shan Drug Watch, an annual report that regional analysts consider far more reliable than the yearly monograph released by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. No journalist has better sources in the Golden Triangle, a fact that Jaiyen owes to the role he once played in the region’s conflicts.

Like Naw Kham, Jaiyen was born in Lashio, in Shan State, 20 years before the outlaw. He studied music at the local university until 1968, when he was swept up in the fight for Shan autonomy. At the time, Khun Sa had just begun to assemble his army, and Jaiyen was determined to join. With his education and contacts with the local elite, he became Khun Sa’s press officer. “I wanted to fight for the resistance, but when I got to the camp they gave me a desk job,” Jaiyen told me, sighing and sipping gingerly from his tea. “It was a big letdown.”

For years, as the guerrillas’ fortunes waxed and waned, Jaiyen disseminated Khun Sa’s communiqués. In 1984, Jaiyen obtained an old offset printing press and started publishing a monthly magazine in the Shan language to further the struggle for independence. In 1996, when Khun Sa laid down his weapons, he encouraged Jaiyen to cross the border to Thailand and continue the fight with the pen, if not the sword. “Go out and do your job,” Khun Sa told him.

Jaiyen’s experience with Khun Sa’s forces gave him an unsurpassed network of sources within Shan State—and within the inner circle of the region’s most notorious criminal. When Jaiyen left Burma for Thailand, Naw Kham was little more than a foot soldier, but he steadily rose through the ranks to become a regional commander. Jaiyen says that something changed in Naw Kham after the 2006 raid forced him into the shadows.

According to Jaiyen, Naw Kham was rarely seen conducting the actual raids on passing barges. He gained a reputation as a ruthless leader who operated behind the scenes, a Keyser Söze of the Mekong. He carefully reconstructed the network of official patronage that had dissolved after the 2006 raid—to the point, Jaiyen claims, that Naw Kham even had a relationship with Ko Ko, the lieutenant general in the Burmese army who currently serves as the country’s antidrug czar. (Such brazen corruption is somewhat easier to understand in light of the fact that opium constitutes a whopping 40 percent of Burma’s exports.) But it wasn’t the Burmese government Naw Kham had to worry about.

In the decades since China initiated its open-door policy, the volume of legitimate trade passing through Chiang Saen’s port has increased to $450 million a year. Most of it moves aboard Chinese-owned barges like the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8 that ply the 150-mile stretch of the river between Guanlei and Chiang Saen, jostling for space with the colorful wooden longtail boats that have dominated the Mekong’s traffic for hundreds of years.

The shifts in the illegal commerce along the Mekong are more difficult to assess but are palpable nonetheless. In addition to its drug exports, the Golden Triangle is now a leading source for exotic hardwoods, rhinoceros horns, tiger penises, jade, rubies, and young village girls destined for Bangkok brothels or bride-starved rural China. The line between legal and illegal commerce on the Mekong has always been hazy; the river has always been full of vessels like the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8 carrying contraband in their holds alongside their legitimate cargo. So it followed that as the balance of power shifted in one, so too would it shift in the other: Having nearly cornered the market on legitimate trade, the Chinese began to dominate the illicit trade as well.

The Chinese have begun literally remaking the river to suit their interests; the country’s engineers have built five dams along the river since the early 1990s, and three more are planned. This has made the governments of Burma, Thailand, and Laos even more dependent on the regional hegemon, which not only supplies them with soft loans and arms sales but also controls the water their citizens depend on for fishing, trade, and irrigation.

All of these shifts posed a threat not just to the above- and belowground economies of the Golden Triangle, but to its whole identity. Everything about the region—from its black market intermediaries to its byzantine web of independence movements and guerrilla armies—was now an obstacle to the regional expansion of the flourishing Chinese economy; the in-between people of the Golden Triangle were now simply in the way. And nobody was more in the way than Naw Kham.


One day in December 2011, Jaiyen had just returned to his Chiang Mai bungalow when his cell phone rang. He didn’t recognize the number. When he picked up, it turned out to be one of his guerrilla contacts in the wilds of eastern Burma. “I have news on Naw Kham,” the contact told him. Jaiyen scrambled for a notebook. “He is not fighting the Chinese,” the man went on. “But his men have been idle for months, so he has ordered them to undergo a little field training.” The contact laughed. “He has them fighting the Burmese.” The contact said Naw Kham had spoken as if it were all a lark.

I asked Jaiyen if he thought Naw Kham was a freedom fighter or a criminal. He thought for a moment, then replied, “I don’t know. They call him the godfather of the Golden Triangle. If you are going to be a godfather then you must be ruthless.” Still, Jaiyen was far from convinced that Naw Kham committed 13 murders. For one thing, it would have been a shocking departure from his militia’s standard operating procedure, which was to acquire the maximum amount of tax with the minimum amount of hassle. The only deaths previously attributed to Naw Kham were soldiers and police officers, and those were generally in combat. Anyone versed in the politics of the region would have known the wrath such a massacre would incur. “Whoever did it, it means they wanted to go to jail,” Jaiyen said. “They’ve become tired of living in this world.”

What perplexed Jaiyen wasn’t Naw Kham’s claim of innocence but his claim of ignorance. “I’ll give him the benefit of the doubt on the first response—why would he do it?” Jaiyen told me. “But on the second? Impossible. He had to have known.”

I asked who else, if not Naw Kham, might have been behind the killings. “I’m still trying to reconstruct the event, but many [pieces] are missing from it,” he said. By way of illustration, he opened an old edition of one of his Shan Drug Watch reports and pointed to a picture of an elegantly dressed older man. “That’s Zhao Wei,” he said.

Eight

The taxi drove north through the night along the winding, potholed river road out of Chiang Rai. After about an hour, the road turned north and began following the river. Light glinted occasionally off the water from the far shore, but for the most part the Mekong was a great blank expanse. It was nearly midnight, late enough that the storefronts were all shuttered. Eventually, they gave way to empty expanses of rice paddies and the occasional cluster of palm trees. Then, as we rounded a bend, a bright light came into view. It was a 7-Eleven sign, with “Golden Triangle Convenience Store” written in a gilt script beneath the familiar logo. We’d arrived.

I hadn’t expected much in the way of hospitality in the Golden Triangle; it seemed reasonable to assume that such a legendarily lawless part of the world wouldn’t take kindly to strangers. In fact, in the past decade the Thais have pulled off an audacious marketing coup, leveraging the very infamy of the Golden Triangle into a tourist attraction. The jungle hills, better known for endless, grinding guerrilla wars, are now home to expensive spas frequented by prosperous Thais and European newlyweds. There are elephant rides, giant golden Buddhas, and three opium museums. The development is almost enough to conceal the fact that the drugs and violence never really went away. It’s as if the gunfighters of Deadwood or Tombstone were still using live ammunition.

I checked into a hotel just downriver from Sam Puu Island, Naw Kham’s erstwhile island headquarters. I had imagined something like a guerrilla camp with showers, with mortars exploding in the distance. I had not imagined a heated infinity pool or the tasteful teak deck that I walked past on my way to the reception desk. Later that night, from the hotel balcony, I took in the view along the Mekong. Upstream, the lights burned bright on the Thai side of the river, then disappeared abruptly at the Burmese border, beyond which there was nothing but jungle receding into the night. Across the river, in Laos, a giant golden crown, 10 stories high and lit with neon lights, rose above the canopy.

The crown sat atop the Kings Romans casino—the alleged destination, according to the Pha Muang’s initial story, of the drug shipments aboard the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8. The business was the centerpiece of a 39-square-mile special economic zone that Laotian officials had established in 2005. They had been persuaded to do so by a Chinese investor named Zhao Wei, who was promptly given a 99-year lease on the property for an undisclosed sum. Zhao laid out plans for an ambitious development, including an airport, factories, and other projects that he assured the government would usher in a flood of foreign investment and raise the standard of living for the local villagers. But by 2011, ground had been broken on none of these projects save one: the casino.

A businessman from northern China then in his mid-fifties, Zhao had cut his entrepreneurial teeth as a traveling salesman before moving in 1990 to Macau, the special economic zone and onetime Portuguese colony then transitioning back to Chinese rule. Macau had been a regional gambling destination since the 1960s, and after the Chinese government opened up the market to foreign enterprises in 2002, industry heavyweights—the Sands, Wynn, and Venetian chains, among others—turned it into a global casino mecca.

Zhao found his way into the local gambling establishment, investing in some VIP rooms, but soon turned his attention elsewhere: Rather than jostling for space in an already crowded market, he set about building his own Macaus in China’s backyard. In 2000, he brokered an agreement with Shan rebels who allowed him to open a casino just across the China-Burma border in the town of Mong La, a tough frontier town that was also the base of operations for the Shan drug lord Sai Leun. The casino catered to an almost entirely Chinese clientele. “It really is extremely convenient,” Zhao told Good magazine in 2012. “They can just walk over the border with their money.”

Comparably stable Laos seemed like an even more promising opportunity, and Zhao sold Laotian officials on the idea that it would be good for the otherwise anemic local economy as well. An early promotional video for the Kings Romans casino paints a grand picture of Zhao’s vision: Against footage of the Mekong tumbling out of the Chinese Himalayas, bringing life to the downriver countries of Southeast Asia, a narrator describes Chinese investment lifting the local villagers out of dependence on the opium economy, just as the Chinese upriver lifted themselves out of poverty two decades earlier.

It soon became clear, however, that Zhao had no intention of keeping his promises. Chinese labor was imported to build the casino, and Zhao brought in Chinese investors who teamed up with the Laotian military to forcibly relocate hundreds of the area’s villagers. The lingua franca of the economic zone was Mandarin Chinese, the currency was the Chinese yuan, and even the street signs were written in Chinese.

Nine

A few days after checking into my hotel, I found an office in an otherwise abandoned development nearby that offered to take me across the river to the Kings Romans casino. When I mentioned that I didn’t have a visa for travel into Laos, the clerk said, “No problem. You pay.” Along with a translator and two other traveling companions, I boarded a small ferry crammed with Chinese tourists for the 10-minute ride across the broad river. Once ashore, we were pointed to a golden-domed pagoda that served as an immigration checkpoint, where I was issued a one-day visa that restricted me to the grounds of the special economic zone and Kings Romans. The last ferry would return at 5 p.m., after which point I would be an illegal immigrant.

Vans were lined up near the checkpoint. I asked the first driver if he would be willing to take me north past the Golden Triangle to Ban Mom, the village where Naw Kham was apprehended, and he agreed. After a few miles, the special economic zone gave way to the real Laos. We passed reed huts propped on thin stilts above rice paddies. When we reached Ban Mom, however, the quality of the housing stock improved considerably. Interspersed with the huts were veritable mansions—massive, gated homes painted in bright pastel and adorned with Greek columns. I asked the driver—a thin man in early middle age who asked that I not use his name—how villagers in one of the poorest countries in the world could afford these homes. He looked at my camera and the microphone sticking out of my backpack, then at me. After a long pause, he said, “All of this is from Naw Kham’s money.

“Naw Kham was like in the movie,” he went on. “Like Robin Hood. He only robbed bad people, those who make illegal money, and helped the poor.” He only emerged as a notorious outlaw, the driver said, once the Chinese broke ground on the casino—at which point he began to lose control of his gang. They started taking chances, like kidnapping the casino tourists and holding them for ransom.

As we left the village I asked if we could go to the shore near Sam Puu Island; while Naw Kham and his lieutenants had been captured, his rank and file were reputed to still be hiding out in the jungle there. After 15 minutes picking our way down a deeply rutted dirt track, we pulled into a grass clearing near the river. As I started to get out of the van, the driver motioned for me to hide my camera and microphone under some blankets on the backseat. He pointed upriver, where Sam Puu Island lay around the bend; this was as close as we could get, he said. As if on cue, a silver Mercedes SUV zoomed past. “It is dangerous for me,” he said, looking nervously around as we pulled back onto the dirt path.

On the day of the killings, the driver told me, he had been at the same pier near the immigration checkpoint where he’d picked me up. He saw three speedboats accompanying the two Chinese barges downriver—Naw Kham’s boats, he said. I asked how he knew. “Everyone knew Naw Kham’s boats,” he said. “They were new and had the biggest engines.” Naw Kham, he said, had been paid to provide protection to the barges. “He was making sure the shipment”—drugs and cash—“arrived at the port.” Then, the driver said, he saw Naw Kham’s speedboats turn around and take off at high speed. Then the shooting began. From his vantage he couldn’t tell who was shooting, but he didn’t think it was Naw Kham. “If he wanted to kill these people, he would do it up north, not here.”

Looking around, it did seem that this particular stretch of river would’ve been an unlikely choice for a premeditated mass murder. The casino was a mile downstream; across the river, I could make out both the well-trafficked Thai Kitchen restaurant and my hotel. It wouldn’t make sense unless, perhaps, you wanted people to see the crime—if you wanted to send a message.


The entrance to the Kings Romans casino is a giant portico, topped with a mock-classical fresco of frolicking mythical water beasts and guarded by a doorman and a handful of armed security personnel. Inside, a few employees milled around listlessly. A grand staircase dominated the lobby, but when we made our way toward it, a guard approached and directed us to the gaming room instead. In the ballroom-sized chamber, about a hundred gamblers sat around a few dozen card tables.

Compared to Las Vegas, it was almost quaint—and while hardly empty, it had none of the bustle and energy of an American casino. At a nearby table, four Chinese businessmen were pushing chips forward to the croupier. I didn’t recognize the game they were playing, and when I tried to ask a nearby guard I was waved along brusquely once again. Then a member of my group tried to take a picture with his iPhone, at which point a guard informed us that our visit had come to an end and escorted us out the door.

Zhao’s move into the heart of the Golden Triangle presented a threat to Naw Kham. The new predator disrupted the ecosystem, and the predictable result was bloodshed. In the turf war that ensued, Naw Kham had something that Zhao did not: local sympathy. He began regularly raiding Chinese vessels bound for the casino and distributing the proceeds to the Laotian villagers who had been displaced by Zhao, and employing them to work in his own empire. One villager told the Shan Herald that she hoped Naw Kham would never be caught. “He’s been very good to us,” she said.

The war between Naw Kham and Zhao began to heat up in April 2011, when Naw Kham’s forces abducted three boats bound for the Kings Romans casino. After three days, Zhao—facing a raft of terrible publicity and a certain decline in business—agreed to pay a ransom of $830,000 for the safe return of the boats and their passengers. But the incident had been a miscalculation on Naw Kham’s part: Now he was on the Chinese government’s radar.

Naw Kham had always enjoyed a freedom of operation that was the envy of the other militias in the region. (Jaiyen believes the local authorities could have caught him easily on plenty of occasions, if they had actually wanted to.) Now those days were over. On September 22, Burmese army forces raided Naw Kham’s base on Sam Puu Island, reportedly killing over a dozen of his men and uncovering a cache of weapons. Four days later, in a move that Jaiyen believes was a reprisal for the attack on Naw Kham’s forces, Laotian police—who were known to have protected Naw Kham in the past—raided the Kings Romans casino, where they discovered 20 sacks of yaba worth some $1.6 million.

Ten days after the raid, the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8 set sail from Guanlei, China, bound for Chiang Saen on what would be their crews’ final voyage.

Ten

On September 18, 2012, China Central Television, the country’s principal state-run network, broadcast an interview with Naw Kham. Wearing athletic shorts and a bright yellow prison-issue vest, Naw Kham looked tired but acquiescent; by then he and the other men Liu’s team had captured had been interrogated for four months. The CCTV reporter asked him why he had been arrested. A network translator related the pirate’s words in Chinese: “Because I planned and killed 13 Chinese on the Mekong River on October 5, 2011.” The network cut to footage of the bullet-riddled hulls of the Chinese barges. Why did he do it? the reporter wanted to know. “Because those two ships had attacked my base,” Naw Kham replied through the translator. “I wanted revenge.”

The trial opened two days later in the intermediate people’s court—similar to a district court in the United States—in Kunming, the capital city of Yunnan Province. Much of the trial was broadcast live, something of a rarity in China, and Liu Yuejin, Naw Kham’s captor, was brought onto CCTV to narrate the coverage. As the defendants, heads covered in baggy black hoods, were frog-marched out of police vans into the court building, CCTV anchor Cui Zhigang turned to Liu. “You’ve seen [Naw Kham] many times,” Cui said. “What did he look like when he was first transferred from Laos to China?”

“He did not look good,” Liu replied. “He had long hair and a beard. He’s recovered a lot from these several months in detention.” Naw Kham’s jailers, Liu noted, had even prepared him traditional Shan food.

The program cut to a reporter on the scene. “Seven prosecutors will come today, and they are the best nationally,” she said. “The six defendants all have lawyers, and they are all very experienced. The trial will be very competitive and exciting.” This was not strictly true; rather than a veteran criminal attorney, the Chinese government appointed Lin Li, a young lawyer from the area specializing in real estate law, who evidently did not meet her client until partway through the trial. Still, there was some excitement surrounding the question of how Naw Kham, his televised confession notwithstanding, would plead. “Naw Kham was cunning during the investigation,” the reporter continued. “He denied his guilt again and again. When met with key questions, he said he could not understand the translator.”

Eventually, Naw Kham and five codefendants were led into a courtroom the size of a concert hall. The prosecutors and defense attorneys occupied their own area off to one side of the room. The judge, a thin man with pinched features, sat on a dais high above the proceedings. Each prisoner sat inside his own stall, alone, facing the judge.

The trial, anticipated to last three days, had an ambitious agenda. In addition to the marquee charges—intentional homicide, drug trafficking, kidnapping—the suspects were to be tried for the kidnapping of the Kings Romans employees in April 2011. In addition, the judge would settle the civil suit brought against Naw Kham and his conspirators by the victims’ families.

As the trial progressed, the testimonies of the defendants and the witnesses gradually cohered into a picture of what happened on the Mekong on October 5, 2011. The Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8 left the port in Guanlei shortly after dawn that morning. On an uneventful day, the journey to Chiang Saen takes eight hours. As the sun broke over the mountains of Laos, the barges entered the last and most dangerous stretch of the passage, a 30-mile chute that the Chinese media have dubbed the “devil waters” for its profusion of militias and pirates.

The barges docked in Sop Lui, a bustling little port on the Burmese side of the river, where the Hua Ping picked up fuel to deliver to Thailand. Early in the trial, the judge declared that the Chinese sailors could not possibly have been trafficking the drugs themselves. But if the two barges were to take on a shipment of yaba pills like those found at the scene of the crime, Sop Lui would have been the place to do it—the port is a well-known entrepôt for heroin and methamphetamine shipments originating from the United Wa State Army.

As the barges passed Naw Kham’s Sam Puu Island base camp, one of Naw Kham’s accomplices testified, they were approached by two longtail boats carrying three men each. The crews on the Hua Ping and the Yu Xing 8 would have known that the conflicts on this stretch of the river had increased. They would have heard rumors that Naw Kham was at war with Zhao Wei of the Kings Romans casino. And they would have known that they were potential targets in this war.

Eleven

Only three of the defendants admitted to having been present during the hijacking; all three occupied the lowest rungs of Naw Kham’s organization. Zha Bo, 35, received a free cell phone and about $95 a month to spy on Burmese military movements. “Sometimes,” he added, “I help them build straw huts.” Zha Xiha, 28, was in charge of driving the gang’s speedboats. Zha Tuobo, 30, played a similarly minor role in the gang.

Both Zha Xiha and Zha Bo said they were at their homes that morning when they were called to help the gang. They took a boat from their village and headed downstream until they came upon two large Chinese barges stopped by the shore. “We boarded the ship, and my boss”—a higher-ranking henchman in Naw Kham’s group–“gave me a gun,” Zha Xiha told the court. With the exception of the two captains, the crews of both barges were bound and tied and gathered aboard the Hua Ping. “My boss told me to go to the cabin on the first floor. There were two Chinese sailors there. I was to detain them.”

At some point, the two barges started moving. By the time they stopped again, they had passed the Golden Triangle and crossed into Thailand. Zha Xiha was told to moor the barges to a tree. When he got back on board, his boss took him aside. “He said if I heard the sound of a gun,” Zha Xiha said, “I needed to kill this sailor,” referring to a man in front of him. Zha Xiha heard the sound of gunfire from the deck above him. The sailor Zha Xiha was guarding sat with his back to him. “I was scared. I closed my eyes and fired twice,” Zha Xiha testified. He would later receive about $300 for the killing, he said.

Once the job was done, Zha Xiha and the other members of the gang jumped into their longtail boats and fled upriver, back to Burma and safety. Left behind were 13 dead or dying sailors, nearly a million pills of methamphetamine intended to frame the Chinese—and, according to the prosecution, Thailand’s Pha Muang commandos, who had the bloody task of finishing what Naw Kham’s men had started.

“We saw several Thai soldiers board the Chinese barges,” a policeman from Chiang Saen said in his testimony. “We heard them begin shooting. More soldiers boarded the ships, and we saw a burst of smoke. The gunfire came one after another.” He immediately called his supervisor (neither officer was identified during the course of the trial), who quickly made the short drive north from Chiang Saen.

When his supervisor was about 250 feet from the two cargo ships, he was stopped by Thai soldiers, who explained that they had found drugs on board. In Thailand, the policeman explained, the army has jurisdiction over drug cases. “Then I heard shots coming from the [barges],” he said. After the shooting had ended and the smoke had cleared, he managed to get on board one of the vessels. “I heard a soldier talking on the phone about how to deal with the bodies,” he told the court. “A soldier on the bank of the river called out: ‘The less bodies, the better.’” Another witness testified to having seen the Pha Muang throwing the murdered sailors into the river.

When the prosecutor turned to Naw Kham and asked him if he had participated in the events of October 5, he replied, “I did not go with them,” referring to his codefendants. The hijacking and executions, he went on, were “their decision.” Instead, Naw Kham placed the blame squarely on the Thai military.

The prosecutor complained that Naw Kham was being evasive. “Did you participate in the organizing, planning, and the operation [of the crime]?” he asked. “Please answer my question directly.”

“No,” Naw Kham said.


Shortly after 5:30 p.m. the next day, Xinhua released a statement: “Naw Kham, principal suspect for the murders of 13 Chinese sailors on the Mekong River last year, pleaded guilty Friday evening when he and five other people were standing trial in southwest China.” Naw Kham, the statement said, “expressed his penitence to the victims and their families in court, hoping for leniency.” He had even offered to pay civil restitution of nearly $1 million to the victim’s families, the agency reported.

But that part of the trial was neither televised nor made public. Nor, for that matter, was any incontrovertible proof that Naw Kham had committed the crimes at all. In his CCTV interview before the proceedings began, had boasted of Naw Kham and his men, “However they perform in the trial, it will not change the truth of the crime, because we already have enough evidence.” The prosecution, too, had promised overwhelming evidence: DNA, ballistics, documents, and damning testimony. Yet the ballistics evidence was provided by the Thai coroner who had conducted autopsies on the 13 corpses and professed he could not tell “how many types of guns were used in this case.” He recommended the court consult “a gun specialist if needed.”

In the parts of the trial made public, the prosecution didn’t even try to place Naw Kham definitively at the scene of the crime or at the planning session where Naw Kham’s henchmen allegedly conspired with the Pha Muang to frame the sailors, murder them in cold blood, and dispose of their bodies The only evidence linking Naw Kham to the crime was the Nuremberg defense offered by his lieutenants, who insisted they weren’t at the scene of the crime either and that whatever limited role they might have played was conducted at the behest of their boss.

Perhaps the most damning implication of Naw Kham’s guilt had come from Naw Kham himself, in his pretrial interview with CCTV—a clip that cycled relentlessly before the network’s viewers. But that, too, wasn’t as it seemed. Reviewing the footage, a viewer conversant in the Shan language would have noticed that the interview was, in fact, rather different from what Chinese viewers would have heard in the translator’s voiceover. Speaking in Shan, Naw Kham’s interviewer asks him why he has been taken into custody. Naw Kham replies, “It concerns the affair on October 5 with two Chinese boats. Others killed those people and others suspected [me] and others arrested [me].” There was no admission of guilt and no mention of revenge.

Twelve

In November 2012, Naw Kham and three of his higher-ranking codefendants were sentenced to death by lethal injection. The other two defendants received eight years in prison and a “reprieved death sentence.” Naw Kham appealed the judgment against him the following month; his lawyer Lin Li noted to the court that the prosecution hadn’t presented any “direct evidence that Naw Kham was the engineer of the murders.” He had long ago passed power on to his subordinates, she said, and had no control over them. And beyond that, she continued, he had no motivation.

It was a persuasive argument. Few would have doubted Naw Kham’s capacity for villainy, but he was nothing if not a rational criminal—a man who had managed to thrive under difficult circumstances by keenly reading the ever shifting balances of power in one of the most complex and perilous corners of the world. Whoever arranged for the murder of the 13 Chinese sailors would have known that a terrible wrath would quickly follow. It was difficult to imagine—to imagine Naw Kham himself imagining—any outcome in which he would not have been the biggest loser, and in which his rival Zhao Wei would not have been the biggest winner. The casino owner’s development, the avant-garde of Chinese economic expansion in the region, would now enjoy the benefit of regular military patrols—assurance that his interests would never be threatened by another Naw Kham.

“No one will ever know the full truth of what happened on October 5, 2011,” Khuensai Jaiyen told me with a shrug. He had watched this little corner of the world for nearly half a century, more than enough time to know that nothing in the Golden Triangle happened in the straightforward manner recounted in the Chinese court. Even the families of the victims seemed unconvinced that justice had been served in full. “We have worked on ships on the Mekong for 14 years and never once heard that Chinese ships pay protection money to Naw Kham,” He Xilun, who lost his brother and sister-in-law in the attack, told Patrick Boehler, a journalist based in Southeast Asia. “In this trial the truth has not been revealed. I don’t know why [the attack] happened. We only know the tip of the iceberg.”

The court in Kunming had found Naw Kham and his pirate crew guilty of murder “in collusion with a rogue unit of the Thai military,” but there were no plans to extradite the nine Pha Muang soldiers who were involved. A Chinese investigative journalist, who asked to remain anonymous due to the political sensitivity of the case, scoffed at the notion that the investigation would go any further. “Executing Naw Kham will be the end of this story,” he told me. “The social status of these 13 sailors is so low that no one cares to go further.” Dong Rubin—a popular writer, under the nom de plume Bianmin, on the Chinese microblogging site Sina Weibo—wrote that Naw Kham’s prosecution was a political and not a criminal trial. When I tried to contact him in September, I learned that he had been arrested recently for his comments.

The Thai Parliament—which, as a civilian branch of government in a coup-wracked country, was prone to view the Thai military with suspicion—had looked into the matter, too. A report issued by the Parliament’s committee for internal affairs found that witnesses not only saw the Pha Muang executing the Chinese sailors, but were able to provide the committee with photographs that showed the soldiers in the act. Whether the commandos in question were a rogue unit, or just dispensing the sort of rough justice that the Thai military has traditionally meted out to suspected offenders, is a question as yet without an answer.


The day after Christmas, the Higher People’s Court of Kunming denied Naw Kham’s appeal. Two months later, CCTV cameras followed Naw Kham, wearing a beige jacket over a gray prison uniform, as he was led out of prison in Kunming by a phalanx of black-clad police officers. Naw Kham looked ahead passively, even smiling slightly at times, then winced as his arms were tied behind his back with a coarse cord. A scrum of photographers snapped pictures. A man who was only known to have been photographed twice prior to his capture would now be the first person executed on live television in China.

In the end, the cameras cut away from Naw Kham, sitting calmly with his arms strapped to a chair, the moment after he was administered the lethal injection. It seemed a fittingly ambiguous end for a man about whom it was difficult to say anything for certain. Even seasoned observers entertained theories that under other circumstances might have seemed conspiratorial or worse. “Did they really kill him? Who knows?” said Sophie Richardson, the China director at Human Rights Watch. “People in China saw Bo Xilai”—the powerful Chinese politican sentenced in September to life in prison for bribery, embezzlement, and abuse of power—“smiling as he was sentenced and wondered whether that was all a big show, too.”

Bertil Lintner, a journalist who has covered the drug wars of Southeast Asia for various European papers for nearly 40 years, was skeptical when he saw the photographs. Lintner had met Naw Kham back in the early ’90s, when he was still a rising star in Khun Sa’s Mong Tai Army. “I don’t know who they killed,” he told me, “but that’s not Naw Kham.”

Sunai Chulpongsatorn, the Thai MP whose committee investigated the October 5 incident, went further, telling Andrew Marshall of Reuters, “There are many Naw Khams, not just one. It’s like in a drama. He’s a made-up character. He exists, but it seems he has been given a lot of extra importance.” He became a convenient legend and, in the end, a scapegoat who allowed the real business of the Mekong to continue running smoothly.

“Naw Kham was the ultimate fall guy,” an intelligence analyst with deep roots in the Golden Triangle told me, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “There’s no doubt in my mind that the Pha Muang guys were responsible for the killing. The Chinese know that. The Thai police know it. But China has bigger fish to fry in Thailand than investigating the death of 13 peasants.” 

During my visit to Chiang Saen in July 2012, I interviewed Manop Senakun, the chief of the local marine police force, who had been one of the first people to arrive at the scene of the shootings. In a dimly lit concrete room, he turned on a projector and presented a slide show about the case, rehashing its few agreed-upon facts. When he finished, I tried to draw him out, asking if he thought Naw Kham had really killed the Chinese crews, or if perhaps the Pha Muang had acted alone or at the behest of someone else. “I really don’t know,” he said. “Maybe you can tell me. I heard the killers worked for the CIA.”

I was surprised to learn that nine months after the incident, the Hua Ping and the Yuxing 8 were still in Chiang Saen; in fact, they were tied up at a dock just across the street from the marine police station. There was no police tape or warnings to indicate a crime scene, and peering down from the dock it was easy enough to see into the cabins. Bullet holes marred many of the windows and ran up the sides of the vessels like a rash. The families of the victims had not bothered, or perhaps not been allowed, to gather the personal belongings that had been left behind on the ship. Through an open window, I saw a textbook and papers; through another I saw a Hello Kitty cup full of pens, a pair of child-size socks, an Adidas bag. In the corner of an open deck, someone had planted herbs in recycled Sunoco oil barrels.

Out on the river, another Chinese barge passed by on its way to a new port built just south of Chiang Saen. “Nothing will change,” a Chinese crew member I met on the dock told me when I asked about the aftermath of the shootings. “Someone else will just take Naw Kham’s place.” Behind him, the Mekong rolled on, muddy and indifferent. 

The Bones of Marianna

The Bones of Marianna

The story of a notorious reform school and the unlikely crusaders who pushed its dark past into the light.

For my father, Gil, who chaired the University of South Florida anthropology department for many years and encouraged me to write.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 29


David Kushner is the author of Masters of Doom, Jonny Magic and the Card Shark Kids, Levittown, and Jacked. A contributing editor at Rolling Stone, he has also written for The New Yorker, Vanity Fair, and GQ. He grew up in Florida and can be found online at davidkushner.com.


Editor: Charles Homans
Producers: Olivia Koski and Gray Beltran
Web Designer: Alex Fringes
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Research and Production: Megan Detrie and Kelsey Kudak
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Photography and Video: Bob Croslin, Corbis Images, Florida Photographic Collection, Edmund D. Fountain, University of South Florida
Music: “Sheep Asleep” by Welcome Wizard



Published in September 2013. Design updated in 2021.

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The main hallway of a building at the now-closed Arthur G. Dozier School for Boys known as ‘”The White House.” ( Edmund D. Fountain/Tampa Bay Times/ZUMAPRESS.com)

Prologue

It didn’t take much to get sent to the White House. Smoking. Cussing. Taking an extra pat of butter at lunch. Or, as Jerry Cooper learned late one spring night in 1961, refusing to play football.

The White House was a small building near the cafeteria at the Florida School for Boys, where 15-year-old Cooper had arrived earlier that year. The school was the oldest reformatory in Florida, spread across 1,400 acres of rolling farmland in Marianna, a town of 7,150, an hour from the state capital in Tallahassee. Like most schools in the South, it treated football like religion. But the reform school’s Yellow Jackets had languished of late, and acting superintendent David Walters—who took such pride in the team that he kept its few trophies in his office—wanted Cooper to lead them to victory again.

Cooper was tall, lean, and amiable, the star quarterback at his high school in suburban Orlando before his life veered off course. When Walters, a stocky, crew-cut middle-aged man, summoned Cooper to his office a few months after his arrival, he didn’t ask if he’d play quarterback for the Yellow Jackets. He told him to.

But Cooper didn’t want to suit up. With his good behavior and dutiful work as a teacher’s aide, he had earned an early release from the school and would be going home in a few months. He didn’t want a commitment to the football team to keep him around through the fall. He obligingly attended practices with the other boys, struggling through the Florida heat in thick, ratty pads every afternoon, but he refused to sign up for the coming season.

Then, one night, he was awakened by a hand gripping his neck. Two guards—one larger than him, one smaller—dragged him barefoot from his cottage. They wouldn’t say where they were taking him as they threw him into the back of an old blue Ford. They drove along the rocky dirt roads across campus until they reached a little white building. Cooper had never been sent to the White House before, but he had heard the stories of kids being taken there to be whipped—or worse.

As the guards shoved Cooper through the door, the stench of bodily fluids overwhelmed him. A lightbulb hung from the ceiling of the bare concrete room, illuminating three husky men: Walters, school disciplinarian R. W. Hatton, and a supervisor, Troy Tidwell, whom the boys nicknamed the One-Armed Bandit. As a child, Tidwell had leaned on the muzzle of a shotgun and blown off his left arm. His remaining arm possessed a fearsome strength, and he was known to the boys as the strongest whipmaster of the White House.

“What do you know about a runner?” Walters asked Cooper, referring to a boy who had run away from the school earlier that night.

“I don’t have a fucking clue,” Cooper replied.

Walters lunged for him, and Cooper’s football instincts took over. The boy jammed his shoulder into the superintendent, taking Tidwell down with him. But the men recovered, and Tidwell’s hand closed around Cooper’s neck, hurling him against the wall. Tidwell smashed his heel down on Cooper, shattering the ball of his foot.  When Cooper grabbed his foot in agony, he caught a fist to the mouth, which knocked loose his front teeth.

The men threw Cooper facedown on an army cot and tied his legs down. Cooper heard Tidwell’s whip snap against the ceiling and an instant later felt it sear his skin. One burning lash followed another, and Cooper, who never considered himself a coward, begged for mercy. “Jesus, God help me!” he cried. “Mother!” Then he passed out from the pain.

That night in his cottage, Cooper nursed his broken foot. The wounds from the whip were still so raw that the blood soaked through the back of his nightshirt. A boy who had been waiting his turn in the White House during Cooper’s beating later told him he had counted 135 licks in all. The supervisors had told Cooper he was being punished for not helping them find the runaway, but Cooper surmised the real reason for the whipping: They wanted him on the football team, even if they had to beat him into compliance (though they probably hadn’t planned on breaking his foot). Now, on account of his alleged insubordination, he wouldn’t be released from the school anytime soon—certainly not before the end of the football season.

Lying on his bed, Cooper wondered how he would survive the months that stretched before him. The White House had changed him. He vowed to bring the men who had broken him to justice, no matter how long it took.

But first he had to play ball.

One

On a crisp, sunny morning in March 2013, a maintenance worker struggled to open a rusty padlock on the door to a grimy whitewashed building. It sat in the middle of a patch of dying grass littered with pinecones, on the grounds of the Arthur G. Dozier School for Boys, as the Florida School for Boys had been renamed in 1967, in honor of a former superintendent. The school had closed for budgetary reasons two years before. The old cottages were boarded up now, the once prized football field gone to seed, and a high barbed-wire fence circled the property. Guards had once patrolled the perimeter to stop runaways; now they were there to keep out the curious, including what one called the “paranormals,” clairvoyants who’d been found on campus trying to communicate with dead boys.

When the worker finally forced the lock open, Erin Kimmerle stepped past him into the cottage that generations of Dozier boys had known as the White House. A self-assured but soft-spoken 40-year-old with long blond hair, she wore aviator sunglasses, a black coat, and blue jeans. By the light of an iPhone, she peered down a hallway lined with tiny cells, a narrow slit for a window in the back wall of each. Names and dates from half a century ago were scrawled over a doorway. The wall of one room was spattered with something red, and marked with a red handprint. “We tested it,” a representative from the Florida Department of Juvenile Justice assured her. “It’s just paint.”

One of the country’s leading forensic anthropologists, Kimmerle had unearthed mass graves in Bosnia, Nigeria, and Peru. But the White House struck her as uniquely haunting. “It just feels—sad,” she said. The scene was a far cry from the image the Dozier school had presented to the world when it first opened, in 1900, as a national model for the rehabilitation of troubled youths. “The grounds were immaculate,” recalls U.S. senator Bill Nelson, a Florida Democrat, who as a boy in the 1950s often visited family in the area. Locals in Marianna still speak fondly of Dozier. Until it closed down in 2011, the school was known for a Christmas light show that attracted visitors from around the state. An early publicity brochure showed clean-cut boys playing bugles under the campus’s cedars and billed the school as “A Place in the Sun.”

But for nearly as long, the school had been dogged by a darker history. In 1903, after hearing complaints about the institution, a committee from the state legislature investigated and found that school administrators were beating boys, feeding them poorly, and hiring them out for labor. Children as young as five, the committee found, had been shackled and chained in small cells. Five more investigations followed over the next decade; one of them, in 1911, reported that the beatings had continued and likened the African-American side of the then segregated campus to “a convict camp.” In 1914, a fire broke out in a dormitory, killing eight boys—as well as two adult staff members—who had been locked inside. The superintendent and other staff members had been in town at the time, on what a grand jury, convened the next year, called “a pleasure bent.”

After the same grand jury determined that the punishments the administrators had meted out to the boys at the Florida School for Boys were “cruel and inhuman,” the state installed new management. But little changed. In 1958, a psychologist who had worked at the reformatory testified before a U.S. Senate subcommittee that the school’s students were brutalized on cots in a small building on campus where “they are told to hold the head rail and not yell out nor to move.” Corporal punishment was banned at state-run institutions in 1968, but hair-raising reports about conditions at Dozier continued until at least 2007, when surveillance cameras caught guards choking a teenager and beating him unconscious on a concrete floor. And yet a century’s worth of investigations had all petered out without serious consequence.

Kimmerle specialized in such cases. Schooled at the University of Tennessee Anthropological Research Facility—the storied “Body Farm” where human remains are studied as they decay—her excavations in other countries had helped lead to war-crimes convictions. At the University of South Florida in Tampa, where she had worked since 2005, Kimmerle and her team of students and anthropologists reviewed hundreds of cold cases for Hillsborough County. They spent their days in a windowless basement lab, looking for the kind of answers that old bones could provide when the memories of the living were of little use.

Leaving the White House, Kimmerle walked silently past the dusty cafeteria, where metal tables rusted under a ceiling pocked with missing tiles. She climbed into her car and drove slowly across the campus—past the church, the shuttered administration building, the old cottages where students like Jerry Cooper once slept. A small bronze plaque dedicated to Arthur Dozier, who died in 1967, marked the ground near the exit, extolling his “33 years of dedicated service to the youth of Florida.”

Kimmerle’s team had been exploring the grounds of Dozier for over a year and had uncovered far more evidence than anyone expected. Their work promised to answer questions that had been asked for years by former students and the families of boys who had come back from the school changed irrevocably—or had never come back at all. But the discoveries also raised another, bigger question: If the horror stories from Dozier were true all along, why didn’t anyone do anything about them until it was too late?

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A Christmas card from the Florida School for Boys, 1948. (Florida Photographic Collection)  

Two

Jerry Cooper was the last kid anyone expected to end up in reform school. In Winter Garden, the town near Orlando where he grew up in the 1950s, he was known for his strong passing arm and was a straight-A student—but he was also a broken boy. He lived with his mother and stepfather on the grounds of the hospital where his stepfather worked as a maintenance engineer. Twenty years older than his mother, Cooper’s stepfather physically and verbally abused both of them. Cooper twice tried to run away to his uncle’s house in Virginia, only to be caught and brought back to Winter Garden.

The third time, it briefly seemed, would be the charm. Cooper, then 15, hitched a ride out of Winter Garden. Just outside of Savannah, Georgia, he was picked up in a Chevy convertible by a scrappy young Marine named Danny, who was bound for North Carolina. In the wee hours of the morning, the two were approaching the North Carolina state line when Cooper saw the lights of a police car in the rearview mirror. Instead of pulling over, Danny floored the accelerator. Cooper heard gunshots ring out behind them.

“Danny, man, stop!” he shouted, ducking down on the floor. “What are you doin’?” But Danny only drove faster, until he finally lost control, hurtling over the shoulder into a watery ditch. Danny fled into the woods, but Cooper stayed put and was quickly captured. “What are you doing in a stolen car?” the cop hollered at him.

Cooper was arrested along with Danny for car theft. As a minor, he avoided a jail sentence, and instead was sent to the Florida School for Boys. His sentence would have no set length, he was told; he would have to earn his way out through good behavior. Cooper had heard rumors about the school, but only of the vaguest sort. All he knew was that it was a place you didn’t want to go.

When he arrived there in May 1961, Marianna looked to Cooper like any other poor, rural town in the Florida Panhandle. There was a short main street with a strip of small brick stores. Modest brick houses sat alongside peanut and dairy farms. Cooper marveled at how clean and collegiate the reform-school campus looked. Cows grazed in the fields. Sun dappled through the pines.

On his first day at school, Cooper was sent to visit the assistant superintendent, R.W. Hatton. As he waited outside the office for his turn, he could hear Hatton screaming at another boy, who was led out of the room by a fierce-looking man with one arm. When Cooper was called inside, Hatton, a crew-cut man with a prune-like face, sternly spelled out the rules, then concluded with a warning. “Let me tell you one thing, Jerry,” Cooper recalls him saying. “You get caught on this campus talking to a nigger, if you get caught doing anything, you’re going to the White House.”

Because of his good grades at his old high school, Cooper was assigned a job as a teacher’s aide. Determined to get out as soon as he could, he threw himself into the work. Then one day during his first week on the job, a mentally challenged boy whom Cooper often helped with his homework began acting out in the classroom. The teacher ordered him to the White House.

When the boy returned, an hour later, Cooper noticed that he was hobbling. After class ended and the boy limped off, Cooper saw that he had left behind a pool of blood on his seat. The teacher told Cooper to wipe it up. It was then that he began to wonder what kind of punishment, exactly, the state had given him.

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Students at the Florida School for Boys, 1950s. (Florida Photographic Collection)

Three

The school’s brutality wasn’t the work of just a few isolated sadists. In a sense, it had been poured into the very foundation of the place. Marianna is the seat of Jackson County, one of the first counties in the Florida Territory cleared in the early 19th century by settlers, who flocked to the rich soil of its river-crossed lowlands. Agriculture—first cotton and later peanuts, melons, and other crops—had always been the town’s dominant industry. The vast acreage of the school itself was planted with corn, sweet potatoes, and watermelons.

But by the late 1800s, Marianna, just a quarter-century removed from Reconstruction, was still reeling economically from the loss of the slave labor it had once depended on. Seeking to fill the gap, Florida passed laws that allowed for convicts to be pressed into service as manual laborers. In 1887, a 16-year-old boy was whipped to death at a convict camp; 12 years later, a U.S. House of Representatives investigative committee declared the state’s convict labor to be “a system of cruelty and inhumanity.” But it was a system that would be brought to the Florida School for Boys the following year, courtesy of a man named William H. Milton.

A native son of Marianna and the grandson of a Civil War–era Florida governor, Milton was a recently failed gubernatorial candidate who worked as a banker in his hometown. (Later in the decade, he would be appointed to the U.S. Senate to replace a fellow Democrat who died in office.) He was also the chairman of the board of the reform school when it was founded—and saw in the new state-run institution a potential solution to the local labor shortage. The wayward boys who attended the school, he realized, could be hired out to work in Marianna’s fields far below the cost of adult farmhands.

There was one flaw in his plan, however: The reform school didn’t have enough boys to meet demand. At the time, only minors who had committed serious crimes were sent to the school, and there weren’t many of them—less than a few dozen in all. To increase the student population, Milton asked Governor William Jennings to allow that “incorrigible children be sent, without conviction, for an indefinite period” to the school, “leaving the term fixed by the management.”

Jennings approved Milton’s proposal, and Florida’s next governor, N.B. Broward, did him one better, eliminating the fees counties had to pay to send boys to the school. He also boasted to the state legislature of the “large returns” the school got from local farmers who hired the boys and from the sale of the school’s own crops for a profit. Broward was careful to describe the boys’ farm work as rehabilitation, not exploitation. “Such labor and work as is imposed upon its inmates [should] be imposed with a view of their industrial training,” he wrote in 1906, “rather than a means of revenue.”

Still, the school was Marianna’s golden goose: In a cash-strapped county in a cash-strapped state, here was a government institution that actually made money. But the profits came at a human price. Johnnie Walthour, an African-American teen who attended the school in the early 1950s, later recalled being roped with a line of boys to a plow “like a mule.” If the rope slackened, he said, the offending boy was pulled from the line and beaten.

Nevertheless, the school expanded its work programs, adding a brickmaking plant and a publishing plant, which printed government documents for the state. By the time Jerry Cooper was committed, there were over 700 students on campus. The Florida School for Boys was now the largest reform school in America.

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Football practice at the Florida School for Boys, 1950s. (Florida Photographic Collection)  

Four

The Yellow Jackets were a scrappy, Bad News Bears team when Jerry Cooper arrived. As the only reform school in its conference, the team played with a sizable chip on its shoulder. There weren’t just egos at stake; the school’s supervisors were known to bet on the games. Cooper saw just how seriously they took the sport when he arrived at practice for the first time and saw Vic Prinzi, a former NFL quarterback and star at nearby Florida State University, coaching on the field.

While other schools in the state were prohibited from practicing during the sweltering summer months, the Florida School for Boys’ administrators exploited their unique circumstances for an edge. The Yellow Jackets were subjected to workouts in the swampy heat, scrimmaging far from the road in case anyone happened to drive by. Cooper saw boys vomiting and passing out from exhaustion.

After his night in the White House, Cooper recalls, he was given an ultimatum: quarterback for the team or be sent to an adult prison for another few years. He chose the team. When he complained that his broken foot was causing him too much pain to play, the coaches called for a nurse to shoot him full of novocaine.

One of the Yellow Jackets’ offensive ends was a brawny kid named Edgar “Tommy” Elton, who had been sent to the school for stealing hubcaps. Elton, like Cooper, had a perfect behavior record on campus and was looking forward to going home after the football season; the two boys became close friends. Then, one hot and humid day in July, the Yellow Jackets were running a passing drill in the stifling heat of the school gym, which lacked air-conditioning. Prinzi was throwing to receivers. After catching a pass, Cooper looked up to see Elton on his knees gasping for air.

Cooper knew that his friend suffered from asthma and that Elton’s parents had notified the school of the condition. He ran to alert Hatton and Tidwell, who as usual were watching the practice. But as he approached, Cooper saw Hatton reach for the gun he kept on his belt. “You take one more step,” he recalls Hatton saying, “and I’m going to shoot you.” Tidwell ordered Elton back to practice. But as Elton struggled to his feet, he fell to the floor—“like a rock,” Cooper recalls.

The obituary in the school paper reported that there had been an immediate effort to revive Elton and that he had died of a heart attack; no mention was made of his asthma. As Cooper and other students remember it, however, no one attempted to revive Elton, and the boy lay on the floor for nearly 30 minutes before he was carried out on a stretcher. No one from the school’s infirmary ever arrived. Where Elton was buried, Cooper never knew. But there was one thing he felt sure about: He had witnessed a murder.

Cooper was still fuming a few weeks later, during the Yellow Jackets’ last practice before the first game of the season. But the school administrators were depending on their new prize quarterback to bring home the trophy. “We need this game, Jerry,” Prinzi told him.

Cooper stared him down. “I’m not playing for you,” he said. “I’m not playing for Walters. I’m playing for Tommy Elton.”

Cooper led the Yellow Jackets to victory in their opening game, and he never let up. Though he resented Prinzi for not protecting his friend, the two formed a wary alliance. Prinzi needed a winning team; Cooper needed a place to work out his anger, and all he had was a football field. When Cooper asked for new uniforms for the team, Prinzi made sure they got them. When they arrived at their away games to find the opposing teams and fans calling them killers and rapists, Prinzi urged his team to keep their cool.

By season’s end, Cooper and the Yellow Jackets had done the unthinkable, winning all but one game. The only thing standing between them and a championship win was Chattahoochee —a team from elsewhere in the Panhandle that the reform school hadn’t beaten in 12 years. The crucial showdown was on Chattahoochee’s home field.

Cooper had grown accustomed to defensive players telling each other to go for his bad foot, and Chattahoochee’s defense was no exception. But Cooper’s determination, bolstered with novocaine, kept the pain at bay. By halftime, the game was still scoreless, but Cooper hit his receiver for a touchdown pass in the third quarter to take the lead. One more touchdown clinched the game, and the championship.

The trophy went onto Walter’s shelf with the others. Cooper was voted onto the conference all-star team and awarded a letter for his jacket, a yellow F, for Florida School for Boys. The best prize of all, however, was a ticket home. In November, Cooper left the reform school once and for all to return to his family in Winter Garden. Before he boarded the bus home, he chucked the letter in the trash.


Sometimes, in his nightmares, he saw a bear. Cooper was back in the White House, screaming for mercy as he was beaten again. But it wasn’t Tidwell or the others who were after him—it was a bear, and it chased him out the door of the small building and into the night. Other nights he dreamed of Elton dying in the gym as he watched powerlessly, unable to intervene. He’d wake up crying, chastising himself for not having done more for his friend.

No matter how hard Cooper tried to bury the memories in the decades that followed, they wouldn’t let him alone. He built a successful career in construction, turning a $2,500 investment into a multimillion-dollar company, but he was still a tortured boy who had grown into a tortured man. He suffered debilitating panic attacks, some so bad that they drove him to contemplate suicide. He numbed himself with drink and got into fights—including with police.

He married and adopted three children, but the relationship ended in divorce. Even Hollywood seemed to mock his past with the 1974 film The Longest Yard, starring Burt Reynolds—a friend and teammate of Vic Prinzi at FSU—which Cooper figured had to be inspired by Prinzi’s experience coaching the Dozier team. It was a comedy.

As he reached his sixties, Cooper still had the rugged handsomeness of his youth, but he was weathered now, the tattoos on his forearms fading and his moustache long and gray. His foot had never properly healed, and he walked with a cane. Scars from Tidwell’s whip still marked his buttocks. After retiring to a well-appointed home in the coastal community of Cape Coral with his second wife, Babbs, and four small dogs, he spent his days alone, combing the nearby beaches with his metal detector. He was ashamed to share his story even with Babbs. Inside, he obsessed over a near impossible goal: justice for Tidwell and the other men who stole his youth in the White House. “In one night,” he would later say, “I became a monster.”

Then, in December 2008, Cooper was trimming his lawn when he looked through the window at the TV inside, tuned to cable news, and saw something jarringly familiar. There, on CNN, was the little white building of his nightmares.

He rushed inside. On the screen, a group of gray-haired men were standing in front of the White House—it looked just like he remembered it—recounting the abuse they had suffered there decades ago. “You could hear it coming through the air, and when it hit your body, the pain was unbelievable,” one of the men recalled of Tidwell’s whip. “They just beat you to the point of unconsciousness, or you could no longer understand what was happening to you.” Another former student called the school “a concentration camp for little boys.” Sitting in his living room, Cooper’s eyes filled with tears.

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Jerry Cooper (Bob Croslin)

Five

They called themselves the White House Boys. Each claimed to have been physically assaulted, sexually abused, or both at the reform school during the 1950s and 1960s. Like Cooper, they had long suffered quietly, ashamed to share their stories. They had also been afraid; as children, they said, their abusers threatened that if they ever spoke of what happened, they would be sent back to the school. Even when some did hesitantly speak out, their friends and family didn’t always believe them.

What had finally prompted them to come forward was a recent incident at another Florida reform school. In January 2006, Martin Lee Anderson, a 14-year-old inmate at the Bay County Sheriff’s Office Boot Camp, a juvenile detention center in Panama City, collapsed and died on a running track on his first day at the facility. An initial autopsy by the local medical examiner found that Anderson had died of complications from sickle-cell trait, a blood condition with which he had not previously been diagnosed. A surveillance tape leaked from the boot camp, however, showed Anderson being restrained and beaten on the track by guards moments before his death.

A second autopsy, conducted at the urging of Anderson’s family, found that his death had not been the result of sickle-cell trait or natural causes. The story drew outrage across Florida, eventually forcing the legislature to close the state’s five boot camps. For the men who had endured similar treatment at the Florida School for Boys, the incident had a grim resonance.

On blogs and online forums, the men began swapping stories of the traumas that still haunted them long after they left the school. Broken marriages. Sleepless nights. Alcoholism. Violent rage. Though difficult to corroborate individually, the stories were strikingly consistent in many details: the positions the boys were forced into on cots in the White House, the sound of Tidwell’s whip scraping the ceiling, the buzz of the industrial fan drowning out the sound of the beatings and of the boys’ screams.

Last February, I attended a meeting of the White House Boys at Cooper’s home. After seeing the men on CNN, he had quickly thrown himself into the group’s work and eventually became its acting president, quarterbacking their fight for justice just as he had the Yellow Jackets long ago. The White House Boys now had over 450 members, each of whom claimed to have been beaten, molested, or raped at the school. They held an annual convention and had even designed their own tricolor flag: white for the White House, red for the blood that was shed there, and black for the stolen childhoods and lost lives. The men brought it to every meeting and every member’s funeral.

Over a lunch of honey baked ham and macaroni, I listened as the group members recalled the abuse they suffered at the hands of the state. “Tidwell beat my ass,” James DeNyke, a 64-year-old biker in a Harley T-shirt, said. “There was a boy ahead of me and I sat there—” He broke off, tears preventing him from saying any more.

Michael Tucker, a long-haired retiree in sandals who had once been a Yellow Jackets linebacker, told DeNyke that he had a story he couldn’t get through either. He recalled befriending a mentally challenged 11-year-old boy at the school, to whom he’d slip extra cookies while working at the cafeteria. One day, Tucker was summoned to the White House. Having already been sent there once for smoking, he braced himself for the worst.

But this time it wasn’t him who was in for a lashing—it was the 11-year-old boy. “They deliberately got me,” he recalled, tearfully, “and made me … hold him down, while he screamed in my face for his mama, while they beat him with that goddamn strap.” His own beating, he recalled, “didn’t feel like nothing compared to that. That scars your soul.”

At the meeting and in other testimonials, the White House Boys described bizarre and abhorrent behavior by staff that extended beyond beatings. During the psychological evaluations they were forced to undergo at the school, many students recalled, the staff social worker, Robert Currie, asked if they had ever had sex with their mothers; some students recalled him rubbing their shoulders while he questioned them.

Others spoke of being sexually assaulted in a basement area known as the “rape room.” Robert Straley, now a 66-year-old novelties distributor in Clearwater, had been sent to Marianna in the early 1960s for running away from home. One night, he claimed, Tidwell and a tall man he hadn’t seen before woke him up and drove him to the campus administration building. They led him down a set of stairs into a dank room and flicked on a dim light overhead, illuminating a bed.

Tidwell pushed him down onto the mattress, Straley recalled, and knelt on his back so hard he thought it would break. “While I struggled to breathe, the tall man pulled down my pajamas and I felt something rough prodding my bottom,” he later wrote (the memory remains too traumatic for him to recount aloud). “There was a sudden feeling of wetness and something hurt like fire for a moment. The men traded positions and that was when I started blacking out. I had the weird feeling of my mouth stretched as wide as it could be but I couldn’t seem to draw a breath.”

It wasn’t just the guilt and shame that scarred them, but also the fear—fear that any night, at any time, they could be awakened and beaten. Boys who tried to escape—runners, in the parlance of the school—risked being shot. Earl Somnitz, now a 66-year-old living off disability payments in Panama City, experienced this twice. One day while working in the metal shop on the edge of the school grounds, Somnitz saw a runner hiding in the bushes. A state jeep pulled up in front of him with Hatton and others inside. Somnitz says he watched Hatton club the boy so hard with the butt of his rifle that “it peeled the skin back above his eyebrows. I could see the bones.” The men then threw the limp body into the jeep and drove off, the boy’s head lolling over the door.

Somnitz never found out what became of the child, but the incident didn’t stop him from running away one day himself. Even if he made it past the guards, Somnitz knew that the school paid a bounty for runners to the locals in Marianna—up to $25 a boy. (At one time, “runaways” was listed in school records as the second-highest budget item.) Dressed in his pajamas, Somnitz ran through the woods, and he recalls hearing gunshots sail past him. He managed to elude his pursuers and successfully escape back to his family, never returning to the school.

Other men, like Cooper, were haunted by memories of acts even worse than rapes and beatings. At the White House Boys meeting, Roger Kiser, now a 66-year-old author, told of seeing a boy under a sheet being carried from the school laundry. “Another one of you little bastards just bit the dust,” a supervisor told him, he remembers. Dick Colon, who worked in the laundry several years earlier, said he once saw a boy tumbling in an industrial dryer, then carried out under a sheet on a stretcher.

The bodies of many of the boys who vanished from the school under such circumstances, the White House Boys claimed, had been dumped in unmarked graves on the school grounds. Some of them, they believed, were in the cemetery on the African-American side of the campus. The cemetery was called Boot Hill, a term the boys might have recognized from the movies: It was what burial grounds were called in the Wild West, so named for the men who died with their boots on in gunfights.

The cemetery bordered the school’s garbage dump. How many bodies were buried there was an open question. Campus records were spotty or nonexistent, and some of the graves belonged to campus pets—a pair of dogs and a peacock named Sue. By the 1960s, the wooden crosses that originally marked the boys’ plots had rotted away. One day, Lenox “Link” Williams—a hulking tobacco-chewing psychologist who had recently joined the staff—led a troop of Boy Scouts from the school up to Boot Hill to plant cement crosses where he guessed the graves might have been. “Better to have too many,” he later recalled, “than too few.”

But the school’s lack of concern about the cemetery continued in the years to come. In the 1980s, a maintenance crew clearing nearby land inadvertently mowed over the crosses, destroying them and tossing them into the woods. They were replaced by crosses fashioned out of metal pipes and painted white. But the paint soon chipped away, leaving them to rust.

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Six

One afternoon last March, I walked through downtown Marianna with Elmore Bryant, a 79-year-old lifelong resident of Marianna who in the 1980s became the town’s first African-American mayor. I was curious how it was that the crimes the White House Boys claimed had occurred at the Dozier school had been tolerated by the town for so many years. By way of an answer, Bryant led me to the Jackson County courthouse and pointed to a large leafy live oak tree standing in front of the building.

On the morning of October 26, 1934, a mob of more than a hundred Marianna residents forced their way into the county jail in Brewton, Alabama, and kidnapped a 23-year-old black farmhand named Claude Neal. Neal had confessed to raping and murdering a 20-year-old white woman in Marianna; he had been moved to a jail two hundred miles away for his safety while he awaited trial. The mob brought Neal back to Marianna and, in front of more than a thousand onlookers, tortured and castrated him before killing him and dragging his bullet-riddled body through the streets of the town, then hanging it from the oak tree in front of the courthouse.

When the county sheriff finally cut down Neal’s body, rioters converged on the courthouse in protest, then fanned out through the town, attacking the homes of black residents until the National Guard arrived and restored peace. Nobody in Marianna ever gave up the people who were responsible for the lynching, among the most notorious in U.S. history. The point of the story, in Bryant’s telling, was clear: Marianna was a town accustomed to keeping dark secrets in the name of order. “Ain’t nobody gonna talk,” Bryant told me. “This town is close-knit.”

After the White House Boys began speaking out in 2008, they were accused of being, as one blogger put it, “scum and liars” who were spinning tales with hopes of suing the state for money. “There are no ‘mystery graves’ or ‘unmarked graves’ in the little cemetery near Dozier School in Marianna,” the local historian Dale Cox wrote on his blog in 2009. “Let old dogs rest,” Marianna resident Woody Hall later told the Tampa Bay Times. “Let it be. Leave it alone.”

While in Marianna, I visited the town’s police chief, Hayes Baggett, in his office. The son of Dozier’s former business manager, Baggett believes that the alleged abuses at the school never took place. “I think living here all my life I would have heard something,” he told me. He resented the investigations and the publicity, which “put a black eye on our community,” he said. “It’s just got it painted like we’re a bunch of hillbillies up this way and that’s not the case.”

For decades, efforts to investigate Dozier had run up against local intransigence. In 1968, Republican governor Claude Kirk—who once described himself as “a tree-shakin’ son of a bitch”—tried to distinguish himself as the first governor in the state to reform the by then notorious school. But he had an estimable opponent: the school’s new superintendent, Lenox Williams, who had been promoted to the job the year before.

During an inspection of the school that year, Kirk found boys living in cramped quarters with backed-up toilets and crumbling walls. Kirk asked Williams how the boys stayed warm with no heat in the winter or blankets on their beds. “Body heat,” Williams quipped.

Kirk called a press conference. “If one of your kids were kept in such circumstances, you’d be up there with rifles,” he declared, adding, “Somebody should have blown the whistle on Marianna a long time ago.” Florida’s newspapers piled on. The St. Petersburg Times wrote an editorial urging the state to “lift its troubled children from an environment as destructive as Marianna’s.” Another St. Petersburg paper, the Evening Independent, demanded a grand jury investigation.

But any changes were fleeting at best. Williams was fired for championing corporal punishment, despite a ban on the practice, but he was reinstated within a year by a staunchly supportive Florida legislator, Dempsey Barron, whose district included the school.

In 1979, Jack Levine, a young teacher from Tallahassee who also worked with the Florida Department of Health and Rehabilitation Services, paid an unannounced visit to the Dozier school; he had heard the rumors and wanted to see for himself if they were true. In a shack behind the administration building, he was shocked to find scared and malnourished-looking children—some of them as young as 10—locked in small cells. Levine later returned to the campus—again unannounced—with an American Civil Liberties Union attorney. This time they found a boy hog-tied in a small cell; a visit soon after by Health and Rehabilitation representatives uncovered the same thing.

A class action filed on behalf of students from the school followed in 1983, alleging that boys were not only routinely shackled and hog-tied but also had their mail censored and calls and visits wrongly restricted. The state settled the case in 1987, agreeing to a ban on hog-tying, a population limit for the school, and, once again, Williams’s removal. But, in a now-familiar pattern, the reforms proved short-lived. Seven years later, Governor Lawton Chiles asked a federal court to abolish the limit on the student body at Dozier, and allegations of abuse continued. Over 300 were documented from 2004 to 2009 alone.

Even a surveillance video that was leaked online in 2007, showing a boy being knocked unconscious and bloody by a residency officer in a Dozier dormitory, wasn’t enough to force the school’s closure. Dozier’s acting superintendent was fired, along with the officer involved in the incident, but little changed. “We recognize that there are systemic operational problems at our Dozier facility that span the chain of command from top to bottom,” Department of Juvenile Justice secretary Walt McNeil said in 2007 in response to the controversy, echoing the empty promises of the past. “It is clear that we have to act decisively to change the culture of our Dozier facility.”

Warning: The following video contains images of violence that might be disturbing to some viewers.

Seven

The White House Boys’ appearance on CNN hadn’t just caught Cooper’s eye—it had also gotten the attention of Governor Charlie Crist, who, under mounting pressure, agreed to launch a state-level inquiry into the abuses at Dozier. In December 2008, Crist ordered the Florida Department of Law Enforcement to locate the graves on Boot Hill, identify the remains, and determine if any crimes had been committed, as well as investigate the claims of abuse during the White House Boys’ tenure at the school. It was a daunting assignment. “We’re dealing with witnesses alleging certain acts committed in some instances fifty or sixty years ago,” Mark Perez, chief inspector for the FDLE, told me.

Hatton, Walters, and other supervisors from the era were dead, but Perez’s team did manage to interview Lenox Williams, who was retired and living in Marianna. Under oath, Williams, who became superintendent in 1966, downplayed the accusations of abuse. He said the boys received “spankings” with a leather paddle in the White House as a last resort but that he limited them to less than 12 licks.

Williams also denied any knowledge of sexual abuse on campus but said he had confronted the guidance counselor Robert Currie—now dead—about allegations that he had made inappropriate comments to boys and sometimes approached them in their cottages at night. From that point on, Williams said, Currie stopped his come-ons. Williams said he had also intervened with—and ultimately fired—a Catholic priest at the school whom the boys had also accused of inappropriate sexual advances. When investigators asked about the allegations that children had been killed and secretly buried at the school, Williams said the White House Boys were spreading “a cock-and-bull story.”

There was one figure from the White House Boys’ stories who could still speak to what happened: Troy Tidwell, the man known to the Dozier boys as the One-Armed Bandit. Now 84 and hard of hearing, Tidwell refused to submit to an interview with the FDLE investigators. (He also did not reply to my attempts to contact him for this story.) But he did give a video deposition in 2009 to attorneys for a group of White House Boys who had filed a civil lawsuit against him and several state agencies over the alleged abuse. Tidwell appeared in the video a gray-haired and mild-mannered old man, eyes hidden behind thick glasses. Over his red button-down shirt, a blue blazer draped thinly where his left arm would have been.

Twice married and a father of two, Tidwell had retired from the school in 1982 and still lived in Marianna, where he had spent his entire life. In a gravelly drawl, he spoke of his youth in the town, of how he had left school after the 11th grade and taken odd jobs, driving trucks and working construction. In the early 1940s, he had found a supervisory job at a Gainesville school for physically and mentally challenged children but headed back to Marianna after 16 months to care for his ill mother.

Tidwell had joined the staff of the Florida School for Boys in 1943, working as a groundskeeper and later overseeing supplies for the campus clothing store and candy shop. He lived on the school grounds with his family and was promoted to supervisor in 1958, on 24-hour call to deal with any disciplinary problems among the boys.

When asked during his video statement if he had ever participated in physical discipline during his employment, Tidwell responded “no,” then looked away from the camera. He admitted to giving boys what he called “spankings” over the years, sometimes with a board or a leather strap. But he denied making them bleed or sexually abusing them. “Never was a boy beat in my presence,” he said. “The years that I worked at that school, I tried to be as fair as I could to those kids, and I would want anybody working with mine in a school like that to be the same.” The civil suit against him was eventually dismissed on the grounds that the statute of limitations had passed.


After its investigation concluded in early 2010 the FDLE announced it had found “no tangible physical evidence” to support or refute the White House Boys’ claims of abuse. As for the allegations of covered-up murders at Dozier, the FDLE had been forced to rely on school records, which were eroded, handwritten, and often unsigned. Many deaths that were recorded were attributed to accidents or unknown causes. Of the 81 students who were recorded as having died at the school, the FDLE determined that 31 had been buried on Boot Hill. The rest were buried off campus or in undetermined locations. But the FDLE decided that there was not enough evidence to merit digging up the bodies at Boot Hill. Doing so, the agency argued in one of its reports, would cause the “desecration of … innocent remains” and in any case, their age would “make specific identification unlikely.” In 2010, the FDLE closed the case.

Cooper and the other White House Boys were crushed. The state had let them down yet again. Some called it a cover-up. Others wanted Tidwell dead. Cooper seethed when he watched the video of Tidwell’s statement. He wanted more than ever for the truth to come out—even if he had to dig it up himself.

Not long after the FDLE completed its investigation, Cooper packed his bags and drove out of Cape Coral, headed north toward Marianna. As the familiar hill country passed by, he felt the memories rush back over him. Driving up the town’s tiny main street, he fought off the urge to track down Tidwell for fear of what he might do if he found him.

After checking into his motel room, Cooper called a friend in town, with a favor to ask: Could he drive him to Dozier that night? “Give me a ride and come get me when I call you in the morning,” Cooper said. In the morning? His friend asked dubiously.

When his ride pulled up around 6:30 p.m., Cooper was dressed in camouflage, night-vision goggles hanging around his neck. He had with him a metal detector, the same one he used to find coins on the beach back home. As night fell, the two men pulled up outside the property. Cooper, who relied on Medicare, worried that if he was caught poking around the school grounds it could jeopardize the coverage he needed for his increasingly poor health. But he had come this far, and he couldn’t turn back just yet.

As his friend drove away, Cooper made his way toward the school, the remembered landscape rendered a hazy green by the night-vision goggles. The buildings looked ghostly and haunted. When he came to the White House, he noticed that it was locked. But what he was looking for wasn’t there anyway.

For what seemed like hours, he crisscrossed the property, searching for Boot Hill. Based on all the stories he’d heard over the years from the White House Boys, he thought there had to be more graves than the ones the FDLE reported, and he wanted to prove it. But after nearly two hours of searching, his bad leg was acting up on him. With difficulty he heaved his 65-year-old body over a fence overgrown with brush, and finally, in the wee hours of the night, came upon several rows of white metal crosses.

Then Cooper heard his metal detector beep. Holding it out, he followed it slowly into the woods, the beeps getting louder and louder, until he came to the source. Cooper looked down through his goggles and saw a pile of cement crosses fitted with rebar. They were the broken grave markers that the maintenance crew had accidentally destroyed decades before.

It felt like a discovery—but was it? Cooper stood there with his metal detector. The broken grave markers lay scattered around him, unable to tell him anything he didn’t already know.

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Dr. Erin Kimmerle exhumes a grave on August 31, 2013. (Edmund D. Fountain)

Eight

Twenty years before Cooper first arrived at the Florida School for Boys, a 14-year-old aspiring guitarist named George Owen Smith ran away from home in Auburndale, Florida, in hopes of beginning a career in Nashville. He made it only 57 miles north to the town of Tavares, however, before he was arrested for allegedly stealing and wrecking a car and sent to the reform school in Marianna.

Smith managed to escape the school once but was quickly caught. After he was brought back to campus, he wrote his parents a letter in which he said, cryptically, “I got what I deserved.” Three months later, his family received another letter from the school—this one from the superintendent, Millard Davidson. Smith had run away again, Davidson wrote. This time he had been found dead from pneumonia, decomposing under a house in town where he had been hiding.

The Smith family was devastated. But when they arrived at the funeral home in Marianna where the school officials said Owen’s body had been held, the mortician professed to never having seen it. At the school, a boy told them he’d last seen Smith running across a field, fleeing gunfire from the school’s guards. Another student told them that after his first attempted escape, Owen had been beaten severely in a building the boys called the White House.

Davidson stuck to the official story about pneumonia. He led the boy’s parents and 12-year-old sister, now named Ovell Krell, into the woods. Krell would later recall seeing several unmarked depressions on the ground, one of which appeared fresh. “This is Owen’s grave,” Davidson told them, “and I’m going to put a nice headstone on it.” Krell looked up at him, then at the other graves bereft of headstones, and thought, You’re telling a lie if ever there was one.

The Smith family, too poor to bring Owen’s body back home for a proper burial, left without their boy. But Krell never gave up hope. Now 84 years old, with short gray hair and glasses, she keeps just one memento of her older brother, a child’s wallet with a Junior G-Men radio show identification card inside. “This is the only link I have to him,” she told me recently. “I can look at it and say I do know that he existed and he was a human being—even though he wasn’t treated like one.”

Krell had shared her suspicions with the FLDE investigators, who mentioned her in one of their reports. Not long after she was approached by the St. Petersburg Times, and told her story in an article that caught the attention of at least one person over the bridge in Tampa: Erin Kimmerle.


Kimmerle had wanted to be a scientist ever since she was a child growing up in northern Minnesota. In college, she became fascinated by the work of Clyde Snow, a forensic anthropologist who had applied his skills to human-rights cases in Argentina. In the early 2000s, she followed in Snow’s footsteps, working on a United Nations mission to investigate mass graves in Kosovo, gathering information that would be used in prosecuting war crimes.

Kimmerle began to realize just what her discipline had to offer in these situations—how even claims that victims were casualties of war, for instance, could be refuted by physical evidence that the bodies had been cuffed and had gunshot holes behind their ears. “That’s the power of what science can do,” she told me one afternoon in her lab. There were four large tables covered with the assembled skeletons of cold cases she was investigating. “It’s a certain type of truth that should be told.”

At the University of South Florida, Kimmerle had joined a department that focused in part on applied anthropology, practicing their discipline on the local community—and Dozier was only a five-hour drive away. But the anthropologists were in a tough spot: Only the state had the power to issue exhumation orders, and with its investigation complete, the FDLE had already decided against it. So instead, as Kimmerle’s colleague Christian Wells told me with a laugh, “we kind of went in through the back door.”

The researchers quietly applied for and received a permit from the Division of Historical Resources to delineate the boundary of the cemetery and line up the crosses more precisely with the grave shafts underground. In January 2012, Kimmerle and her team arrived on campus to begin their work. Unmarked graves are typically located with ground-penetrating radar (GPR), which uses electromagnetic waves to map irregularities beneath the surface. The FDLE, which had no forensic anthropologists on staff, decided not to use GPR technology, arguing that the poor condition of the site, along with the passage of time, would produce unreliable results. The anthropologists decided to try anyway.

USF’s GPR device resembles a hot-dog cart and is nicknamed Matilda. (“Machines should have names,” Matilda’s operator, archaeologist Richard Estabrook, told me.) After clearing the kudzu from the cemetery, Kimmerle’s team rolled Matilda over the bumpy ground, transmitting electromagnetic waves deep into the soil. As the waves hit objects underground, they relayed the data back up to the computers. By reassembling the data, the anthropologists soon were able to provide a picture of the cemetery, with small rectangles representing possible graves.  

Each time a shaft was identified, the anthropologists dug a shallow trench the size of the spot on the radar. Mixed in with the dirt was an array of artifacts, both useful and not: broken plates, a rusty padlock, coffin nails. Wells, an environmental chemist by training, analyzed the soil for any evidence of human remains. Within days the team found and confirmed the presence of 31 graves on Boot Hill—graves that, as they suspected, did not match up with the crosses planted by the school. But that wasn’t all they found.

As the anthropologists progressed beyond Boot Hill’s known perimeter, Matilda began relaying a series of subsurface anomalies of unmistakable shape. They looked like long narrow shafts, each about the dimensions of a child’s body. The team had found the unmarked graves that the White House Boys swore were out there somewhere. The further they pushed Matilda beyond the existing white crosses, the more evidence of graves came back. Before long they were up against the cedars.

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Aerial view of the cemetery. (Edmund D. Fountain)

Nine

After two weeks of radar surveying, trench digging, and soil analysis, the USF team had found 50 graves—19 more than the school, and the FDLE, reported. Next, the anthropologists scoured the town of Marianna and beyond, interviewing former staff and students from the Dozier school. Graduate students were dispatched to the state archives in Tallahassee and university libraries across Florida to gather any information they could find.

The deeper they dug, the deeper the mystery in Marianna grew. While comparing the FDLE’s findings with historical records, the anthropologists found an additional 16 deaths not included in the state’s report. Among them was Robert Hewett, a 16-year-old who died in 1960 of gunshot wounds after running away from the school, and Thomas Curry, a 15-year-old runner who died in 1925 of blunt trauma. “Those scream there’s something suspicious and unexplained here,” Kimmerle told me.

Though the FDLE limited the scope of its inquiry to Boot Hill, the anthropologists suspected that there could be more unmarked graves scattered throughout the school grounds. Because Boot Hill was built during segregation and located on the black side of the school, it followed that there would be a cemetery on the white side as well.

To test the theory, the team returned to the campus one day in the fall of 2012 with Ovell Krell. When they led her to Boot Hill, Krell told them this was not where her family had been taken to see her brother’s grave. “Nothing jarred my memory,” she recalled. Of course, many years had passed since she had last visited Dozier, and perhaps she simply was wrong. But Krell insisted that the cemetery she’d seen as a child was near the administration building on what had then been the white side of the school.

That October, Kimmerle wrote to the state asking for permission to search more of the campus. She received a surprising response: The land, she was told, had just been put up for sale. The school had been closed for months, but even so, just hanging onto the property stood to cost the state, according to Wansley Walters, secretary of the Department of Juvenile Justice, which manages the property. “We’re spending hundreds of thousands of dollars to maintain that facility,” Walters told me.

But USF had found another useful ally. For decades, a wealthy 62-year-old retiree in Lakeland, Florida, named Glen Varnadoe had been seeking answers to his own unsolved Dozier mystery. Varnadoe’s uncle Thomas had been sent to Marianna for trespassing through a neighbor’s yard in 1934, then died after just 35 days at the school. The school buried his body in an unmarked grave on campus before notifying his parents that the 13-year-old had died of pneumonia as a result of anemia. But the family, who knew Thomas to be spry and healthy, suspected otherwise. “I’m convinced he was beat to death,” Varnadoe told me.

Like many families with boys at the school in the 1930s, the Varnadoes were too poor to travel to Marianna, let alone fight to exhume their boy’s remains. In the 1980s, Glen Varnadoe, now a successful businessman, drove to Dozier hoping to find the grave and arrange for Thomas to be returned to the family for a proper burial. A sympathetic staffer brought Varnadoe to a wooded spot on campus, where he pointed to some indentations in the ground, one of which he believed to be Thomas, based on the year of his death.

Varnadoe eagerly consented to be interviewed by the FDLE during its investigation. But when he read the resulting report, he found glaring errors and omissions. After contacting the USF team, he tried to retrace his steps with them at the school but couldn’t recall the exact location of the graves. He insisted, however, that he had seen more than one cemetery. “I know for a fact when I was there they showed me two different graveyards,” he told them. “Just overgrown in a field, eight or nine depressions in the ground.”

Desperate to stop the sale of the land so USF’s research could continue, Varnadoe sued the state in October seeking an injunction and wrote to U.S. senator Bill Nelson for help. Persuaded that the FDLE’s investigation was incomplete, Nelson urged the Department of Justice and Florida governor Rick Scott to support Kimmerle’s continued work, so that the anthropologists could find and exhume every lost boy at the school. “The reform school may yield some ugly reminders about our past,” he wrote, “but we absolutely must get to the bottom of this.”

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Thirty one metal crosses mark a cemetery on the property, but ground penetrating radar shows 19 possible burial sites that are unmarked. (Edmund D. Fountain)

Ten

In December 2012, Kimmerle and her team announced their discovery of the unmarked graves on the Dozier school grounds. When Jerry Cooper saw the announcement on the local TV news, he leaped out of his chair. Since joining the White House Boys, Cooper had taken on the fight for justice as a full-time volunteer job. He spent hours each day trolling the Internet for clues, reaching out to other survivors, and building an encyclopedic knowledge of the school’s sordid past.

After one of Kimmerle’s press conferences in Tampa, Cooper, who had driven up from Cape Coral, hobbled over to her with his cane and introduced himself, offering his services. Cooper became a clearinghouse of information on the school, sending along whatever he could to help Kimmerle’s cause: stories from the White House Boys, contacts for survivors, anything and everything that might help uncover the truth. But without an exhumation order, the truth remain trapped underground.

The project was besieged on other fronts as well. Since 2011, Governor Scott, a Tea Party Republican who had been elected the previous year on promises to drastically cut the state budget, had been embroiled in a war against the state’s higher-education institutions. In a 2011 interview with a newspaper editorial board about his plans to reform the college system, he vowed to shift funding to disciplines like science, technology, engineering, and mathematics that offered students the best job prospects, at the expense of fields that he deemed less marketable. The example of the latter he chose was anthropology. “If I’m going to take money from a citizen to put into education, then I’m going to take that money to create jobs,” Scott said. “So I want that money to go to degrees where people can get jobs in this state. Is it a vital interest of the state to have more anthropologists? I don’t think so.”

Meanwhile, after the USF team released its findings from the Dozier investigation, the FDLE fired back with a response defending its own work. Perez, the chief investigator, told me that the records of Hewett’s and Curry’s deaths, as well as others that had been omitted in the agency’s report, were “something we did not locate at the original time” but had been included in an updated version. He also pointed out that the 19 additional subsurface anomalies found by the anthropologists had not yet been proven to be graves. “Our standards are much higher in a criminal investigation,” he said.

But by the fall, as news of Kimmerle’s discovery spread, politicians throughout the state began lining up to back the USF team. In October, a judge ruled in favor of Varnadoe, blocking the sale of the Dozier land with a temporary injunction through the end of 2013. On March 12, Florida attorney general Pam Bondi filed a petition for a court order to allow the USF anthropologists to exhume the graves and determine how the boys died. “The deaths that occurred at the Dozier School for Boys in Marianna are cloaked in mystery,” Bondi told me at the time, “and the surviving family members deserve a thorough examination of the site.”

Wansley Walters, of the Department of Juvenile Justice, agreed. “As far as I’m concerned, they can dig up every square inch of it,” she told me. “I think it’s about time that the state of Florida started to acknowledge the history of that and try to show that it was wrong.” The Florida Senate soon approved an additional $200,000 to fund USF’s investigation.

As public and political support grew for the cause, leaders within the town of Marianna tried in vain to intervene. Local historian Dale Cox, who had been named Citizen of the Year by the Marianna Chamber of Commerce in February, led the fight. “It strikes me as appalling and odd that taxpayer dollars would be spent on digging up graves that another taxpayer investigation has determined are in no way related to the allegations made against the school,” he wrote in a letter to state officials.

“I understand the families wanting closure,” Baggett, the police chief, told me, “but I don’t see what they’re going to discover.”


There was another problem, too: No one would authorize the dig. Attorney General Bondi’s petition was deferred by Judicial Circuit Judge William L. Wright in Marianna. An application that USF had made to the Bureau of Archeological Research was denied by Florida’s secretary of state, Ken Detzner.

There was a third option, however. The school occupied state land, the use of which was determined by the state’s Board of Trustees. The trustees consisted of the governor and his three cabinet members: Bondi, the state’s chief financial officer, and its agricultural commissioner. That meant if three of the four of them agreed to open the grounds of the Dozier school to the USF team, the dig could proceed. Bondi scheduled a vote.

On August 6, 2013, Kimmerle and Cooper both drove to Tallahassee for what they hoped would be their final battle. Dozens of White House Boys and their families filled the seats around them, facing Scott and his cabinet members. As they discussed the plan, Bondi turned to Scott. “We have to look at our history,” she told him.

Finally, the officials cast their votes. The first three were all in USF’s favor; Scott never had to weigh in. The anthropologists would have one year to do their exhumations, which could start as soon as they were ready. “Yes!” Cooper exclaimed, thrusting his fist in the air, as the other White House Boys burst into applause and Kimmerle breathed a sigh of relief.

In the rush of celebration in Tallahassee after the vote, Cooper didn’t approach Kimmerle, who was busy with the crowd. But on his drive home, his cell phone rang with a call from her. She told him she hoped the truth would finally come out about what happened at Dozier and that they’d be working hard to find it. “This is something that myself and the rest of the men have wanted for the last five years,” he told her. Cooper tears up now as he recalls that conversation. “Without USF coming in there, I’d still be running around in the woods trying to do something,” he says, “I thanked her so many times, you just don’t know. I thank her every time I can.”

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Anthropologists from the University of South Florida removed the first remains from the cemetery on September 2, 2013. After being wheeled on a stretcher, the remains, which were removed encased in clay blocks, waited to be loaded for transportation. (Edmund D. Fountain)

Eleven

Three weeks later, on Labor Day weekend, Kimmerle and her team once again made the short hike through the cedar groves to Boot Hill. This time they came to dig. That morning, a memorial service had been held in a small church in town, where survivors once again shared their stories of the reform school. Finally, they hoped, the answers they had sought for years would soon be at hand. With the reporters kept at bay beyond the fences and selected family members of Dozier’s dead accompanying the USF team inside, the anthropologists started their work.

A couple feet down, they uncovered burial shrouds and coffin pins dating back to the 1920s. And, soon enough, they found bones. By the end of the weekend, the anthropologists had recovered two bodies, which appeared to be those of a pair of boys ages 10 and 13. The remains were brought back to USF for analysis. The rest of the exhumations would take place over the following year.

Just what will come after that, however, remains unknown. Even in the case of suspected murders, Bondi told me, it would be difficult to pursue criminal prosecutions, since most of the school staff from the time in question are long dead. Nevertheless, Nelson said, “there could be reparations” for families based on the evidence the anthropologists find. “Science and technology now can determine a lot of things after the fact,” he said, adding, “There’s no statute of limitation on murder.”

No matter what is ultimately found, the discoveries at Dozier are already putting pressure on the state to reform its juvenile-justice system. The U.S. Department of Justice, after conducting its own investigation into the school and the neighboring Jackson Juvenile Offender Center, concluded that “despite the closure of these facilities, the deficiencies found by the United States implicate the continuing oversight obligations of the state. The state’s lack of adequate controls permitted these violations to persist.” Florida arrests and incarcerates more juveniles than any other state. “The problems go much deeper than Dozier,” David Utter, director of the Florida Youth Initiative at the Southern Poverty Law Center, told me.

Some of the problems may be buried 400 miles to the south, in the town of Okeechobee. In the mid-1950s, the state opened a reform school there, also called the Florida School for Boys and staffed with supervisors who had previous worked at the Dozier school; unlike Dozier, it is still operating today. Former staff members told me that the school had a White House, and an unmarked cemetery, of its own. According to the former Okeechobee staffers—some of whom wish to remain anonymous because they still work in the juvenile-justice system—the building used for beatings was nicknamed the Adjustment Room and contained shackles. 

Former Okeechobee students claim to have been beaten bloody with leather straps and sodomized with plungers. Dan Eichelberg, the school’s program director from 2009 to 2011, saw several rusty cages in the Adjustment Room before it was demolished in early 2011. Eichelberg told me that staff who’d been there for years told him that boys “were put into the cages until they settled down. Sometimes they were stripped and humiliated.”

My calls to Okeechobee officials were referred to the Department of Juvenile Justice, which denies knowledge of any cemeteries at schools besides Dozier. But Jerry Cooper, who’d heard of the alleged Okeechobee grave site through the White House Boys, told me about his own attempt to find out the truth for himself.

Last December, Cooper says, he drove south to Okeechobee with a Christmas wreath on the passenger seat. Arriving at the school, Cooper told the guards that he wanted to leave the wreath at the campus graveyard. “You talking about the old boys’ school cemetery by the dairy farm?” one of them replied. The guard pointed toward a thicket of trees behind a maintenance shed. Cooper gripped the wreath under his arm and limped forward on his bad foot. Then Cooper heard a phone ring in the guardhouse. It was the school’s superintendent, who had the old man turned away. 

Solomon’s Island

Solomon’s Island

One

One afternoon, a little over a year ago, I received a more or less random-seeming email from a colleague that had no particular connection to either of our busy professional lives. The main purpose of such emails, containing links to the weirder corners of the Internet, is to waste time, and having some time on my hands that day, I followed the two links inside. The first was to a Facebook post, on which I viewed a lo-res video of Papua New Guinea’s Gogodala people—in grass skirts, their bodies decorated with palm leaves, body paint, feathers, shells, and other accessories, and with one man wearing barnacle goggles—singing the Shema, the holiest of Hebrew prayers. When I followed the second link in the email, I came across the text of a 2006 book titled Bine Mene: Connecting the Hebrews, by “geoscientist” Samuel Were, which made a linguistics-based case for a tribe of ancient Israelites who “journeyed down to Lake Tanganyika and in an unexplained way ended up in Fiji.” Elsewhere that day, as the result of my research (or Google searches), I found this: “Growing numbers of evangelical Christians in North Malaita believe that the Lost Temple of Israel lies hidden at a shrine … in the mountainous interior of their island.”

It was one of those frigid city days that make it easy to want to go—anywhere. I clicked over to Google Maps, punched in “Malaita Province,” then zoomed out and sat back, and considered what now appeared to be the makings of a truly great story—the kind I could tell in hotel bars for the rest of my life. A story about how the Internet said Solomon’s Temple was on Malaita in the Solomon Islands, an archipelago whose half a million people inhabit nearly 1,000 atolls, islets, reefs, cays, and islands including Guadalcanal, the site of the famous World War II battles—and about how I actually went there to see myself, which is something that very few of us do anymore, which is a shame, because the mysteries of the world are only revealed in person. How did the destinies of Israelites and the inhabitants of the most remote member of the British Commonwealth become intertwined? What did this Solomon’s Temple in the Pacific islands look like? I then bought a ticket online—which was surprisingly cheap, considering that I would be traveling 8,505 miles, or one-third of the way around the circumference of the globe.

Which is a short way of explaining how, by late spring, I came to be seated in the black leatherette of an Air Pacific red-eye, reading Conrad’s Victory en route to the South Pacific by way of LAX. I transferred to Air Nadi, where I took my seat in a hand-me-down Boeing behind a sandal-and-skirt-wearing member of Fiji’s National Rugby Delegation. In Suva, we were met by customs agents and Mormons wearing skirts and sandals, and by a Tiki band. Live orchids hung over the bathroom stalls. From Vanuatu’s Bauerfield International Airport, named for the American World War II fighter pilot Harold Bauer who made 11 enemy kills, we flew low over Guadalcanal’s Weather Coast, across unbroken green canopy on volcanic slopes, and touched down in Honiara, capital of the Solomon Islands—on the site of the Japanese-built landing strip that in 1942 was a fulcrum of Pacific theater supremacy before America dropped the bomb.

Jonathan, a diminutive, trim islander who sat next to me on the last leg from Vanuatu, introduced himself and inquired about the purpose of my journey.

“I’ve come to meet the Malaitans,” I explained, as he downed as many free international-flight gold-label SolBrew beers as he could. “I’m told they have a kinship with Israel. I’ve read that Solomon’s Temple is buried in the bush.”

“Matthew,” he said. “I believe God has sent you here.”

Before departing from New York, I called my bank and phone provider to flag my upcoming travel. They told me flatly that the Solomon Islands don’t exist. It was a thought that followed me through the quiet strangeness of Honiara, a dusty capital with a single main road named for the Spanish navigator Álvaro de Mendaña de Neira, the first recorded European to make landfall here in 1568. Mendaña claimed to have rediscovered the site of King Solomon’s mines, the El Dorado of the Pacific. Now there were right-hand-drive cars, the South Seas Evangelical Church and hundreds of other churches, the Hot Bread Kitchen, Club Paradise, a colonial-era Chinatown, distribution facilities for SolBrew, lackluster government buildings, shipping agents, and a university, along with the headquarters of Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation radio, and commemorative World War II sites.

The King Solomon Hotel was fully booked, so I settled in to the Mother’s Union resthouse, run by nuns, which Jonathan had suggested as a godly alternative to the Pacific Casino Hotel, with its karaoke bar and “penthouse suites,” or the Japanese-owned Mendana. The lazy, barefoot pace of things seemed governed by the chewing and spitting of betel nut, a mild stimulant made from the blood-red seed of the areca palm. At first glance, the city appeared locked in a battle between sidewalk betel-nut-spitters and store and restaurant owners who fought the rust-colored gloppy splatter with NO SPITTING signs—a battle that neither side appeared to be winning.

For about 4,000 years, until the arrival of gun-bearing Europeans, the tribes that populated the islands of Melanesia, Polynesia, and Micronesia maintained a balance of offense and defense that basically precluded the possibility of large-scale political units. In the intervening years, Solomon Islanders have not lost their taste for tribal piercings, markings, and imaginative hairstyles. Mohawks, blowouts, dreadlocks, half-crowns, tonsures, cornrows, shaved-tops, birds of paradise, and naturally blond afros grace the heads of men and women alike. They speak a host of local tribal languages and a lingua franca of Pijin whose simplified syntax and phonetic spelling were a gift from missionaries, who helped contribute words like “pikinini”—which here means “child.” The possessive form—a shortening of the construction “belongs to me” or “belongs to you”—becomes blong me, blong iu, which is in turn in speech shortened to just blo, such that everywhere you walk, you hear people telling each other blo me, blo iu. A giant billboard along Mendana Avenue advertising baby formula exhorts Solomon Islanders to Luk aftam gud helt blo pikinini blo iu.

As remote as they are, the Solomons are also used to the idea that they are a pivot on which history turns. From August 1942 to February 1943, when the Japanese fully withdrew from the islands, some 31,000 imperial soldiers and more than 7,000 Allies were killed in fierce land, sea, and air battles. What they did mattered to the outcome of the war. Dozens of Allied and Japanese military ships, transporters, and cargo vessels, and hundreds of planes rest between Guadalcanal, Savo, and Florida, on the seabed of what American soldiers dubbed Iron Bottom Sound. Over time, the hundreds of wrecks sprouted coral gardens, havens for some of the earth’s most astonishing forms of life.

In 1978, the Solomon Islands were granted independence, but remained within the British Commonwealth, making the new country a constitutional monarchy with the Queen of England as its figurehead. A series of ineffective prime ministers then quarreled, stole, blundered, and strangled the untapped potential of land and sea that is as close to a terrestrial paradise as we are likely to see before death. A 1920s colonial prospectus put it best: “The soil and climate of the Solomon Islands are admirably suited for the growth of every kind of tropical production. … Coconuts grow there faster, and more luxuriantly, than in any other part of the world. Hurricanes are unknown. … Here is a rich, fertile country, with nearly every natural advantage.”

But poverty clung to the people. Jobs were scarce. The colonial systems of copra and cocoa farming allowed middlemen and wholesalers to hoard profits. Crippled by remoteness, producers were only as good as their ability to reach shipping. Sovereignty in many ways became the country’s most valuable asset. Soon, whaling countries were offering to build bridges and repair airports; Taiwan, needing leverage in the international community, built health centers and kept a watchful eye on the price of tuna. Tribal rivalries festered. Non-governmental agencies also proliferated, as the Solomon Islands languished in the ranks of the 40 poorest countries in the world.

In the late 1990s, high unemployment and complex internal migrations plus severe tribalism, “land alienation,” and incompetent post-colonial governance led to general unrest and instability. A loose band of marauders known as the Isatabu Freedom Movement, or Guadalcanal Revolutionary Army, started to target Malaitans, who though ethnically indistinct from Guadalcanalese, were technically settlers and resented for having grown into a working-class majority in Honiara.

Malaitans responded by forming into the Malaita Eagle Force, led by a dread-locked, dark-skinned man named Jimmy “Rasta” Lusibaea  who, like Solomon’s Temple, is something of a legend on the Internet. In 2000, he captured Prime Minister Bartholomew Ulufa’alu and forced him to resign. He rallied his troops under a modified Solomon Islands flag that included the Star of David—a black warlord fighting for Israel in the South Pacific.

By 2003, despite the Townsville peace agreement in 2000 and the contested elections in its wake, the country was bankrupt and the capital in full-blown chaos, with militants and less organized gangs roaming the streets and raiding the national treasury to pay for beer. The Solomon Islands prime minister made a desperate appeal for international aid. Under the aegis of the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI), a security force of several thousand troops landed and effectively began to run the country. Representatives of 14 other Pacific nations also participated under Operation Helpem Fren. RAMSI is only this year finally handing over full command to the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force; for a year New Zealand troops have been on a farewell tour, performing the Haka war dance. Charged with “ensur[ing] the safety and security of Solomon Islands,” RAMSI has presided over amnesties, weapons collection, looting control, contested elections, anti-Chinese rioting, health and development projects, economic reform, tax collection, among other civic activities.

Into this post-conflict environment parachuted an Israeli development expert named Yoel Siegel, whose photograph I’d spotted on a website, in which he is seen posing between a pair of rotund Melanesians below a banner strung across an empty tropical road. The sign reads:

“The Israel Development Experience 2nd–10th November 2010
Auki, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands”

After changing a precious wad of U.S. dollars into Solomon dollars, imprinted with warriors, shields, ceremonially carved posts, and mythical sea turtles, I bought a cell phone from an Australian telecom outfit, and as the attendant handed me the device over the counter, I noticed my first Star of David—no more than the size of a bottle cap, it appeared between her thumb and forefinger. It was a moment before I realized it wasn’t a pen doodle, but an unprofessional tattoo, and that the twin lines above the star made it look like the flag of the Jewish State, a resemblance that turned out to be entirely intentional, and an important part of my story.

Two

In the decades following the 1967 Six Day War, when Israel in the eyes of many was transmuted from “socialist beacon” into “imperialist aggressor”—and as Israel battled Yasser Arafat’s PLO while strengthening ties with Ronald Reagan’s United States—the Jewish state increasingly found itself vilified in sometimes crude and simplistic anti-imperialist terms. To combat its increasing isolation, Israel sought friendly diplomatic relations with some of the most remote nations on earth—a push that happened to coincide with what Sec. of State James Baker called the “expansionist policies” that saw the settler population in the West Bank quadruple and led to the outbreak of the First Intifada in 1987. In the South Pacific, Israel first established diplomatic relations with the Solomon Islands in 1989, following Tuvalu (1984), Marshall Islands (1986), and the Federated States of Micronesia (1987), all three of which have been consistent and often lonely supporters of Israel in international forums like the United Nations. The 1990s saw Israel’s diplomatic focus shift to the states of the former Soviet Union, former Yugoslavia, and across Africa and Asia, before circling back to the South Pacific, where the Jewish state found some of its most consistent allies in Vanuatu (1993), and Nauru and Palau (1994).

In 2006, as the Lebanon war exploded, Israel came up in votes in the United Nations General Assembly 17 times; the only countries to side with Jewish state were the United States, the Marshall Islands, Palau, Micronesia, Nauru, Australia, Canada, and Tuvalu. In 2007, the Wellington, New Zealand Dominion Post ran a feature titled “The Last Outpost of the Diaspora,” about how “remote Solomon Islanders, convinced they are descendants of the Lost Tribe of Israel, have rejected Australian projects because they are too busy growing copra for the mother country.” A wave of “Israeli business men,” it seemed, had landed with a sudden and unquenchable thirst for coconuts.

These bizarre diplomatic subplots reached a head in 2009, following Operation Cast Lead, which sent Israeli ground troops into Gaza. When the controversial South African Jewish jurist Richard Goldstone issued his 574-page fact-finding-mission report concluding that both Israel and Hamas had committed possible war crimes during the conflict, only one Pacific country sided with the 114-member majority against Israel: the Solomon Islands. Three weeks later, the Israeli daily Yedioth Ahronothpublished an Israeli foreign ministry report that explained the defection—claiming that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Iran had sent a delegate to Oceania promising $200,000 to fund the studies of Solomon Islands medical students in Cuba.

“The Solomon Islands have never been supportive of Israel,” Michael Ronen, Israel’s ambassador to the Solomon Islands, was quoted as saying. “Iran won the support of the Solomon Islands for $200,000. I won’t offer $250,000 to overturn the decision. Israel does not buy support for money.” Leliana Firisua, the 265-lb. Malaitan who had been appointed honorary consul of the State of Israel in Honiara earlier that year, was faced with his first diplomatic challenge in attempting to explain to his countrymen Israel’s “disappointment.” “The Iranian regime continues to come up with anti-Jews comments which also includes the Holocaust denials and also other public calls for the total liquidation of the State of Israel,” he told the Pacific Islands News Agency. “So basically it is one of the nations that hates Israel and everybody knows this. So when it becomes friendly with other nations, you know Israel always had a concern.”


Yet it would be wrong to understand the entirely pragmatic connection between the Solomon Islands and the modern day State of Israel as the sole reason for the Star of David tattoo on the cell phone booth attendant’s hand. There is documented evidence that at least some 18th-century convicts, deposited in the South Pacific instead of being sent to gaols in England, were Jewish. A convict named Samuel Pollend, for one, who stowed away on the Matilda, headed to the Polynesian Marquesas, survived a 1792 shoal-wreck, and ended up in Hawaii. Another group of 20 anonymous sailors were wrecked on Malaita in 1829 and allegedly were kept there for eating by cannibals. Did one of these men father one of the competing Jewish origin myths that circulated on and around Malaita?

Because islands offer the illusion of self-contained worlds, beachcombers, or “transculturites”—people who, as one academic I was reading put it, “temporarily or permanently detached from one group, enter the web of social relations that constitute another society, and come under the influence of its customs”—can spread stories and customs like pollenating bees. In the 1920s there were some 650 Europeans and non-native whites living in the Solomon Islands, many of them busy converting the heathens. One of the most influential of the great missions in Melanesia, besides that of the Anglican and Roman Catholic churches, was the Pentecostal South Seas Evangelical Church, originally founded under another name in the late 19th century to convert the black laborers who worked the sugarcane plantations of Queensland. Like other Pentecostal movements, SSEC held mystical beliefs in the power of an inerrant scripture and promoted a connection to the long-ago apostolic age of the early church, which for a people without a written history but with customs of ancestral worship was less of a leap than might be expected.

Tracing the Israeli connection to Malaita through the fascinating work of the Dutch ethnographer Jaap Timmer of Macquarie University led me quickly to his studies of The Deep Sea Canoe Movement, a splinter of South Seas Evangelicalism led by a former minister of Home Affairs on the Solomon Islands named Michael Maeliau. The key to the “ethno-theology” of the Deep Sea Canoe Movement is an interpretation of elements of the prophets Daniel and Isaiah, and of Acts 1:8: “But you will receive power when the Holy Spirit comes on you; and you will be my witnesses in Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth.” Since this verse precedes the foundational chapter of Pentecostalism in Acts 2, which narrates the creation of the fellowship of believers, Maeliau sees particular urgency in the idea of the Solomon Islands as the geographical and therefore the spiritual end of the earth.

In an account of his prayer movement, published in 2006 by the Australian/ Singapore imprint Onestone, Maeliau describes a singular vision that came to him in 1986, a vision of the Solomon Islands. It begins with a great flood coming down a valley despite the fact that it was not raining. The water is crystal clear and forms a beautiful lake that overflows into a spray of mist like a cloud. The cloud floats toward Australia and turns north to Papua New Guinea, then makes several more loops in different directions. When it makes it back to Papua New Guinea for the second time, the cloud changes into a current, like the wake of a speedboat, and heads toward the west coast of America. When it hits, it splits into three: One stream turns north toward the pole, the other to the south, and the middle stream rages across the United States.

When this last hits the east coast, it turns back on itself, creating a great tsunami-like wave, linking up with the north and south currents to cause one huge tide covering the Earth, which then splits across the continents and swirls over Europe and Africa and then splits again, so that the currents form a tidal circle with Jerusalem at its center. Over Jerusalem, the waves smash together and shoot up into the sky in a great pillar of water reaching deep into the heavens. “It opened up like a mushroom and then floated out into all directions in the most beautiful cloud formation one can ever imagine,” Maeliau wrote, “until it completely engulfed the whole earth. Then these words came out from heaven: ‘And the Glory of the Lord shall cover the earth as the waters cover the sea!’”

That was the end of the vision, which supported a widely held mythology on the islands that Malaitans are descended of biblical kings and that perhaps the Ark itself landed them here, that the Lost Temple is buried on Malaita, and that Hebrew tablets in sacred places are proof that Malaitans are Israelites of a far greater purity than those corrupted by the migrations of Europe and conquests in the Middle East.

My search for Maeliau—who seemed like exactly the kind of person I wanted to meet for the purposes of telling a great bar-room story—took me to Kukum, a neighboring village, where I met Pastor Baddeley. The pastor appeared in a puff of dust, emerging out of the darkness of a storage doorway into the overcast, greenhouse-like light. He wore a crisp white shirt, shorts that were once someone else’s dress pants, and Velcro sandals. He had been sweeping, he said. His English was inflected with the polite sing-song of the BBC World Service. He told me he didn’t know where Michael Maeliau was, though he himself had been named for Walter H. Baddeley, the seventh Anglican bishop of Melanesia (1932–1947). When I pressed him, he conceded that there had been a schism, and that his church and Michael Maeliau’s church, which used to both belong to the South Seas Evangelical Church, were now no longer the same.

“Actually, what’s good is that we didn’t have to send him away,” Baddeley said about Maeliau. “We just drew lines: This is our doctrine. This here is our belief. And people, they make choices. Do I want to be on this side or that?”

He gestured to the vast cement-floor church behind him, locked shut, looking semi-abandoned. Its walls were made of traditional palm-leaf decorative matting, its beams crossed with rakish flair. When I peered through mosquito screens, I could see that the pews were gone.

“So, on Sunday that church is full and people sit on the floor or stand?” I asked.

“Actually the central committee has decided not to use this site,” Baddeley said. “I have the power to unlock this church, but I cannot open it, because I do not want there to be trouble.”

He seemed caught up in the middle of some serious business.

“Go to Auki,” Baddeley said, about the capital of Malaita. “No point in wandering around Honiara. There everything is.”

I caught a boat called the Pelican II, which impersonated a harmless harbor ferry—a diesel metal tub with slapdash soldering and thick multiple coats of white and blue paint. I took a bench seat under the awning on the back deck and chatted with Samson, who wore cargo shorts, flip flops, and a wool beanie. He was headed to Papua New Guinea to finish his technical motor mechanic degree, because no such vocational training existed in his country. He suggested I climb the volcano that is Savo Island, an iconic outline on the water that I recognized from Terrence Malick’s World War II epic The Thin Red Line. “You light a match there,” Samson said, “and the path fills up with smoke.”

The Pelican unhitched. Engine noise drowned out our voices. We cruised over Iron Bottom Sound. As the slopes of Guadalcanal receded, Samson lit a cigarette, and he and a dozen others sat impassively. At the southern tip of Tulagi and the Florida archipelago, the Pelican rounded to portside. The ocean turned opal blue, its surface suddenly a riot of surging dune-sized waves, and the ship began to rock—lightly then with increasing resolve. Saltwater sprayed abaft, then across the mid. Passengers headed inboard. An uneasy Malaitan came out to tuck his cardboard boxes peeping with live chicks into a semi-sheltered corner. Flying silver fish like strange proto-hummingbirds leapt into the air for two, three, ten seconds, sidefins abuzz, before plunging back into the white-tipped swell.

The rolling got worse. I clutched guy wires and fixed my gaze on the distant horizon, which was now above the chrome railing, now well below it, now high above. The engine’s roar closed and opened as the tub climbed watery hills and slammed back down the other side of them, with a salty splattering across the deck like a wave pounding shore rocks. Then land came into view; the water lost its richest hues and menace of depth. Malaita’s windshadow, or some mysterious current or undersea topography, turned the surface steely and nearly lake-like, and the ship, tempest-tossed but intact, puttered past an inhabited shelter island and sidled up to Auki’s bustling wharf.

“Was that normal?” I asked Samson, still feeling wobbly.

He laughed—enjoying the visitor’s bumbling.“You should see it in a storm,” he said, and then moseyed off to buy some betel nut.

Three

The idea that the Lost Temple of King Solomon can be found on Malaita manifestly captivated one man, Frank Daifa—or Daefa, or other variants on the spelling that appear in occasional news stories out of New Zealand and Australia. Frank was said to live in A’ama village, where he claimed to have uncovered evidence of a physical ruin that proves the Israelite-Malaitan connection as well as the onset of end times. I had a phone number for him but couldn’t get an answer. In a way, as the keeper of the temple, he was my destination.

Luckily, Jonathan, my friend from the plane, had arranged for a guide to meet me at the wharf in Auki. “I am Revelation!” he announced. A knobby-headed man in cut-off jeans and a plaid shirt relieved of its sleeves, he told me not to worry, he knew everyone. “You will meet the former premier, Richard. You will go to A’ama Village and see the temple, there is Frank and his brother they call ‘Grassbird.’ You will meet our friends, who pray for Israel every day! But first, Matthew, where will you stay?” I asked if the Auki Motel, where I’d reserved, might be suitable, and he said, “It is fine, fine. We shall take a taxi there.” He led me to a windowless, rusty station wagon, hand-painted with the lettering TAXI, and negotiated a ride.

Malaita is generally the same width as Israel—as long as from Be’er Sheva to Nazareth—and it is the only one of the Solomon Islands’ nine provinces to sit on a different tectonic plate. (Revelation said Malaita was split into its north and south islands by mythical sharks fighting so fiercely that they tore through the ground.) Auki, a former colonial capital, is tucked neatly into the mouth of the Langa Langa Lagoon, a collection of stilted settlements built onto artificial islands of piled coral rocks and sand. From there one road heads south along the coast, and another north. The town, no more than a half dozen streets in a grid, was alive with the turmoil of market life and the cargo the ferry had brought. There is a bank, various government agencies and NGO headquarters, two hotels, a Telecom office with three busted Internet stations, and below a school a soccer field filled with Unicef tents serving as classrooms after storm damage to the main building. Colorful signs lined the trading posts, with their covered balconies: Shine Cocoa Exporter, Lost Sheep Clothing. It had the flimsy look of an overrun film set for a cheap western, complete with spitters and idlers, except that they were all black and curly-haired and their teeth were stained blood red from betel juice.

“We could have walked,” I said to Revelation, after our taxi ride turned out to be no more than a couple hundred yards.

“But you have bags,” he said, looking despondently at my one worn duffel.

He described the key to all economic, social, and political matters in the Solomon Islands as being an expression of “one-top business”: Strong men, at the top of steep pyramid schemes, decided everything. He seemed to think the Israeli development project under Yoel Siegel was as doomed as the other projects he’d seen before it, like the massive Japanese-sponsored rice-growing mission in central Malaita that neglected to consider that locals didn’t lack for rice. Revelation said he’d arrange for me to meet some people who knew about this Israeli one-top business, and then he sheepishly awaited some bills to pay for his transport back to his village.

At the Auki Motel, the TV in the common room was tuned to a satellite feed of Pope Benedict, in vestments, leading Pentecostal mass from Rome. I ate dinner there with the owner and a man named Peter Mae, and we naturally got to chatting about what I was after. I asked Peter if he knew of Leliana Firisua, the honorary consul of Israel. He looked up from coconut whitefish with incredulity and said, “He is a punk. The only thing that man do before is run a credit union, and it fail.” As if to confirm that these matters were no joke, the owner then told a story about a blood vengeance carried out in that same room some years ago, when a former Malaita Eagle Force commander walked in and shot a guest, killing him, while the owner sat watching. “As a witness, I was scared for my life,” he said. The shooter was never charged.

On another afternoon, on the truck to Fia River for a freshwater dip, Dani from Bulea village introduced himself and inquired politely about my reason for being there. “I am so, so happy to meet you,” he said, his graying curls bobbing eagerly. “I am happy to meet a Jew, Matthew. I feel this is God’s plan. A great opportunity. Great, great. I am Christian. I have a pan-flute orchestra.” I explained to him that I wasn’t a spiritual person and added that I’m not in the music business, in the hopes of tempering the more outlandish promises of the other representatives of my people.

“But I am very lucky and happy to meet a Jewish person here,” he said, unbowed. “You know Malaitans are Israelites?”

By then, I did, because I’d gone with Revelation to Langa Langa Lagoon, and attended Sunday services in a one-room church overflowing with people, segregated by the sexes. I’d listened to their pastors welcome me as a “Jewish brother,” and preach on the day’s text, Galatians 5:22–23: “But the fruit of the spirit is love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness.” Pastor Kenneth wore a green T-shirt printed with a verse from Isaiah: “From the ends of the earth we hear songs.” Shell mobiles hung from the ceiling. A tattered poster showed a drawing of topless islanders menaced by shadowy, flaming hands, with a cross-shaped wharf leading into an ocean of salvation. The congregants prayed loudly, for more than two hours, raising the temperature of the baking airless room and lifting their voices to the heavens, reaching frenzies, singing Melanesian choral polyphonic hymns in Pijin: “God u tekem laef blong me.” When it was over, we moved to a ceremonial hut, where a table had been set with banana leaves and bowls of salty mangrove-flower gruel and boiled manioc. After we ate, I watched the rainbow-colored parasols and bright wraps scatter down the paths of coral stone, back to their home villages for Sabbath rest.

The evangelical spirit teaches the lesson that whoever is most plugged in to God and the line of ancestors that lead to God is most plugged in to power. For many evangelical Christians, God can literally move mountains. Pastors are constantly being tested in their ability to dream and move people and resources on the grandest scale. The bigger the vision, the broader the bureaucracy, the greater the need for everyone to have “bought in” to make the change happen. I found most things in the Solomons to be organized on models that closely resembled the size and structures of apostolic or Pentecostal churches. This “one-top business” that Revelation was so angry about was, at its empirical extreme, a version of monotheism.

The acolytes of Israeli development in the Solomon Islands had organized themselves in much the same way. The Malaita Chazon Authority, housed in a 1960s building on the other side of the governor’s mansion in Auki and designed as the recreational center for colonial officers, with its bar and “cold rooms” still intact, made a churchlike HQ (the name, chazon, means vision in Hebrew). Recently, the MCA had changed its name to MCDA, with D for “development” added to expand the mandate.

The main room of the MCA was set up like a classroom or conference room, with a giant Israeli flag hung on one wall. The offices were behind a reception desk, in a row of hot wooden barracks at the back. There I met Patrick Taloboe, a heavy-set man with a round face who had been a Telekom engineer and palm-oil processor and, in Fiji, a business manager. He had tribal markings on his cheeks and nose: light grooves that made childish sun-style emblems and lines and showed him, he said, to be “descended from kings.” “Now that Israel is in partnership with Malaita,” he told me, “it brings back the knowledge and the historical passing of the message of stories from ancestors, that one day Israel is coming back to develop Malaita.” He then enthused about the tonnage per hectare of bananas, oranges, and lemons produced in the Negev and how saying something like “100 tons per hectare” could completely blow the minds of local Malaitans. He told me Frank Daefa came through occasionally to drop off messages for the Israeli government or to share his scholarly work. Taloboe handed me a photocopy of one handwritten treatise, titled “The Rise and Fall of Oba Kingdom,” that Frank had left recently. Then he handed me another photocopy—from the image decay it was a photocopy of a photocopy of a photocopy—with Hebrew lettering that he said was a rubbing of a stone in Siale, the remote mountain the ancestors came from. Taloboe ran the field office, with an “allowance” from the Israeli development agency TAG, and supervised 11 employees. He had been to Hebrew University in Jerusalem the year before for a certificate in agricultural management (the diploma was taped to the wall next to some regional maps) and was holding down the fort while an 8-man Malaitan delegation—including FirisuaLusibaea, and local MCDA administrators—was on an official Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs-sponsored trip to the Jewish state. (On the day I had landed, the local Solomon Star had published an image of the delegates, skull caps propped high on afros, standing at the Western Wall.)

“The trip is like taking Queen Sheba to see King Solomon,” Taloboe said, reporting what he had heard from the delegates, who were due back later that week. “Starting from Ben-Gurion, all the delegates just say, ‘Wow. Wow. Wow.’”

When my meetings were done, Revelation arranged for me to get a front seat next to Anderson, the driver of one of the flatbed transports going north from the market. Anderson, who wore sport-shades and had a rag of clean dreads, also worked as an EMT at the local clinic and was a talkative companion for the 4-hour drive along the coast, stopping often to load and unload passengers and their wares. He dropped me in A’ama just past the main village, where a chirpy barefoot man with gray-flecked hair ran out to greet me. I said I was looking for Franklin or Grassbird. He looked astonished at the sounds I was making.

“Franklin is here!” he said, pointing into the bush behind him.

Four

Wearing nothing but a pair of patched jeans and exposing a curly-haired, dark-coffee-colored chest sagging off a wiry frame that used to support more, Franklin Daefa had the look of an impish shepherd. His wide nostrils, high cheekbones, v-shaped ears, and sharp chin tufted with a gray goatee all pointed to his tight smile. I told him I’d heard about the temple. I’d read about it on the Internet. I wanted to see it. I’d come from America for just that purpose. I’d been calling him for days.

As caretaker of the Kingdom of Oba, Franklin found all of this most natural. According to his elaborate theology, Oba was a 19th-generation descendant of the biblical Noah, who left some ruins that may or may not be from the period when a merchant Jew, perhaps Turkish, arrived on Malaita. The talk-house, opposite a copra-drying oven and a Christian chapel on the property, quickly filled with his extended family and a scattering of curious neighbors. I was hardly the first foreigner to land here, and everyone seemed to know the drill. Franklin explained that a Swede, a Canadian, and a South American, at least, had come to see his temple. Now, he said, sitting in a wooden chair at a rough wooden table with his naked grandson in his lap, he had given up exploring his treasured dig site, because of a bad kidney, and for lack of funds. On the side bench, his daughter-in-law, looking like a Gauguin, with a Frangipani blossom tucked above her ear, held a baby. Opposite, Franklin’s 23-year-old son had joined as well, wearing a ratty T-shirt that half covered a thin twig-like right arm, partially deformed before birth. Franklin introduced him as Stalin.

I laughed. “Where’s Churchill?” I asked, making a nervous joke.

“Actually,” Franklin said, “he is my brother.”

Half the room, if it could be called such given the porousness of the thatched walls, was a dirt floor; the other was a raised platform that made more of a gesture to “inside,” with the kitchen—soot-blackened pots over a firetable—set apart by a flattened bamboo. When Grassbird joined us, now wearing a shirt and shoes, I greeted him by name. Franklin was surprised. Grassbird said, “David: that’s me,” explaining his name. “I use Grassbird when I dealing the ganja.”

Franklin pulled out an official-looking document dated October 2011, bearing six signatures, and showed it to me as proof of his legitimacy and also his generosity. “You will see,” he said, “that we have made a gift of land to the Jews. You will see the temple. You will make your notes and record your things, and you will understand everything.” The paper described the “terms agreed on by O’oba Tribe for offering a parcel of land to the Jews as a gift.” Term 1 read:

The parcel of land offered is not by friendship, but by blood relation tie. The blood tie was first established by Gad the Jews high priest who was one of O’oba tribes great ancestor, therefore the gift is a show of token of appreciation for reunification after a separation for more than 2,700 years.

“This document has been all the way to Shimon Peres. I sent it to him. He has read it. The Jewish thing,” he said, “may be our chance to survive.”

After a dinner of canned fish and boiled taro root, Franklin held court, sitting under a bulb connected to a solar-fed car battery. Above Franklin’s head, nestled in the open rafters, was a canoe-sized ceremonial platter, carved whole out of an 8-foot piece of hardwood by an ancestor; owning the trough, where manioc was pounded and slaughtered pigs are presented for feasts, was an honor and a great responsibility. In fairly choppy but uninhibited English, he told me a mixed-up story about the biblical Solomon’s treasure chest, from Kings and Chronicles: about how a decoy, containing only the tablets of the commandments, was kept in the temple, and that the real fortune, shrouded by the wings of cherubim, was shipped to Malaita, where it lies buried somewhere in the jungle. To me and the five or six gathered black men in the lower part of the talkhouse—almost nothing but eyes in the gloom—he retold Queen Sheba’s test of Solomon’s wisdom: How she had brought before the king two finely wrought silk bouquets and one from the royal garden and challenged him to identify the real. (“In my own country, far, far away, I have heard much about your power and glory,” Sheba says, in James Baldwin’s version of it, which I later looked up. “Now, tell me, O King, which is the true, and which is the false?”) Franklin told how King Solomon had the windows thrown open to let the bees lead him to the truth; he told it with great mischief and delight, inventing words where he had no English, speaking with his face all in shadow in front of the light. “You see, Solomon was a wise man. And a wise king listens to even the smallest of beings.” His mother hooted on cue.

“Matthew, we will show you the ruins because you are a Jew,” Franklin said. “And now it’s time for you to rest.” Stalin took me to one of the huts where, using his half arm and his whole one, he tied a mosquito net to some box nails with a stretch of dried vine. Franklin’s mother came in to explain the arrangements. “Bush toilet,” she said in a toothless Pijin, pointing vigorously out the open frame that served as a window, while clapping a roll of toilet paper. “Me love you,” she added, clutching my hand in her bony fingers. She headed out, muttering. I bedded down, tucking in the edges of the netting, popping my daily malaria pill. A hazy half-moon sent down slatted shadows of palm fronds. Above them were streaks of high clouds and stars, so many stars as to be almost cloudlike.

I listened to the singsong of half-whispered To’abaita mixed with a faint undercurrent of surf and breeze. The foreignness sank in: their remoteness and separateness and otherness, the strength of their longing to be heard, my unannounced and odd arrival. Getting there had taken a week of planes, boats, trucks, contacts, negotiations, meetings, starts, and stops—but always forward toward this strange man, the master of Solomonic ruins on Malaita Island in the South Pacific. Tomorrow we would be heading further into the bush.

Later, in the deep stillness of the night, I stumbled dreamily to the edge of the compound, past the pigsty and behind the chicken coop, peering into that moonlit jungle. The depths! A wall of gray-green shadow. Where was I? King Solomon may have been wise, but these people are not, I thought, and nor am I. I knew the walk into the interior had its dangers—a slip and it could be days to reach proper medical care—but I was also struggling to suppress a greater, looming sense of disappointment. What if there was nothing here?


By morning the dread hung like an early dew. I was in the talkhouse at 4 a.m., the appointed time to embark on an overnight trip that we would attempt in a day. Frank sat regally on the same chair he had occupied the night before, as if he had never left it. Women prepared packaged “trimix” of instant coffee, powdered milk, and sugar and rekindled embers to cook rice and yams for breakfast. Bowls appeared, topped with oily, curried canned tuna. I ate like it could be my last meal. Frank looked on approvingly and then put finishing touches on his hand-drawn map.

He explained that two of the corners of the inner temple held powers of “Thunder + Lightning,” and “Earthquake destruction.” He pointed to the Jews Priest Grave Pyramid Mount and the “women’s court” and the Stone of Love. Then, tapping the small circle labeled “Holy of Holiest” on the map, Frank said, “You will not let your shadow fall across this altar. For it shall mean certain death.”

Frank ceremoniously introduced the people who would be walking with me—he had a bad kidney and would slow us down too much, he said. Dudley, a barrel-chested, serious, round-headed neighbor who had worked the archeological site with Frank when they were first clearing and promoting it, took the lead. Stalin, his dreads tucked under a knit cap decorated with a rhinestone skull-and-bones, wordlessly assumed second. Fiu, a neighbor who looked like a Daguerreotype in negative of a full-bearded Darwin, had never been to the site. “I want to see with my own eyes,” he said, “what this noise is all about.” He wore an old utility vest over his bare torso, jean shorts, and a floppy wide-brimmed fishing hat, and he carried a machete, while Dudley, Stalin, and Fiu, as is customary, went barefoot. Our team was like a parody of Victorian explorers; an echo of the Coastwatchers and Scouts who had led American GIs to ambush Japanese positions in World War II. For supplies we knocked at a closed counter in Fo’ondo village, where I paid for three thumb-sized plugs of rolled tobacco, some packs of lime-flavored navy biscuits, and imitation Oreo wafers. I was counseled not to worry about water.

After sunrise, where the To’abaita tribe’s southern boundary river met the Solomon Sea, we made a left turn and headed inland, following a muddy trail through close cocoa plantations, taro-farming settlements, and dense cover. At one point Dudley pointed to a high squealing sound emanating from beyond, and said, “Killing pig.” Shortly, the trail grew thinner, and I concentrated on double-stepping to not fall behind Dudley and Stalin racing ahead, with Fiu humming to himself behind me. Over roots and rocks, along the crystalline river, wading in it, escorted by butterflies and birdcalls, we zig-zagged up. There was no view except for the occasional cathedral vault of vines and leaves over a watery, gurgling carpet. In my worn running shoes, I slipped on moss-covered rocks and narrowly missed hitting my head on a boulder. I heard Dudley say to Fiu, “Cut him one stick.” Some determined whacks and Fiu’s outstretched hand proffered a perfect bamboo crutch. The river was cool, cascading over rounded stones, narrowing into water-sculpture steps and pools, with fish chasing away below our feet and, in spots, bright green deposits that Stalin insisted were soft emeralds—the precious stones of 1 Kings and 2 Chronicles, and Mendaña’s dreams.

We reached a bend with a 6-story-high draping of waterfalls, and Dudley halted us there. The cliff had formed when a side of a cave fell open eons ago, exposing speleothem and nooks where brown bats now hung upside down. Dudley and Stalin rolled tobacco into ripped pieces of notebook paper and sat smoking. Fiu clapped, hollered, and threw stones at the bats to chase them out and allow him to observe them in flight. He said, “Bat cave,” with an approving nod. After rinsing off a first bloom of sweat in the Edenic wash, I asked Fiu how often he’d been here. He said, “I have not.” We were now an hour and a half from north Malaita’s one road.

Above the bat cave, the way got considerably harder. We climbed the river for another two hours before reaching a second stopping point, this one closed over and narrow, where Dudley and Stalin rolled another cigarette. The only noise was the roar of water on rocks. From here Dudley hacked at the brush with his machete on the steep bank until uncovering what satisfied him as a path. From there the climb was vertical, muddy, untrodden, planting the walking stick with every stride, hauling myself up, digging in, planting, hauling, with each step punctuated from above by the rhythmic whack-whack of Dudley’s long knife. It began to rain, but I was already soaked from wading and sweat.

Between exertions, I thought about Frank’s injunction—shadow … altar … death—and found that it had burrowed its way into my brain over the last few hours and had forced me, in the absence of other conversation, into an absurd debate with myself over my own credulity and lack of faith. On one hand, there was Frank’s showman-like flair, his manifest insanity, this great distance. On the other, Kurtz, the world upside down. Faced with the unknown, we invent fictions and cast ourselves as protagonists. But why not just keep your shadow away from the altar?

I awoke from this daydream to find we were no longer climbing, but instead cutting across a small clearing toward a low shelter made of palm leaf and wood. Dudley said, “This is temple.” He gestured to a mound of half-hidden stones. “Here is grave blo dead Jew priest.” There were flagstones paving the refuge and behind it an insurgence of green, tenacious saplings, fresh vines, kudzu-like—the impenetrable thoughtlessness of pure growth. Stalin, lifting the straps of his woven bag over his head, was indicating that there’d be work to uncover the rest. He cut more tobacco and handed a palm-full to Dudley. They sat smoking as the rain grew more insistent.

Then Dudley did a fair bit of whacking, wielding his machete like an extension of his arm. He led me to a low wall, an orderly pile of stones, with what looked like a threshold. Stalin held the map, measuring the world against it. According to Frank’s drawings, this was the entrance to a sacrificial space. Stalin and Dudley cleaved the glossy foliage, and mosquitoes rose in swarms. I glopped on DEET, snapped pictures, and nodded while Fiu foraged fern fronds and contemplated the scene. “I am thinking to myself,” he said. “How did they move these stones? Where did they get them? Must be hundreds, thousands of years.”

Dudley had rediscovered what he was calling an altar stone, a coffin-sized flat slab that sat in the middle of what could have been a room. He tore at vine roots and wiped away black, fragrant mud, and this stone began to stand out against the jade wash. Its shape and location made a fairly convincing case for itself. On the other side of what seemed like a small moat, Dudley whacked the ground, then swatted at mosquitoes buzzing around his bare chest, then sliced saplings in two with such precision that the top part stood for a cartoonish moment before remembering to fall. He paid particular attention to a rocky protuberance there, and dinging his knife off the tip of it, declared it the holy of holies. Then he stood on it, surveying the site, sweating.

“You should not let your shadow fall there,” I said, half joking.

Stalin, nearby, half smiled in reply, shrugged, and pointed his machete at the cloud cover. Dudley, who was in no mood to linger, headed down to the “Females’ Temple,” trying to pinpoint a special rock. His whistles shortly drew the three of us to him, and he and Stalin set to work clearing a stone. It was as big as a tree root and shaped like an automatic transmission, tapering off, with its flat side down. The three barefoot men and I crouched below it and heaved it over, exposing a wet teeming microcosm. Stalin used his good hand to claw away the dirt, then a clump of stricken leaves to wipe its face. “This is the Hebrew tablet” he said, standing back to take it in. “You will tell us what you see.”

Five

Back at Franklin’s talkhouse that night, cut and bleeding from slips and scratches on the descent, I was told to stretch out on a bench face down to have my legs rubbed with coconut oil. A man approached with a bottle of the fragrant yellowy stuff—he smiled abashedly as we hadn’t met; he was Rex, Anisi “Moses” Maeta’a’s son—and then set to work on my calves. “Without this you shall not walk tomorrow,” Franklin said. At first, I was embarrassed, but the massage felt good. I was tired. All we’d eaten were coconuts, navy biscuits, bananas, a “jungle peanut,” imitation Oreos, and some fresh watercress plucked along the trail. Fiu sat in the lower corner with a faraway stare he had picked up at the site and not relinquished since. Dudley, bathed, had donned a faded olive-green bomber jacket against the post-exertion chill. He noted that we’d only barely outrun the river’s rise. Bowls of rice and taro root topped with canned tuna appeared, and the explorers ate hungrily in silence. Light left the sky. A coconut pith was touched to flame to smoke out mosquitoes. The single low-watt bulb was reconnected to the car battery.

Franklin began a soliloquy, a rambling explanation of the site—the only ruin of Oba’s Kingdom—that fluttered in and out of discernable English but never lost conviction. Many of his ideas are summarized more succinctly in the handwritten 2011 treatise he had given to Patrick Taloboe at the MCA, titled “RISE AND FALL OF OBA KINGDOM.” It reads like the handbook of a young fantasy-role-playing gamer—something not dissimilar to inventions I made in my Dungeons & Dragons days—hanging personal, nearly sci-fi whims on the recognizable scaffolds of human religion, history, and society. Section 3 of Daefa’s pamphlet, “Gad the Jew,” begins with a scattering of spelling and grammar mistakes:

While Oba’s Kingdom was yet in its prosperous state, the Jews arrive on trading purposes. At Ofi were cited the minerals the Jews traded for with Malaitans. The Jews made two trips, the latter leaving Gad at Oba Kingdom. Gad at his arrival was accompanied by his wife Jess and his three daughters Ester, Moab and Lena. Ester married Fua, the Priestly King. Gad introduced the Law akwale Taki, which are the Ten Commandments, which was written in the Bible, by Mosea. … Gad’s seal is the Eagle.

And there were other impenetrable beliefs: something about Adam and Eve and the idea that the garden of Eden may yet still exist as Malaita; something about an “Esenic party,” a kind of vanishing twin to an “Edenic party.” Oba himself was a spiritual being made flesh. The Jew arrived 32 generations after another godly figure, Melchizedek, arrived in Oba’s land and “dedicated the altar in the Holy of Holiest room.” Gad introduced sacrifice. And so on, all with the attention to detail of an island L. Ron Hubbard.

“Now this tablet,” Daefa finally asked me. “You saw it. It is Hebrew?”

I hesitated, then just went for it: “I don’t think so, Franklin,” I said.

To my relief, my host didn’t seem wounded. He set his goatee bouncing with laughter and said, “Well, you will believe what you believe.”

The next morning, I shouldered my sack and walked to Kadabina, the site of Yoel Siegel’s development project. Frank had agreed that it didn’t make sense to wait for transport trucks, which might not pass until the next day. Best to get a jump on the heat, he said. It was about 23 kilometers of flat road, three to four hours, but in a region with only one way in and out, and a limited number of vehicles ashore, no point in expecting a miracle. “With the bad road,” he said, “walking will be faster anyway.” He then gave a ceremonious blessing to me and my “firm” and the Jews and all the people of Israel. When I stopped at Grassbird’s to say farewell, he staggered down from his stilted house, wearing shorts and hastily-donned unlaced combat boots, and then walked with me for the first hour, awaking as he strode. There was, as always, plenty of traffic: barefoot or flip-flopped humans on either side of the road, going to the well, going to a small market, going to see someone, or just gathered there and looking up at me, an apparition. My shadow grew shorter, the dew lifted; I began to sweat.

There was no way to sneak in, by land, to northern Malaita. To the right was the forbidding thickness we’d ventured into the day before. To the left, the sea. Along the road  coconut groves, then houses, then coconut groves, then copra dryers, more houses, more coconut groves, lean-tos, betel-nut sellers, idlers. Grassbird recognized one of Michael Maeliau’s teenaged daughters, and we stopped and spoke a while. Michael was in Indonesia, at prayer assembly, she said, and wouldn’t be back until next month. She spoke perfect English and wore a cloth head-covering and white blouse, was on her way to school, and was somehow related to Grassbird. North of a petrol drum depot, the road got considerably worse, and I started perambulating truck-sized potholes. Grassbird decided to turn back, and we stood in the middle of the empty road, shaking hands and exchanging thanks, before he headed south, while I continued toward the site of the Israeli project. Waves of uniformed schoolchildren floated by in giggly packs, chirping their “Mone-mone!” greeting at me, lightly tittering in my wake.

For the first time in a few days, I was alone. I came around a small bend to discover a parade ground, surrounded by open-air thatched huts resembling classrooms. They all pointed like camp barracks toward the field, which resembled a grass lawn but was on closer inspection made up of tiny clover. In the middle of the ground, before a small elevated viewing stand, listless in the humid heat: an Israeli flag.

A hand-painted sign explained the surprising scene. This was Ngalikekero Christian & Cultural School, offering “vocational training” (carpentry, “home economics and life skills,” typing, “plumbing & allied trades”), “kindy & preclass” education, and hosting a cultural center for honing “traditional skills.” At the center of the sign was the school’s emblem: a Jewish star with a circle containing a menorah, an eagle, and other symbols, as well as the motto “Righteousness exalts a nation.” In red, across the bottom, was written in all capitals: “To give hope to the hopeless & aim to the aimless.” There was no one around. I sat on the steps of one of the huts to munch the rest of a PowerBar I’d stashed. Pushing on, I fell into step with a school teacher who was going to the next village for a union pay meeting, and the closer we got to there, the more polo-shirted adults seemed to be heading the same way. Others called out to me from their yards, “Iu go long wea?”—Where are you going? To which I could answer with the place-name password, Kadabina. It not only ended all local confusion about my presence, but also gave me a frequent thumbs up and a quick inquiry about when it was all going to be up and working, when the waet-man was going to be back. The further north I got, the more this friendly curiosity was slowing me down, so I soon took to just hustling through settlements while waving and shouting “Kadabina!” which seemed to do the trick.

My last flip-flopped companion decided to leave his wife at the clinic, a one-room shack, and show me the short cut to the project headquarters. He was young, and kept apologizing for his adequate English. As I didn’t have an appointment with anyone in particular, the man insisted I visit with his uncle first: He was a “chief.” At a roadside shelter we made a right turn into the grove and up a rise and emerged onto a hilltop clearing where a number of houses perched on stilts. An old Hitachi excavator sat at the end of a newly cut dirt road. A talkhouse, with decorative thatch roofing, had been erected near a small graveyard fenced in flowering orchids. Chickens nosed around the clover. And over it, hanging listless from a white pole, flew another Israeli flag.


In the compound’s reception hut, I took shelter from the midday sun and sat with Moffat Maena for a while, catching my breath. Maena was much younger-looking than the 80 years he said he was. He vaguely resembled a grandfatherly frog, with a broad chest and overlong arms. He whacked open a pair of coconuts with the long knife he was carrying and handed me one. I drank its sweet liquid while he talked of the new construction behind us, which would house the Israeli agricultural and technical assistants on their extended visits, and about how Emmaus Village, as he had dubbed his family’s collection of houses, had providentially been in the right place to be Kadabina headquarters. Maena noted that Emmaus was where Jesus first appeared to two of his followers after his resurrection.

Maena’s father Alan had scouted for American GIs against the Japanese. His uncle and brother died in World War II, killed in the fighting over Guadalcanal. After the war, and a degree in Fiji, Maena worked in the government’s agriculture department, which sent him across the Solomon Islands. He had been to Hawaii once, and Australia once, both for brief stopovers related to ministry affairs. Now the foreigners were coming to him.

He walked us down the road through the project land, which he said used to be Catholic mission land from 1921. “We’re gonna help our brothers,” he said, referring in his pleasantly colonial-style English to the Israelis who had already been here on several “technical visits.” This way, he said, would be the demonstration farm. Over here the aquaculture ponds, dug out to run freely into the sea. Up this way would be drip-technology beds, maybe some husbandry, some chickens. All of this was on the plans that had been drawn up and were posted on the wall of the talkhouse. What we saw in real life were some dry slopes, carpeted with nettles, creepers, and brush, and dotted with straggling coconut palms. By the side of the road was a boulder-sized half of an ancient, giant clamshell. Gesturing to it, Maena said, “Looks like Noah’s ark was here.”

In the talkhouse behind the Israeli flag, laminated sheets stapled to makeshift bulletin boards showed images of the dedication ceremony that had occurred a few months before, with dozens of pigs slaughtered and a few chickens for the kosher visitors. And a photocopied campaign flyer dated 2001 showed Leliana Firisua’s round face framed by wide curls. His platform was three-pronged: “Peace, Prosperity, Israel.” “To enable development to occur in the area North Malaita Constituency law and order must be restored,” it read. “My involvement in the peace process has given me the ability to broker a deal which will satisfy the entire populace in the To’obaita area including our ex-militants.” A map showed the northern part of the island with circles at proposed “development,” “tertiary schooling,” and “agricultural sites.” The back of the flyer read: SHALOM.

Maena Moffat said he was Firisua’s nephew, somehow, but we soon determined he was more like what I would call a cousin. No matter: “If Israel tries to help us,” he said, “I thank God for that.” He put me up in the stilted guesthouse under construction for the Israelis. Before sunset, Maena’s grandson escorted me to a half-mile stretch of unspoiled white-sand coastline where a pack of children had gathered for recreation. The small island of Basakana, no more than a mile across the crystalline, calm waters, took the menace out of the great emptiness—the thousands of miles to next landfall. Besides an occasional paddled dugout skimming across the horizon near the island settlement, there was nothing here but glory. Unflinching children recruited me to play soccer with a coconut pith on the sand. I grabbed my mask and snorkel and swam out over the reefs, floating in the body-temperature brine, dove to meet parrot fish, and spotted sweetlips and angels. Lobster antennae waved from nooks. Coral swayed and primped. Clowns tended anemones. On the ocean floor, 30 feet below, camouflaged soles melted into the spotted sand—confusing dreamlike apparitions. When I’d exhausted myself, and the sky had warmed into rich purples and reds, we strode back up to Emmaus, where a dinner of rice, taro, coconut-milk fish, and stewed greens had been set out on the talkhouse bar.

As Maena’s grandson helped me install mosquito netting in one of the three guesthouse bedrooms, I noticed that he was tattooed on the back of his left hand with the likeness of an Israeli flag. And then I saw that he had another, larger tattoo on his left forearm that said MAEKALI. I asked him about it. He said it was his great-grandfather, a great warrior.

“Is Maekali Hebrew?” I asked.

“We are all Israelis here,” he said.


It took me a day and a half to make it back to Auki from Kadabina. Maena and I had gone out to his shelter on the road at 1 a.m. to wait for a cargo truck to come by, but the first two, which churned round some hours later, were “full.” (Maena didn’t press the driver, so there must have been some limit to the number of people who can fit on the flatbed floor and side ledges and cab roof.) No more trucks came that morning, and with no cell-phone service there was no way of finding out if more would come except to stand by the side of the road, which we did for nine hours, taking turns napping, swatting mosquitoes, pacing, looking up at stars in the palm fronds, talking about “California.” I said that I lived 500 meters from a very big river, which in my part of Manhattan is true. How did he picture those skyscrapers, this 80-year-old man whose father fought World War II on Guadalcanal, and who was now working with the honorary consul of Israel, who in turn has shaken hands with Shimon Peres?

At dawn, Maena’s son Micah, a former policeman with a blond afro, came down and was surprised to find us there; he had some coffee and rolls brought, and we ate in sullen disappointment. Kids rode by on bicycles decorated with Israeli flags. After sunrise, a pair of women came round the corner yelling “ON Saaaaaaaaale!” I bought some speared reef fish from their bucket. (The fish were pale, discolored versions of what they showed me underwater the day before.) Micah carried the catch by the tail to Emmaus to have it prepared. By 10 a.m.—when the first of the transports was returning north, loaded with fresh human and material cargo from Honiara and Auki—we gave up and decided to try again that night.

At first, I felt a great empathy for the Israelis, who were trying to turn this kind of inefficiency into a productive farm. Hadn’t this Yoel Siegel read his Conrad? Didn’t he know that all Western enterprises end up swallowed by the jungle? But after the initial frustration, I took the reprieve for a blessing. At the end of the day, I grabbed Maena’s grandson’s Chinese imitation BMX, too small for me, and left his tattooed hand and Emmaus behind, feeling exhilarated by the spackled light and the freedom of anonymity.

I spun north along the empty road parallel to the beach, through potholes, through villages, through coconut groves, past sunken Japanese aircraft carriers. My long legs churned too fast on the tiny cranks. Palm trees arched overhead like a long glorious nave, the only sound the whirr of the chain and the crunch of sand and rocks under the balding tires. Paradise. I waved to wide-eyed locals walking barefoot nowhere, and pedaled to Malu’u to see Suava Bay, where Israeli plans call for an airport and tuna-processing factory. From the broken wharf, it was easy to see that imagining an international airport in this place was like asking Peter Minuit in 1626 to imagine the skyline of present-day New York.

In Malu’u’s central market—a concrete shelter built by foreign aid—just opposite the wide beach and bay, I met 62-year-old Warren Raomalefo, who was peddling deep-fried cakes to schoolchildren on midday break while perusing a religious pamphlet about the Apocalypse. I asked him about Israel. “We don’t know what the future is,” he said. “These things never reach the bush.” At a frontier-style general store called Lionheart enterprises—selling from behind glass counters everything from utility diving masks and car batteries to beauty products and milk toast—I bought a Coca-Cola for Sol$9, my first luxury in days. A thatch-walled house around the corner had a sign painted in lettering with the words “GAZA STREET” next to “JEW,” the star and lines of the Israeli flag, and a pair of decorative horned cattle skulls. In a sewage-colored mangrove behind the market, a crowd of uniformed youngsters idly taunted an insane man with a single hip-length dreadlock; he brayed at the crowd like an elephant, screamed, and slammed into the water while the mob hooted. Riding back to Emmaus, I slipped off a pedal and scraped an apple-sized patch of skin off my left knee—and with blood streaming down to my toes and flip-flops, must have made a similarly crazed sight.

Back in Kadabina, the wound cleaned up from my depleted first aid kit, I spent the late afternoon snorkeling and collecting shells. During the day, Micah had arranged with a driver to save us seats, and this time Moffat, Micah, and I hopped onto the open flatbed of the truck a little after midnight. The transport made an oasis of light slowly tossing through potholes, stopping every few hours for all 30 passengers to stretch. When it started to rain, a single heavy tarp was rolled out; I held one corner of it aloft as an air intake, until the shower passed. By first light, we were back on graded dirt and by dawn on narrow pavement—rumbling into Auki as birds scattered out of the palm dates. A massive police truck was parked below the government buildings. A summit was to be held over the following three days, and foreign dignitaries, including Australians and Malaysians, would be in town. “There will be international media,” the police announced from the riot-gear loudspeaker. “Anyone with open beers. Will. Be. Arrested. Anyone selling marijuana. Will. Be. Arrested.”

The next morning, I opened the Solomon Star to find an interior headline heralding “Free Entry Into Israel”: “SOLOMON Islanders does not need a visa to enter Israel.” It was the first newsworthy result of the Malaitan delegation’s diplomatic trip. They were headed home. My journey, it turned out, had only just begun.

Six

As Auki bustled in preparation for the arrival of the Malaysian delegation, Jackson Gege picked me up in an official white U.N. Toyota and drove me to his office in the provincial government compound on the hill overlooking the port. At “around 37”—like many Solomon Islanders he had no registration and unreliable baptismal records—he was trim and fit in his blue jeans and neat knit shirt and belt of holstered cell phones and multi-tools. He worked for the U.N.’s Development Programme, but he had also taken a personal interest in the “Israel issue,” as he liked to call it, ever since a fateful semester in 1998 at the University of the South Pacific in Honiara. It was there, Gege recounted after turning on the paltry standing fan in his office cluttered with papers, that he had heard of a Canadian marine biologist and evangelical Christian who had said, “I hear there are people on the Solomons who are Israelites or Hebrews.” Shortly after, the ethnic tensions erupted and the student returned to Canada. Gege’s cousins joined the Malaita Eagles Force, while the bookish Gege laid low. Since then Gege had produced a manuscript exploring Israeli-Malaitan ties. He showed me the Word file on his UNDP laptop, scrolling through images of green stones that may or may not be unformed emeralds.

“In Hebrew ‘go’ is l’cha, and in Kwaio ‘go’ is lecha,” Jackson said. “It just makes you think. ‘Yes’: ken, keu. I want to write, like digging. Going deeper and deeper. People are making fun of all this, but Malaitans will always look at Israelis like a brother.”

In the summer of 2010, through the work of the ambitious politician Leliana Firisua, Gege was sent to Hebrew University in Jerusalem to further his environmental-planning studies. He was also charged specifically with finding a consultant or a friendly Israeli who might be persuaded to come to Malaita to work toward improving the lot of the people there. One of the courses he took was with Yoel Siegel, an international development and aid expert with a dozen years’ experience working for an Israeli outreach program called TAG, which works in far-flung places like Azerbaijan, Rwanda, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Kenya, Jordan, and Indonesia. As Gege told it, he had asked a number of his professors if they or anyone they knew might be willing to set out for the South Pacific. None of the professors were available, until he went up to Siegel after class. Might he consider coming to Malaita and helping them achieve their development dreams? Siegel said yes.

Jackson handed me a VHS cassette of a “documentary film” titled The Lost Temple Discovery! Part One, from Liberty Productions, PO Box 1, Auki, Malaita. The credits went to “Frank Daefa of A’ama, North Malaita and Anisi Maeta’a of Central Kwara’ae,” who “both claim to be of Jewish descendant through the line of Zadok the priest during the time of king David and his son Solomon,” the jacket copy read. The plastic case had a pixelated image of a pile of rocks, a “G” for “General Exhibition,” and the tag line: “… tacked away in the mountains of North Malaita, the ruins of this sacred site of once a religious community is being discovered. Who could be the builders … and to what god was it build for?

Israel’s own plans for the Solomons may someday attract similar wonderment. The US$20-million plans for the “Kadabina Proposed Demonstration Farm and Industrial Park” include—among other amenities drawn up by Aaron Weingrod of Weingrod-Abrahamson Architects of Jerusalem—an “Organic Restaurant on Cliff−Sea View.” Near Buma village, if land could be negotiated from the Ailakwa tribe, a regional center was set to host a pineapple-juice-processing plant, pineapple plantations, eco-timber milling, and a cattle farm to supply Honiara with meat. The 39 hectares of the Kadabina site would host drip-technology tomatoes, dwarf mangoes that allow for easy harvesting, chickens, and—after dredging a pair of destroyer-sized basins into what were currently coconut flats across from the ocean—advanced aquaculture. “High value crops,” directly from Israeli seed with agricultural laissez-passer from signed technical agreements and Memoranda of Understanding, would be distributed to the population to be grown “in their own customary land.”

In Suava Bay, the multicolored planning maps indicated, a few years from now if not sooner there should be a fully functioning tuna-processing plant connected to a deep-draft wharf. A long, thin orange rectangle on the map showed the location, around the eastern flank of Malu’u, of Malaita International Airport, a hub for direct flights from Tel Aviv to the rest of the South Pacific, but also routing through Bangkok and Seoul for exporting the sushi-grade bonito and importing friendly eco-tourists. Suava and the surrounding feeder projects would provide so many jobs that all the Malaitans who had migrated to Honiara in search of work over the past 30 years will clamor to return. Biospheres, eco-apartment complexes, self-sustaining etceteras; “the villages will become basically in the same system like the kibbutz,” Firisua told me, back in the capital. Military assistance from Malaitans, flying planes in support of the Israelis—all these things I heard from the dozens of people surrounding the Kadabina initiative.

As a teenager, the year before he left for Honiara to attend King George VI high school—Leliana Firisua recalled to me as he chomped on a huge piece of dry pound cake in his office following his return from the delegation trip to Israel—he was hungry, lacking for food, wondering where he might manage to find sustenance. One day, when he was feeling lonely, a sweet mango fell out of a tree, clattered off some tin roofing, and then bounced into his lap. “It didn’t roll to me. It jumped, up off the ground, into my hand,” he said. “I thought about it. At this time I thought perhaps God had a purpose for me.” From 1985 to 1987 he went on scholarship to Abingdon College in Oxfordshire, England, training for a “Diploma in Financial and Cost Accounting.” The winters were difficult. On the BBC World Service he heard about Operation Moses, and later Operation Solomon, airlifting Ethiopian Jews to Israel. When he came home, he joined the auditor-general’s office, then he managed a public credit union, married, had four sons, and ran for local office, where he decided that a friendship with Israel was Malaita’s sole viable path to development. He then started corresponding with the Jewish Agency for Israel.

At odd hours online, Firisua underwent “advocacy training”—led, it turned out, by a young foreign-service officer, Daniel Taub, who would later go on to be the Israeli ambassador to London—and received a diploma. “From there on,” he said, “there was no turning back.” Within less than 10 years, he was named honorary consul of Israel in the Solomon Islands, given a pair of brand-new white Toyota Prados with diplomatic plates (CC7, for his main vehicle), and set up with an office in one of the third-floor shops of the Hyundai Mall, off Mendana Ave. The storefront glass had a huge mural picture of the Jerusalem skyline and the name Emunah, or faith.

In November of 2011, at a gathering of 45 distant honorary consuls in Jerusalem, Firisua decided he wanted to go to the Holy City. While there, he skipped out on a programmed visit to the Israel Museum and instead met up with an Israeli marine biologist and fisheries consultant he’d met in the Solomon Islands, who worked at the time for the NGO WorldFish. “Come, I want to go the Wailing Wall,” Firisua said.

“What are you going to do there?” the Israeli said. Firisua called him a “backsliding Jew, the most backsliding Jew you have ever seen.”

“No,” Firisua said, “I just want to go and pray. I think I have a message there.”

They went together. Firisua prayed at the wall, but the message did not arrive.

“Come, come,” his friend said. “I will take you in. There’s a tunnel that goes this way under, and there’s so many Orthodox praying in there.”

“You sure?” Firisua said. They went in. On the left, he noticed a sign marked with a verse from Isaiah 56: “My house is a house of prayer for all people.” The Israeli wanted Firisua to look at the excavated wall of the temple, and how deep it went underground. Firisua said, “No, no, no need. I have found what I was looking for.” The message was expansive; Firisua felt vindicated and reinvigorated: “This is the Israel I was looking for,” he said. He also met Shimon Peres, who told him, “Today you do not need to have your own captain. Or to build your own boat. Today we are now in a global boat.” He also recalls that Peres told him, “On this boat if you ask your neighbor and your neighbor cannot able to give you a biscuit, or a glass of water, go around the boat!” Recalling this made Firisua laugh. “There are people in the boat, that maybe they can spare a piece of bread.”

As we spoke, I flipped back and forth between snorting at him in disbelief and finding myself almost buying into his incredible and improbable Horatio Alger tale: From North Malaita to meet the patriarch of Israel, President Peres. He said I could meet Jimmy Rasta, no problem.

Seven

Reading an encyclopedia in prison, Jimmy “Rasta” Lusibaea discovered that the Six Day War started on a June 5. This is the same date, he said, sitting in the consul’s office on the third floor of the Hyundai Mall on Mendana Avenue, that the Eagle Force “took off” the armory, the make-or-break gambit that cemented the power of the militia. Interpreting this as a sign, on the delegation trip to Israel, he put in a request to see the bunkers in the Golan Heights. He observed the machine-gun riggings and admired their versatility and easy withdrawal. He convinced a female IDF soldier to pose for pictures with him. Tanks performed exercises. Lusibaea called it “really a beautiful place” and took notes to relay to his Lion Heart Security servicemen.

Lusibaea—whose wife was campaigning in the by-election for his parliamentary seat vacated because of a conviction on 10-year-old assault charges, which he was appealing to the High Court—was wearing a military-green fishing hat, black slacks, and a black knit polo unbuttoned to reveal a large Jewish star pendent. He had a Cobra tattooed on his right bicep and an eagle over his heart. At 42, he had the paunch and thrust of a sprightly 50-year-old, and to me he seemed demonstrably aware, as people who have done time can be, of the seriousness of existence and its limits. In Lusibaea this awareness translated into a palpable charisma. “It’s a dream of my whole life,” he said. “One day I’ll set foot in the Holy Land.” Firisua, who was sitting behind his desk and lightly monitoring the diplomacy of Lusibaea’s recorded interview, reminded him that he had indeed set foot in the Holy Land, removing his shoes and socks to wade in the Jordan.

Before the tensions, Lusibaea had been working security at the Gold Ridge company mine. “They start chasing out all of the people from outskirts of Guadalcanal,” he recounted. “The police force in this country, they failed, because they kidnapped about 18 of us civilians from Malaita.” The mine shut down. Some observers of the lawlessness, corruption, and anarchy of that period say it amounted to a “failed state” condition, but a more accurate description is that since independence, the Solomons has remained unformed, never managing to consolidate into a functioning system of any kind.

“When they start to rape our women, our girls,” Lusibaea said, “that was when we start to form up the boys.”

“How did you have the idea to raise an Israeli flag to strengthen your fighters’ hearts?” I asked.

“I was thinking that if this is our big story,” Lusibaea said, “that we are migrated from Israel, and when we see all this Arab wars around the Israel, they don’t like Israel, so we just thinking that this is like Solomon Island here. The other eight province they don’t like us, so we must be the same.”

Surrendering in 2003, he said, under the impression that he’d be granted amnesty from his participation in the Peace Accords and in the new climate of RAMSI’s arrival, Lusibaea was instead arrested, accused of murder and bank robbery, tried by Australian judges, and sent to prison.

When we were done talking in Firisua’s office, Lusibaea drove me in his tinted-window Toyota Landcruiser down Mendana Avenue toward Honiara’s light-industrial outskirts, where neighboring villages had been swallowed up by a miniature form of urban growth. Lusibaea pointed to the Lawson Tama national soccer stadium, where FIFA’s Oceania confederation was holding a World Cup qualifier tournament. “Some of the boys on the national team are mine,” he said, adding that he’d be attending in the VIP box, where I would be welcome to join him. Lusibaea was released from prison on bail in 2007, and in 2008 he was baptized in Malu’u. He then cobbled together a construction crew to give his demobilized but still-loyal fighters a chance at employment. They did some earth-moving and began to enter competitions for government contracts. Lusibaea called the company “Lion Heart.” As a result, he now had “boys” everywhere: a cement crew laying sidewalk along an anonymous stretch of the highway we were driving down—his “boys” on contract for the upcoming Festival of Pacific Arts. Their allegiance, he allowed, helped get him elected to parliament as the representative of North Malaita in August 2010.

Driving past mega-churches, he pointed to a modern building on the left: “Ministry of Fisheries,” he said, naming the portfolio that he had held under Prime Minister Danny Philip, and that he still hoped to recover one day. “Should have been mine.” He blamed his loss of the ministry not on his militant past, but on his hard line on tuna prices, which Japan, China, and Taiwan had managed to keep artificially low for the last 20 years through a mix of leverage, targeted investment, and bribery.

In November 2010, Lusibaea had been convicted of unlawful wounding and assault—the court said he had shot an unconscious man in both knees and struck a policeman with a pistol following a gunfight at a nightclub in September 2000—and was facing two years and nine months in jail. Riots broke out after sentencing, and less than two months later, he had been released, but was still unable to resume his parliamentary role.

“Australians, Australian press,” he said, “they want to interview me all the time. I don’t talk to them. I don’t bother with them anymore. I went to this Townsville peace agreements not expecting to be arrested”—he put the accent on the “ah”—“then they put me in jail. But you are Jewish and we are brothers.” He turned his eyes away from the road to lock into mine and solemnly announced that he was speaking off the record, then started banging on the wheel as he launched into a harangue that didn’t seem to require much in the way of direct quotation. Australians! Inviting him to peace talks under amnesty and arresting him on the spot. Taiwanese! Wanting to cheat him out of Solomon’s tuna stock. His enemies in parliament!

He softened to express admiration for his Australian lawyer, a woman who earned his respect by explaining that she had as much to gain from taking his demobilization case as he did—a kindred spirit, he said, returning to a more conversational tone. Together, in what Lusibaea now considers a sign from God, they decided to plead guilty and do the time. He presented this as a clever maneuver that left doubt about who had done what and what had actually happened. Lusibaea had one murder count dropped and was acquitted of the murders of two special constables who were allegedly killed in his yard. He served some of a five-year sentence for robbery in an Australian-built prison in Honiara, lifting weights, reading the Bible, finding God. Even off the record he refused to talk about his treatment. “You are lucky you are not Australian,” he said. “You would not be in this car.”

We arrived at a dirt road under construction, with tar drums set up as barriers. A worker in an orange reflective vest and hard hat rolled one out of the way. Lusibaea pulled over to him. The window came down, some words were exchanged, and a wad of bills several inches thick was handed over. “These are all Malaitans,” he said, the A/C racing to chase the blast of midday heat that had flooded the jeep. “My boys.”

Down the desolate warehouse-lot industrial-park feeder road, past two more checkpoints, was the compound of Lion Heart Plant Hire Road Construction and Heavy Machinery. We pulled in through a high gate into a football-field-sized yard, piled high with timber, strewn with broken-down and half-functioning diggers, shovels, graders, and dozers: late 1990s Korean and Japanese dinosaurs.

At the center was a shelter, with more “boys” at work molding cement blocks. (Of some 3,000 Eagles Force fighters, he explained, a good hundred and thirty, “plus many commanders,” still worked for him.) A few boats sat on trailers, one with an Israeli flag riding on the antenna.

Jimmy’s brother was there, a former lieutenant in the Eagles Force, wearing dark aviator glasses. When he greeted me, standing in front of his jacked-up 4×4 with a heavy array of field lights and surfing stickers, his lit cigarette bounced like a diving-board between his lips. At Jimmy’s insistence, I snapped a photo of them together, both flexing.

That orange Toyota dump truck over there, Lusibaea said, was his first war vehicle, and later his first business truck as well. It had finally given out, but sat as if in dignified repose around some other junkers, a scene that made me think of the World War II cargo ships that had hauled alien invaders to the islands.

In the Lion Heart business office, a curvaceous secretary was tabulating some receipts. Lusibaea’s interior office had a bulletin-board wall with aerial maps of North Malaita, his district, a full-size Israeli flag, photos of him and the Israeli aid delegation on a boat headed to his Barefoot Lodge, and a self-portrait in prison in front of dull gray walls in a small courtyard. The room was like that of a field commander for whom paperwork was an insult, action a reprieve.

The house improvements, he said, were modeled on a military outpost he’d seen in Haifa. The ground floor was now all cement block, a separation wall protecting a “party room” with a bar decorated in traditional anthropomorphic motifs. Chalk-covered workers were laying Asian bathroom tile on the outdoor staircase and mixing mortar for a fountain basin. The middle floor held lodgings for his wife and children. The top floor was a single-room apartment surrounded by tinted glass. Wood paneling and shelving nooks, stuffed with puffy furniture (and including a church organ), gave the room the feel of a pleasure cruiser that had run aground during a great flood and then hung on high ground after the waters receded. Lusibaea said, “I can see everything from here. All my workers. Anyone approaching.” His three Israeli flags flapped under the overhang in the hot breeze.

He showed me a plastic Korean Air bottle, filled in Israel, marked “JORDAN RIVER,” now half empty, “because old and sick people have heard about it and keep asking me for a little,” he said. Photographs of his warrior days were laminated or framed and tacked to the walls. One showed Lusibaea, standing with comrades in arms, banded in bullet belts, holding a giant automatic weapon painted with the words “WRONG BET” and a protective blessing in Fijian, his wife’s native language. Another had him on the bow of a boat surrounded by the rest of his military command, all heavily armed. “This is the day we attacked the armory,” he said. A necklace of shark’s teeth, a talisman of war, hung over the frame. “I don’t show this to anyone,” he said.

Firisua shortly joined us in the lot. Lusibaea was eager to get more Israeli flags from him. Firisua said, “Has he shown you the crocodiles?”

Jimmy Rasta had not shown me the crocodiles.

“That is why I’m here,” Firisua said. “I’ve heard about his crocodiles but never seen them. You have to have ‘right balance.’ I cannot be seen going in and out of Jimmy’s compound. It’s not good for the Israeli consular vehicle to go there. People will be asking, ‘What is he doing there in the compound of a former warlord?’ ”

Lusibaea didn’t disagree. We ambled together to the fishpond, a hole he had had dug to below the water table with an excavator. From the stilted pagoda that housed his free-weight equipment, we could look down into the greenish muck to see it teaming with what Lusibaea called “local tilapia.” “I just download it in Facebook just now,” he said.

Then across to a chicken-wire-and-wood contraption built over a cement pit, with a hand-painted sign on a swinging gateway that read “DANGER. Crocodiles. NO KIDS.” The pair of massive spiny reptiles inside looked sleepy, too heavy for their tiny legs, even in the shade of their Guantanamo cells. The larger one yawned, revealing a row of thumb-sized teeth.

“What do you feed them?” Firisua asked, looking to me all of a sudden extra fleshy and plump.

“Chickens,” Lusibaea said. He lifted his pant leg to note that his heeled black outback boots were made from the skin of a toothy brother of theirs. “I always wear my crocodiles.”


That afternoon, Lusibaea and I watched the soccer match pitting the Solomon Island Bonitos against the Fiji Bula Boys from the VIP box, a lazily cordoned-off central section of the 10-row covered grandstand. Despite the crowd rousing from a broiled slumber to lackadaisically rally “Go! Solo! Go!” the Bonitos missed a number of opportunities to score, drawing nil-nil. In the VIP parking lot, Honiarans streaming out came up to Lusibaea to shake his hand, calling him “Chief, Chief.” One of Lusibaea’s entourage handed me a copy of a printout, saying he had written and submitted it for publication in the Star. It was titled “Relationship,” and began “The Trip to Israel has drawn some very important destiny to all beloved Malaitans.” Before dropping me at Mother’s Union, Lusibaea told me about seeing Jerusalem’s lights from the Dead Sea and how because of visa trouble, he had had to fly through Fiji, separate from the rest of the delegation, who had gone through Australia. When I thanked him, he gave me a wink, flashed a smile both charming and menacing, and said, “No worries, mate. We are brothers.”

On the wide resthouse balcony, shoes off and showered, I read my Conrad, sipped tea, and ate pineapple, papaya, and four different varieties of banana, each sweeter, softer, and more fragrant than the next. The Pacific Islander II, a black Bali Hai cargo freighter flagged Panama, had pulled in to port and was being unloaded by scurrying men and machines. To the west, Savo sat brooding. Ferries and powered canoes set out on their final evening runs. I noticed that my nails had gone soft from lack of milk. I’d also taken to wearing like a talisman the shell necklace I’d bought at the Auki market.

The moment you believe the myth that the tropical island is a paradise, Conrad suggested, is precisely the moment that the island has driven you insane. Over the next few days in the capital, I caught what few sights there were to see, including the American-built Parliament building. I met several times with Firisua, representatives of the South Seas Evangelical Church, Jonathan and his cohorts. I ran into Pastor Kenneth on the street and made plans to go scuba diving.

Firisua liked to go to the Kokonut Café, an ocean-front compound with multi-level open-air restaurants, a beer bar, and a cove with captive dolphins who shared a swimming hole with schoolchildren. (A sign on the gate read, “Upon entry, all rules must be followed to ensure the safety of reptiles, mammals, staffs and customers.”) The place belonged to a Chinese immigrant whom Firisua admired. He was known around town as the Red Devil, owner of Red Devil Enterprises, which competed in many of the same areas of Jimmy Lusibaea’s Lion Heart Enterprises. Firisua liked to order a “light meal” there and relax with the view. “Most of the things we are looking at now,” he had said, “they are all forming based on a personal dream, a journey. Look at Jimmy. He knows more about Israel and the wars than me, because he read a lot of books about Israel. He has his own journey. This place”—sweeping his arm over the ocean, which was scattering a warm star-like reflection of sunlight—“where you are sitting now—is a long dream.”

Over lunch one day, Firisua, wearing a blue safari suit as big as a sail, gave me his best self-amused and pensive look and said, “Matthew, you must buy something here now, before the Solomons become the center of the world. You can live here with the dolphins.” He also explained to me his theory of self-effacement, part of which entailed him instructing his four sons to intermarry with other races, so that “there will be very little remnants of Firisuas on the island.” He proudly noted that one son was dating a Malaysian. A second liked a Dutch New Zealander. “If it goes according to plan,” Firisua said, “then there will be no more Firisua face. I will basically disappear. Just as Israel will physically change the place I am from. My wish is that after me there will be no Malaita and no Firisua left.”

He struck me as full of contradiction: He wanted to disappear but was physically enormous. He had no time but had spent the better part of several days showing me around. “Everyone loves Israel here,” he had said once when describing his plans for a consular building to replace the Emunah office in the Hyundai Mall. “It will have the highest security and a helipad.”

Me: This idea I heard from the North, that people were descended from Jews? What’s your position on that?

Firisua: In actual fact I am not in that line of thinking. First of all although there were scribblings or something that were sort of seen in the mountains or that type of worships and all that. I don’t work up into that. Because my idea of thinking is that whatever is there will be revealed at a later time, not now.

Me: How do you deal with that idea when you talk to the people in the north?

Firisua: It’s not just started. It’s started thousands of years ago. It has been coming through generations and generations that we left of port Yemen, maybe 400 or 500 years ago.

Me: You don’t believe that yourself, personally.

Firisua: No. What I’m saying is leave those things to surface at a later time. Because I don’t want to intertwine these sort of stories with what the government is doing and what my office is doing.

He went into a darker description of the challenges of island life. “Development aid has ruined us,” he complained. Asian timber concerns, fishing licenses, bribery, mining, corruption, thoughtless nascent tourism, the damage done to local culture. He ranted about Gold Ridge and about how the mines were extensions of the colonial domination that had been perpetuated by copra production systems set up to be unfair to the Islanders.

“When did the tensions start?” he asked. “Why did Malaita Eagle Force happen? They happened right after gold was found in the mine. It was no accident, Matthew. In the chaos that followed, all the gold left, and the mine has been shut down since.” He mopped his sweaty brow with a neatly folded handkerchief.

“Everything here happens because of outside business interests,” Firisua said, narrowing his gaze. “Look into it.”

Eight

At the dive shop, a dozen Taiwanese expats—recent arrivals, young couples: aid workers, and merchants—were gearing up to complete their open-water scuba certification course. They were going to be led down by an acne-covered, unhealthily skinny German who’d washed up here. For my private tour, I’d been assigned Victor Ono, a mustachioed, jovial Kermit of a man. Victor was an officer in the Royal Solomons Police Force, part of the submersion team charged with handling unexploded ordnances, examining new finds (a previously undocumented World War II wreck was spotted off Florida the month before), and recovering dumped bodies.

Driving to Bonegi I, our dive site, in a flatbed cargo truck, we talked about the separatists on Malaita. Victor found the whole thing ridiculous. Malaitans, he said, were “like beaten dogs after the tensions,” making noise. “They thought they were invincible,” he said. “And then we had enough and chased dem out of here.”

“But they took up arms,” I said.

“Yes, but what have they gained?” he said. “And these plans they are talking about? People they make fun of Malaitans, especially from the North. About them they say, ‘What is this bullshit they are saying?’ ”

We turned off the main road. Victor paid a “kastom fee” to some red-eyed betel-chewers at a bamboo gate, parked on the beach, and geared us up. He reviewed our safety checks: buoyancy, air, and releases. We waddled into the light surf, swam past the first reef, and then descended, squeezing air out of our ear canals, breathing as easy I could, settling into weightlessness and the rhythmic bubbling of precious gases. Ahead, the stern of the Hirokawa Maru took shape, leaning on its side. I followed Victor down along the massive steel vault, into a cargo hold, past a gun turret and coiled chain, all covered in living coral, nudibranches, giant barrel sponges, sea fans. At 30 meters depth we weren’t yet to the ship’s mid. Victor pointed to a sea turtle flapping carelessly around the wreck. A tuna’s silver hide flashed a reflected ray and then faded back into the blue.

On the beach, Victor checked my pressure gauge and laughed. “You were sucking it down!” I told him it’d been a while since I’d been below. We chatted about the hundreds of ships in that bay and around the waters of the Solomon Sea—their holds still stuffed with unsalvaged oil and World War II cargo, their nameless dead, and the commemorative wreaths solemnly sunk there every August by returning veterans. He rhapsodized about other dive sites, like the one near Florida, where Manta rays flock to drift tunnels to feed. He said he loved his work. “Every day I wake up and thank God for another day in Paradise.” If the Solomon Islands aren’t paradise, I thought to myself, forgetting for a moment about the sunken carnage in front of me, then there is no such place on earth.


On my last night on the island, at Mother’s Union resthouse—under the influence of Malaria pills and the rack of celebratory SolBrews I’d treated myself to at the Kokonut Café—I dreamt I fell off a boat, fully dressed, weighed down by all my packed bags. I sank, watching my notebooks soak, the ink lifting off the page and dissolving in beautiful black smoke-like swirls. In the morning, Firisua drove me to the airport, early enough for us to share a last cappuccino at an empty roadhouse disco. He wore a crisp blue shirt and tie and was headed to a ministerial meeting that day, he said, to press for one of his Memoranda of Understanding.

“Israelis and Jews will have a place,” Firisua said, making his final pitch. “They will have a synagogue here, feel the openness and the freedom. The Jews should have a second home, why not on the opposite side of the Earth?” Through his arrangements, his oldest son, 21, would be headed to Sde Eliyahu, a religious kibbutz in northern Israel, after living with a Jewish family in Australia for six months. “He might become the first convert,” he said.

I thanked him, said goodbye, and stepped through airport security. Once on board, I began to shiver and sweat; I’d surfaced from my last dive on Iron Bottom Sound with a late-blooming fever. Over the course of four flights, I begged Polynesian, then more flatly Asian, then blandly American flight attendants for blankets, looking more and more homeless as each brutal leg of the trip brought me closer to home.

At LAX the U.S. immigration officer in my line’s glass booth briskly waved through the morning rush from the Pacific rim. When I stepped forward, he slowed down. “Solomon Islands,” he said, wryly. “Where’s that?”

“Yeah. Exactly,” I said. Nothing I’d heard for weeks had been face value.

“No, really,” he said, looking suddenly more stern. “Where is it?”

“The South Pacific?” I said. “Northeast of Australia?”

He softened and then shook his head in disbelief. “Solomons. I’ve only ever heard of it from storybooks.”

In the following months, back in New York, I received periodic missives from the void, reminders of having experienced, as opposed to having dreamed, this other Israel. From Patrick Taloboe, the man with tribal scars on his face: “There seems to be more for the world to know about our Malaita province.” From Firisua, written in a formal but off-key 19th-century colonial bureaucrateze, with cordial inquiries after my health, and with every number followed by its numeral in brackets: news of the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding [MOU] at Rarotonga; news of Kate & Will’s royal jubilee ducal visit: “the people were so excited and so many happenings throughout the three [3] days. I was invited for the official dinner at Government House and it was truly an Island feast.” His self-effacement worked: As time passed I found it harder to conjure his girth and jollity, his lumbering, flip-flopped realness. As his message grew in me, his massive frame shrank, much the way a returning astronaut, having set foot on the moon, then sees its horizon recede into a globe, then a marble, then a single dot.

I received a handwritten cursive A4 letter via Solomon Royal Post, in an onionskin airmail envelope edged red and blue, signed by Franklin Daefa. It was headed CONCEPT REPORT underlined with a ballpoint against a straight edge. “After your visit to me and our sacred site, land,” it began, “our House of Hosts Committee met to evaluate our discussion.” I was officially “approved” as an “appropriate link for the Jews of the U.S.A. and even the Land of Israel.” A list of recommendations followed:

1: Your firm will act on our behalf in contacting a prominent Jew in U.S.A., to delegate our messages.

2: Our first message to our brother Jews consists of our confidental standby assistense (sic), when Jews are confronted. This message is sent by the House of Hosts to assure the Jews in Israel, that help that exceeds all material supernatural powers in coming, after arrangements had been finalized.

And so on. I was told to treat “paragraph 2B” as “very confidential,” and warned to “delegate to your most trusted Jew person,” so as not to be “expose to threat.” But Franklin also had grievances to air. Against the consul in particular, with increasing aggression and resentment: “Our last request is a suggestion,” he wrote. “It would be for best interest of the nation of Israel and Malaita people for the Government of Israel to replace our Solomon Consular with a competitive one thank you.” Through Radio New Zealand, the rudimentary websites of the Star and Times, and Firisua’s updates, I learned that Jimmy’s wife Vika Koto had won the North Malaita by-election, becoming only the second woman to serve in the nation’s parliament; she was promptly muzzled by her husband from speaking with the Australian press. That week’s Star also ran a report on the visit of a prominent Papuan evangelical leader, under the headline, “Solomon Islands Will Prosper, Says Man of God.”

In late November, 188 of 193 United Nations member states voted on a symbolic resolution to raise Palestine’s status to “non-member observer”—that of the Holy See. The United States and Israel vigorously opposed the measure. The Solomon Islands’ U.N. envoy, Ambassador Colin Beck—sent to New York a month after delegates from the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Solomon Islands Ministry of Home Affairs signed a Memorandum of Understanding touting bilateral ties—was expected to vote with Israel, as did Canada, the Czech Republic, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, and Panama. Instead, Beck went rogue, voting with the majority. Two weeks later, he was recalled to Honiara. Firisua was quoted in the Solomon Star as saying, “It is truly a sad day regarding the friendship Solomon Islands share with Israel.” And in February, a tsunami killed at least nine and left hundreds homeless.

The handful of postcards I had sent from Auki never arrived. But I was most eager to finally watch the tale promised in Franklin’s documentary, The Lost Temple Discovery! Part One. I delivered the VHS cassette Jackson Gege had given me to a professional digital transfer joint in midtown Manhattan. Later that same day, I took a worried call from a clerk there. “I’ve tried everything,” he said. “But now I’m certain. There is nothing on this tape.” 

Nine

The greatest voyages are genuine leaps of faith that propel explorers across the emptiness. Voyages of discovery set out to find not what is lost or buried but what is yet to be found. Often in the history of human adventure we launch in anticipation of one thing only to stumble onto something else entirely—something equally unknown and equally wonderful, which is also a version of ourselves.

In my mind, the globe, in all its full roundness, grew a new axis: a rod running from Jerusalem through to the middle of the South Pacific, a mere 3,000 nautical miles east of Honiara. But the more I thought about the strangeness of the Israeli-Malaitan ties—despite the evident realpolitik advantages, the logic of missions, and the generosity, if not moral engagement, of foreign aid—the harder it was to grasp their origins. The conviction that Yoel Siegel and Leliana Firisua seemed to so effortlessly display never moved me, except to marvel at. I occasionally fashioned Malaitans as antipodean versions of the settlers of the West Bank, reclaiming ancestral land and pride in the way rock by coral rock they piled into the lagoon to make their village of Langa Langa. (In fact, Israel had recently suggested building an artificial island off the coast of Gaza.) And hadn’t the State of Israel, in the last decade especially, made physical separation a guiding principle of its security? In 2005, two years after the first continuous segment of the West Bank Barrier was erected in response to the Palestinian uprisings of the Second Intifada, IDF engineers proposed a 2-mile, 25-meter-deep moat along the Gazan border with Egypt, to thwart smuggling tunnels there. It was never built, but the idea of Israel as an island in a sea of hostility remains a powerful and oft-used metaphor. On Rosh Hashanah of 2012, in the wake of the surging upheavals of the Arab Spring, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu toasted a gathering of his political party by calling Israel an “island of stability amidst the storms.” That parallel to the Solomons—island nations, island peoples—held me for a while, but then, as I worked through what little relevant Melanesian material I could dig out of the archives of the New York Public Library, and re-read Conrad’s Victory, the notion lost its strength. “An Island is but the top of a mountain,” Conrad wrote. Sometimes, his character said, “It seems as if everything that there is had gone under.”

What had drawn the Malaitans and the Israelis together? Israel was shoring up support in a dangerous world and trying to spread a little prosperity, grooming a back-up protein supply, maybe even nurturing a future vacation spot, while piggybacking on a strange confluence of myths and beliefs. Yet two things in particular stood out, awaiting their proper explanation. The first was how Firisua had said, “The Jews know all along there are blood ties on this island.” The second was the tattoo on young Moffat Maena’s grandson’s arm—not the Star of David, but the name in large print on his forearm: Maekali, the name of the warrior who prompted the Maenas to proclaim “we are all Jews.”

One afternoon in the NYPL reading room, under the high vault of its tropical-colored ceiling clouds, I was handed a slim volume titled Lightning Meets the West Wind: The Malaita Massacre, by the anthropologists Roger M. Keesing and Peter Corris. By its card I was the first to check it out since 1982. When I sat down to read it, I quickly discovered to my amazement that Maekali was in it. So were the blood ties.

At the heart of what Keesing and Corris recount is a story of a people in “partial isolation,” living in a world both timeless and continuous, with mortal enemies just a valley away, in a realm broadened by cosmic myth. An island people will see themselves as the center of their universe, until forces that build beyond the horizon appear unannounced and doom them. From the mid-19th to the early 20th century, white masters “recruited,” coerced, or kidnapped natives of Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, New Caledonia, the Solomon Islands, and the rest of Melanesia to pitilessly work the sugarcane fields of Queensland, which became part of Australia. This human traffic was known as Blackbirding, and it engendered blood vengeance for lost kin, enough that in later years the ships that plied these trades were known to spill broken glass on deck to discourage surprise attacks by barefoot warriors. Besides the brutality of forced exile, the spread of disease, and indentured servitude if not outright slavery, Blackbirding also left a shortage of labor at home that kept early Solomon Islands colonial plantations from flourishing. British administrators—“small men with myopic vision,” as Keesing and Corris call them—dealt with unruliness through punitive actions.

On both sides, murderous human hunting expeditions sought to settle accounts. But a dark business such as this is never settled. On Malaita, an island regarded in Victorian England as the wildest place in the whole of the British Empire, the cycle of death and reprisal dates back to at least the 1880s. Jack London, who sailed a yacht to Langa Langa in 1907, was one of many adventurers to spread lurid tales of white men being “tomahawked,” bloody slaughters, “village massacres,” and “vessels burning.” (“His head remains in Malaita.”) The Perth Western Mail of Sept. 28, 1907, for example, corroborates in a typical item in a round-up of Commonwealth news: “A good deal of unrest prevails at Malaita, one of the Solomon group,” it reads. “As the result of a punitive expedition an islander was killed by shell there, and the natives swore to be avenged. An order was sent forth that a white man’s head was wanted.”

From the “native” side, revenge was most often carried out by a ramo, a kind of warrior-leader-assassin, who was part of a customary triumvirate of clan leaders, together with a priest and a feast-giver. Ramos were feared, and they worked for hire, or for bounty. “Most often, killing on Malaita began with the violation of the rigid sex code—with seduction or adultery,” Keesing wrote.

In 1927 a sympathetic district officer named William R. Bell prepared, as part of his bureaucratic duties, for a modest show of strength in the Kwaio region of central and north Malaita. On Oct. 4 of that year, a Tuesday, with his collection team in place north of Auki, Bell invited the gathered Kwaio, led by the warrior Basiana, to pay what Her Majesty was owed. According to Keesing’s retelling, Basiana paid first. Then he gathered his rifle from a pouch nearby, tucked it under his arm, and rejoined the line to await a second turn at the collection table. Once there, Basiana lifted his weapon over his head and smashed the butt down into Bell’s skull, exploding it.

Exactly how many Malaitans died in the official punitive expeditions and brutish justice that followed is hard to establish. At least 60 Kwaio and To’abaita were shot by marauding, drunken, mercenary “people hunters” who could not be contained by poorly equipped naval escorts from the capital at Tulagi. Malaitans had never seen such horror. Village constables and neighboring tribes were suddenly and immediately forced to choose between rebellious alliance with the Kwaio’s outgunned warriors, or complicity with the powerful colonial forces. People were herded into talkhouses only to be hanged from the rafters. Holy sites were desecrated, ancestral skulls paraded as trophies, shrines toppled, causing a massive disruption in the tribe’s sacred relations with the past. Those like Basiana who ran soon realized the limits of the territory; they surrendered, were captured, jailed, and hanged, or summarily killed. As one 80-year-old quoted in the book recalled, “ ‘When they destroyed our shrines and villages, they destroyed all the good things in our lives.’ ”

As ruin was brought down on Malaita, Maekali, one of Bell’s former village constables, was caught between his British overlords and his own kin. As Keesing notes: “A few [of the constables and former police] remained staunchly loyal to the British, keeping small bands of followers; they and their factions have been liberally rewarded ever since with development schemes, schools, and other benefits.” A few days after reading this, I checked with Moffat Maena that the Maekali tattooed on his grandson’s arm was the same of the Bell incident. It was, he said. He called Maekali a warrior, a chief. Micah’s great-grandfather remembered—and was in his way a participant in—the massacre of 1927, which had inked his great-great-grandson’s forearm with a mind-spinning mix of pride and shame. Maekali rests now in a family burial plot, under a flat cement vault, behind a fence made of orchids, in the center of Emmaus Village, next to a 20-foot flagpole that flies the colors of the modern-day State of Israel.

What I learned from my journey was not, as I expected, that Joseph Conrad was right about islands and the darkness that lives inside of our fantasies of paradise. Rather, that from the seeds of history, a single tree grows. World War II washes ashore, prophesied by tribal ancestors and evangelists alike, as foreshadowed in photographs of white soldiers grinning at Malaitan skulls. Blood feuds became “land disputes.” Anglican missionaries became Anglican missionaries. Capable colonial administrators like Bell became international technical and agricultural advisers—Taiwanese, Australians, New Zealanders, Japanese, Israelis. Constables became honorary consuls. Ramos became warlords. The Malaitans read their own history in the history of Israel because they, too, in living memory, had suffered a physical and spiritual Holocaust. As the ancestral saying goes, “Bukales I Fouango e sula no’o”—a sapling once bent, springs back; forces set in motion must carry to their conclusion, even to the ends of the Earth. 

Credits

Solomon’s Island, by Matthew Fishbane, is a production of The Atavist and Tablet Magazine, published March 2013.

For more, please visit Atavist.com or Tabletmag.com

We welcome feedback at letters@atavist.com.

Author: Matthew Fishbane

Matthew Fishbane is a senior editor at Tablet Magazine. His writing has appeared in The New York Times, Virginia Quarterly Review, Salon.com, OutsideThe Walrus, Boston Review, and other publications.

Photos: Matthew Fishbane, unless otherwise noted

“Marines At Guadalcanal” Newsreel: Department of Defense / Department of the Navy, National Archives

Hymnal: performed by members of the South Seas Evangelical Church, recorded May 2012, by Matthew Fishbane

Editor: David Samuels

Tablet Editor-In-Chief: Alana Newhouse

Tablet Art Director: Abigail Miller

Tablet Copy Editor: Sian Gibby

Atavist Producers: Olivia Koski, Gray Beltran

Atavist Research and Production: Rachel Richardson, Nicole Pasulka

Atavist Fact-Checker: Thomas Stackpole

Atavist Copy Editor: Sean Cooper

© 2013 Nextbook Inc. and published by The Atavist