ANDEAN PAST - Latin American Studies Program - Cornell University

CORNELL UNIVERSITYLATIN AMERICAN STUDIES PROGRAMANDEANPASTVolume 62000

ANDEAN PASTVolume 62000EditorsMONICA BARNESSociety of Woman GeographersandDANIEL H. SANDWEISSUniversity of MaineGraphics EditorDAVID FLEMINGEditorial AdvisoryBoardRICHARD1. BURGERYale UniversityTHOMASF. LYNCHBrazos County Museum of Natural HistoryCRAIG MORRISAmerican Museum of Natural History

\Ofllr)/.",.qA5?J./V. i?21.;?.;?1Copyright @2001 by the Cornell University Latin American Studies ProgramISSN: 1055,8756ANDEAN PAST is a peer,reviewed, numbered publication series dedicated to the archaeology andethnohistory of Western South America. The Cornell University Latin American Studies Program is thepublishinginstitution forANDEAN PAST. Orders shouldbe addressedto: Latin American StudiesProgram,190Uris Hall, Cornell University,Ithaca, New York 14853;telephone (607) 255,3345, fax (607) 255,8919,e,mail mjd9@cornell.eduInquiries and manuscripts. submitted for futurevolumes should be sent to:Daniel H. Sandweiss,Dept. of Anthropology,S. Stevens Hall, University of Maine, Orono, Maine 04469,5773; telephone (207) 581,1889, fax (207) 581,1823, e,mail dan_sandweiss@umit.maine.eduor to:Monica Bames, 377 Rector Place,Apartment II,), New York,New York 10280; telephone (212) 945,0535,cell phone (917) 992,5880, e,maill03225.12@compuserve.comANDEAN PAST is partially funded through the U.S. Department of Education Title VI Cornell University/University of Pittsburgh Consortium on Latin American Studies.

ANDEAN PASTVolume 62000TABLE OF CONTENTSEditor's Preface by Monica BarnesvLyndaElliot Spickard,July 14, 1944 .. August 10, 1999 byRobinM. Brown 1The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northem Peru: Microscopic Use..Wear AnalysisbyTom D. DillehayandJackRossen . 7ArchaeologicalInvestigationsat the Initial Period Center of Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca LaGallina, Vini Valley,Peru: The 1994 FieldSeasonbyThomasA. Zoubek 37Bodiless Human Heads in Paracas Necropolis Textile Iconography~~~ @The Miraflores EI Nino 'Disaster: Convergent Catastrophes and Prehistoric AgrarianChange in Southem Peruby Dennis R. S~tter1ee,MichaelE. Moseley, David K. Keefer, and Jorge E. Tapia A. 95The JeUPhase Complex at La Emerenciana, a Late Valdivia Site in Southem EI OroProvince, EcuadorbyJohn Edward Staller 117Defining Ceramic Change and Cultural Interaction: Results of Typological,Chronological,and TechnologicalAnalysesof GuangalaPhase CeramicsbyMariaA. Masucci 175The Many Facets of Mullu: More Than Just a Spondylus Shellby David Blower 209Inca Estates and the Encomienda: Hemando Pizarro's Holdings in Cuscoby Catherine Julien 229Age Estimates for the Petroglyph Sequence of Inca Huasi, Mizque, Boliviaby Robert G. Bednarik 277The puzolana Obsidian Source: Locating the Geologic Source of Ayacucho TypeObsidianby Richard L. Burger and Michael D. Glascock 289

The Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeologyand Ethnohistory: The FirstEighteenYearsbyRichardE. Daggett 309The Origins and the First 25 Years (1973..1997) ofthe Midwestern Conference onAndean and Amazonian Archaeology and EthnohistorybyDavidL Browman 347'Current Research in Andean Archaeologyby Tamara L Bray, Earl H. Lubensky,Ronald D. Lippi, Izumi Shimada, Julie Farnum, JackRossen, Daniel H. Sandweiss,Kate Pechenkina; Richard L. Burger, Lucy Salazar,Burger,Robert Benfer, Donald A. Proulx,Francis A. Riddell, Rick Sutter and Christine Hastorf 369Addresses of Authors 397Advice to Contributors to Andean Past 399

EDITOR'S PREFACEIt is no secret to our authors that we pro~duce Andean Pastwith a minimumofinfrastruc~ture and at very low cost. Since the beginning,we have published it under the aegis of theCornell University Latin American StudiesProgram which does an exemplaryjob with ourprinting and distribution. Manythanks are dueto Mary Jo Dudley, Associate Director of theProgram, for her interest and support. Some ofour modest overhead is absorbedbythe Univer ~sityof Maine, where Dan Sandweissis an Asso~ciate Professor. Our archives are housed inMaine'sAnthropology Department. The editingand layout ofAndean Pasttakes place at Maine,and in the small New York City apartmentwhich I share with our Graphics Editor, myhusband David Fleming. .Virtually all the work that goesinto produc~ing Andean Pastis done on a volunteer basis asa service to the archaeologicalcommunity, andthis has always been the case. In 1986, whenDan Sandweiss founded Andean Pasthe exhib~ited a great deal of prescience. Then, as now,most peer~reviewed scholarly journals wereproduced by large learned societies,or by com~mercial publishing houses. Annual price in~creases for many such serieshave been betweentwenty and thirty percent.1 Institutional sub~scriptions can cost hundreds or even thousandsof dollars. Bycontrast, we were able to sell the430,page Andean Past5 for $30 plus shipping.The high costs of academic journals havelead to a crisis of accessibility. Many scholarscannot afford to buy the publicationsin which1Carol Kaesuk Yoon, "Soaring Prices Spur a Revolt inScientific Publishing", The New York Times, December 8,1998,F2.their own articles appear. As prices rise, librar~ies are forced to cancel more and more subscrip~tions.In reaction, new journals are being foundedby serious scholars who often work out of theirhomes or smalloffices,assistedbythe revolutionin computing which has occurred during thepast two decades. One such is EvolutionaryEcologyResearch,begunby Dr. MichaelRosen~zweig,the former editor and founder of Evolu~tionary Ecology, now produced by WoltersKluwer, a commercial publisher.Sandweiss anticipated this trend more thana decade ago. It is one that I have endorsedsince I became an editor in 1992, and one towhich we remain dedicated. The continuityengendered by a stable, as opposed to revolving,group of editors and editorial board membersallowsus to set long~termgoals, develop them,and make modifications as needed. One such isour commitment to publishing data~basedarticles and interim reports. We can exerciseagreat deal of flexibility regarding article andvolume lengths. We can also publish relativelylarge numbers of illustrations, acknowledgingthat graphics are as important to archaeologicalpresentation as text. We often workwith youngor inexperienced scholars, helping them,through various drafts, to produce papers of ahigh professionalstandard. Although weare anEnglish,language series, it has alwaysbeen ourpolicy to translate the work of our Spanish~speaking contributors at no cost to them. Wehope to continue to produce high~quality,well~illustrated, but low~costvolumesformanyyears.This issue of Andean Past contains twelvearticles, a new feature, "Current Research" and,ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): v,ix.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)sadly, one obituary, that of Lynda Elliot Spic~kard. Many of our readers willrememberLyndaas an active participant in the NortheastConference on Andean Archaeology andEthnohistory, one of our sponsoringorganiza~tions. For the background to Andean Past"Current Research", readers should see the"Editors' Note" that precedes that section. Italsogivesinformation for makingfuturesubmis~sions.Andean Past 5 included an article by JackRossen, "Unifaces in Early Andean CultureHistory: The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition ofNorthern Peru". The present issue continuesthe analysisof that tradition witha contributionby Tom D. Dillehay and Jack Rossen, "TheNanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru:Microscopic Use~Wear Analysis"~ The Nan~choc Tradition is an early unUacial industrydating from about 8500 to 6000 B.P.Use~wearcan provide valuable information on the proba~ble scope of activities performedwith tools. Itcan also cross~check other methods of lithicanalysis. Dillehay and Rossen conclude thatplant and wood~relatedactivitiesare discernablefrom the.microscopicwear of the Nanchoc toolsexamined.The editors and editorial board of AndeanPastadvocate the publication of site reports. Ifsuch areport includessubstantialinterpretation,it is all the stronger. One such is."Archaeologi~cal Investigations at the Initial PeriodCenter ofHuaca EIGallo/ Huaca La Gallina,Vinl Valley:the 1994 Field Season" by Thomas A. Zoubek.In the workreported here, Zoubekconcentratedon sites in the Huacopongo drainage of Peru'sVinl Valley. Viru has been well known tostudents of American archaeology since themiddleof the twentieth century,when the path~breaking Viru Project was in operation. How~ever, as at Tehuacan, in Mexico'sPuebla state,the operation of a large~scale,highly profes~sional, and well~publishedproject, rather thanserving as the basis for future work, seems, insome respects, to have inhibited it.~ viArcheologists are trained to leave someportion of each site for future excavation withmore advanced techniques. In addition, what~ever one's theoretical leanings, it is evident thattheory, whether implicit or explicit, informsinterpretation. As theory evolves, it is impor~tant to continue basic archeological field workto avoid data dredging. As time passes, it be,'comes urgent that newly constituted teamsreturn to classic field arenas. Just as a grouplead by James Neely has returned to Tehuacanwith fresh techniques and insights to expandwork begun in the 1960s, Zoubek confrontsmodels derived from prior work in the ViruValley. Specifically, Zoubek posits that theGuafiape Initial Period occupation of the valleyis radically different from that reconstructed byGordon Willey in his 1953 study published asthe SmithsonianInstitution Bureau of AmericanEthnologyBulletin,number 155.Zoubekconcentrates en the Huaca EIGallo/Huaca La Gallina complex, one of at least threelarge ceremonial dual pyramid sites in the VimValley dating to the Guafiape culture of theInitial Period, or around 1800B.C. to 900 B.C.In the article published here, Zoubek describesthe architecture of the c;omplex, confrontschronology, reconstructs the diet of its users,and interprets the ritual performed at the site.Zoubek points out that prior to his project nolarge Guafiape or other Initial Period settle~ments were known for Viru. Thus his workforcesa fundamental reassessment of the settle~ment and socio,political organization of thetime.In the Andean region,environmental factorsoften present great challenges to human societ,ies. Dennis R. Satterlee, Michael E. Moseley,David K. Keefer, and Jorge E. Tapia A. presentan extreme case in "The Miraflores EI NifioDisaster: Convergent Catastrophes and Prehis~toric Agrarian Change in Southern Peru". Inthis article they demonstrate the impact that acatastrophic ElNino flood had on the Chiribayapeople who occupied portions of the Osmoredrainage in southern Peru prior to the disaster,

Barnes:Editor'sPrefacewhich most likelyoccurred between A.D. 1350and A.D. 1370. Satterlee and his colleaguesreconstruct the geological and climatic conditionsthat led to catastrophic flooding. Theydocument its traces, and explore the implicationsthat severe drought in the sierra, combinedwith unusual rainfall at lowerelevationsand tectonic action, would have for prehistoricagriculture in Peru's coastal valleys.In "BodilessHuman Heads in Paracas NecropolisTextile Iconography" Anne Paul examinesrepresentations of disembodiedheads inParacas textile iconography created between100 B.C. and 100 A.D. Paul argues that onlyabout twenty-fivepercent of such heads maybeliteral trophy heads. Others may,in somesense,be "symbols of the intense concentrations ofpower in heads", or symbolsofa returning spirit.In this study Paul contradicts s'omeof her ownearlywor~with an exemplaryacademichonesty.This issue of Andean' Past contains. threearticles concentrating on aspectsof Ecuadorianarchaeology. In ~'TheJel( Phase Complex at LaEmerenciana, a Late Valdivia Site in SouthernEIOro Province, Ecuador"John Stallerpresentsthe la.te Valdivia ceramic sequence as viewedfromhis excavations at the LaEmerencianasite.Basing himself on an attribute analysisof over30;000 sherds, Staller proposes 15formalclassesfor Jel! ceramics and re-evaluates the finalphases of the Valdiviasequence which ended inthe first half of the second millennium B.C.Staller suggests that rather than being therecipient of technological innovations, theprehispanic cultures of coastal Ecuador introducedinnovations to the Andean highlandsandto what is now coastal Peru.Maria Masucci also evaluates Ecuadorianpottery in her article, "Defining CeramicChange and Cultural Interaction: Results ofTypological,Chronological, and TechnologicalAnalysis of Guangala Phase Ceramics". Masucciconsiders the time between 500 B.C. and500 A.D. to have been a period of dramaticsocietalchange in the northern Andes. Increas-ing complexity,combined with expanding tradeand interregional contacts, and florescence inlocal art stylesmay indicate regionalchiefdoms,according to Masucci. Examining GuangalaPhase ceramics from survey and excavation inthe EIAzl1carValleyof southwest Ecuador,Masuccidevelops a detailed typologyand chronology,thus adding to our basic knowledge of theIntermediateArea. .David Bloweralso focuses on Ecuador, butextends his consideration to the Andes as awhole. In "The Many Facets of MuUu:MoreThanJustaSpondylusShell",Blowerarguesthatthe Quechua word muUu, while sometimestaken to mean only the bicolored, rosy-orangeto white Andean bivalve and the products madefrom it, in fact has a much larger semantic field.By combining information from early Spanishchronicles and dictionaries with modem ethriographicpractice, iconography, and archaeologicalevidence, Blower concludes that muUucanrefer to a variety of sacred objects, in a range ofcolors, and with several symbolic associationclusters including food, water, and femalesexuality.. In another paper drawing heavily uponethnographic sources,in this casepreviouslyunpublisheddocuments transcribed here, CatherineJulien explores "Inca Estates and the Encomienda:Hernando Pizarro's Holdings inCusco". Julien's ultimate purpose is to reconstructInca patterns of land tenure and use,looking beyond Spanish arrangements. Shefocuseson royal coca plantations. The presentpaper thus makes a set with her work on cocaproduction on the Inca frontier in the yungasof. Chuquioma, published in Andean Past5.During the past decade, propelled in largepart by advances, and failures, in geochemicalanalysis, direct d.ating, recording techniques,and neuropsychology, rock art research hasmoved to the forefront of archaeological interest.Once mostly the province of enthusiasticamateurs, there are now several internationaljournals devoted to the field. Among these is

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..viiithe South Americanseries,the BoletCnof theSociedad de Investigaci6n del Arte Rupestre deBolivia;a group of both professionalsand ama..teurs dedicated to identifying, preserving, re..cording, and researching Andean rock art.Most Societyof American ArchaeologyAnnualMeetings now include rock art sessions.Never..theless, it is still appropriate to publish rock artreports in more general journals, thus integrat..ing this subfield ~ith archaeologyas a whole.In this issue we include "Age Estimates forthe PetroglyphSequence ofInca Huasi,Mizque,Bolivia"by Robert Bednarik, himselfthe editorof the Australianjournal, RockArt Research.Except for those panelswith historicallyspecificimages, such as horses, or Tiwanaku designs,Andean rock art remains largely undated, ordated only byvery general inferences. As a steptowards remedying that situation, Bednarikpresents an experimental direct dating tech..nique that observes micro..erosion. AlthqughBednarik's results are tentative, they mark anearly stage in the development of a sequence ofprehistoric Bolivianrock art.Another article that reports the results ofgeophysical and geochemical analysis is "ThePuzolana Obsidian Source: Locating the Geo..logicalSource of Ayacucho..TypeObsidian" byRichard L. Burger and Michael D. Glascock.For many years Burger and his colleagueshavebeen matching obsidian artifacts with thesources from which they are ultimatelyderived.In Andean Pastwe reported the discoveryof theAka, Chivay, and ]ampatilla sources. In thisvolume the Puzolana source isdescribedboth interms of its location, and in termsofits chemicalsignature.For some time Dan Sandweissand I havebeen encouraging archaeologiststo publishtheirpersonal reminiscences. In this issueof AndeanPast we present the first two of what we hopewill be a series of such articles. One is RichardE. Daggett's "The Northeast Conference onAndean Archaeology and Ethnohistory: TheFirst Seventeen Years, 1982..1998".Dan and Ihad already begun to consider commissioningsuch a history when an issue emerged duringdiscussionsat the Seventeenth Conferenceheldin 1998at The State University of New YorkatBinghamton. Although the firstmeetingof thisConference had been held lessthan twodecadespreviously, memories had already divergedconcerning the origin of the annual meetings.,The need for a written history, based on docu..mentary evidence, as wellas interviews,becameclear to us. Remembering Dick Daggett's.reconstructionsof the workofJulioC. Tello andhis circle (Andean Past 1 and 4), Dan and Iinvited Dick to turn his attention to a historyofthe Northeast Conference. As Dick confessedto me after delivering a draft of his paper, this isthe first time he has written a history involvingmostly living individuals, with still..activeegos.I congratulate him on his thoroughness, cour..age, and tact.One of Dick's future'AndeanPast projectsisthe construction of a bibliography of all pub..lished papers originally presented at NortheastConferences. Although some of these haveappeared in Andean Pastand the three volumesof selected papers which preceded this series,others can be found in journals as diverseas theLatin American Indian LiteraturesJournal andScience. I urge Andean Past readers to informDick, Dan, or me of their published NortheastConference papers so that our finished bibliog..raphy can be as complete as possible.As a companion to Daggett's history of theNortheast Conference, we are also pleased topublish an analytical history of its most directancestor, the Midwest Conference. In "TheOriginsand the First25 Years(1973..1997)ofthe Midwestern Conference on Andean andAmazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory"David L. Browman explores the course thisimportant meeting series has taken, from theperspective of a founder and constant partici..pant. As does Daggett, Browman 'providesascomplete a list as possible of the papers pre..sented at all the Midwest Conferences fromitsbeginning to 1997. These listsenable us both to

Barnes: Editor's Prefacediscern trends in our discipline and to recon..struct the careers of individual scholars.The publication of Browman'shistory alsoenables us to progress towards one of AndeanPast's important goals, the transfer of "grayliterature" into the realm of citable, peer..re..viewed,regularlydistributed professionalpubli..cations. "Gray literature" comprises thosesources, often of considerable value, which arefrequently cited, but have never been formallypublished. Included are conference papers,student course papers, reports of work..in..pro..gress,field notes, and so on. For example,sincepresenting hispaper to the MidwestConferencein Feburary of 1997,Browmanhas been distrib..uting copies of this paper himself. As word ofthis work circulated, there wasmore and moredemand for it and it became important to pub..lish a formal version. Pu};>licationremoves theaccessiblyof academic work from the sphere ofpersonal contacts, making work availableto allwho want it.Each issue of Andean Past requires thecollaborative efforts of some eighty individuals.In addition to the authors, editors, and editorialboard members,many peer reviewershave givenus the benefit of their insights, and illustratorshave added to the attractiveness and informa..tional content of our journal. Production anddistribution is ably undertaken by the staffsofthe Cornell University Latin American StudiesProgram and the Cornell Print Shop. I thank allthese people for their assistance. The photo ofLynda Elliot Spickard incorporated in her obit..uary is courtesy of Broome Community College.Doris Kurella and Elizabeth and John E. Stallerproofread the German references. Finally,andmost especially, I would like to express myappreciation to Jo Spickard (Mrs. Warren B.Spickard) for her graciousness and courageat atime of profound personal sorrow.Monica BarnesThe City of New York31 October 2000

LYNDAEWOT SPICKARD,.]ULY14, 1944 .. AUGUST 10, 1999Robin M. BrownTERC, Cambridge,MassachusettsLyndaElliotSpickard, an Andean archaeol..ogistmuch belovedbyher manycolleagues,diedon August 10, 1999 after a twenty..yearordealwith cancer. She will be remembered by theAndean archaeological community for her.devotionto field..workand the prehistoryoftheAmericas, strong interest in the interpretationof monumental Andean architecture, andfascination with the rich cultures of LatinAmer..ica, both past and present. Lynda will also beANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 1..5.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)remembered as astrong supporter ofher anthro,pologist colleagues and their work.Lyndawasborn in San FranciscoonJuly 14.1944. and was raised in Seatde. with threeyounger brothers and one sister. In the PacificNorthwest she learned to ski as a toddler andbegan mountain climbing at age four. Shevigorously pursued these and other outdoorsports her entire life. followingthe footsteps ofher father. Warren B. Spickard. a noted physi,cian and outdoorsman who perishedin a moun,tain climbing accident in 1961.As a teenager, Lynda.sacademicgoalswereinspired by anthropology and archaeology.andshe followed these fields of study at ColoradoCollege.receivinga BachelorofArts in Anthro,pology in 1966. While an undergraduate sheparticipated in the University ofWashington.sSummer Institute in Linguistics (1965). andundertook archaeologyfield workas a ResearchAssistant forColorado College.sArchaeologicalSurveyof Mesa de Mayoin Colorado(1966). Inthe years immediately following.Lynda servedon several archaeological teams for projectssponsored byColorado Collegeand the Univer,sity of Colorado (Boulder) at Nunivak Island.Alaska, imd Greeley and Chimney Rock, Colo,rado. Lynda completed her Master of Arts inAnthropology at the University of Colorado(Boulder) in 1971 and enrolled in the Univer,sity.sPh.D. program.Teaching was one of Lynda.sgreat loves inlife. After serving as a teaching assistant at theUniversity of Colorado College (Boulder). sheheld lecturing positionsat ColoradoCollegeandthe University of Colorado (ColoradoSprings).Lynda.s affiliation with the now,defunctWright, Ingraham Institute in ColoradoSpringsbegan in 1972when she joined the faculty. TheWright, Ingraham Institute had beenestablishedin March 1970 by a group of scholarsand arti,sans to promote. direct. and encourage theconservation, preservation. and use of humanand natural resources. By 1971the firstproject,Running Creek Field Station. Colorado. hadtaken shape. Lynda became the PrincipalInvestigator for the archaeologicalsurveythere.She found evidence of Folsom,age occupation.thus pushing back the known use of the areasome 8.000 years. Lynda.s unpublished reportsfrom this time are among the papers of theWright, Ingraham Institute archived at theHeritage Center of the University of Wyomingin Laramie.In 1976. Lynda became Assistant Professorof Anthropology and Museum Director atCentral Missouri State University in Warrens,burg. Missouri. Over the next fewyearsshealsoserved as Principal Investigator for culturalresources surveys in Missouri. She returned toColorado College as a Visiting Professor in1978. where she taught at the EducationalSummer Institute.Thus. during the 1970s Lynda focused herattention on topics in North American prehis,tory including coastal adaptations, post,Pleisto,cene adjustments. and the evolutionary dynam,ics of nutritional adaptations. particularlyin thecontext of Pacific Northwest Coast environ,ments. Her dissertation research, in progressatthe time of her death. addressed methods formodelingnutritional ecologyand archaeo,zoolo,gical methods of recovering paleo,nutritionalinformation.Lynda.sintroduction to Andean archaeologyoccurred in 1979. Her first trip to Peru was aturning point in Lynda.s life because it openedthe door to a new realm of research that quicklybecame her life.s passion. In that year Lyndajoined the Huari Urban Prehistory Project inAyacucho as a Research Assistant. The projectdirector. William H. Isbell of the State Univer,sity of New York,Binghamton, encouragedLynda's burgeoning interest in Andean studies,and in 1980she returned to Huari as AssistantDirector of the SUNY,Binghamton archaeologi,cal Overseas Programin Peru. She alsoservedasAssistant Director of the Huari. projecesMoraduchayuq Temple Excavation, sponsoredby the National Geographic Society.

3-While continuing to work on her NorthAmerican dissertation research during the1980s, Lynda developed a specialization inAndean archaeology as well. Her theoreticalinterests focused on the development of urbanismand state government, and correspondingarchitectural forms at Huari. She investigatedthese topics in a series o{seven papers (1982-1991) presented at meetings of the Society forAmerican Archaeology, the International CongressofAmericanists,the American AnthropologicalAssociation, The Society for AppliedAnthropology, and the Northeast Conferenceon Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory.Lynda's published works on administrativearchitecture at Huari appear in Investigationsofthe Andean Past, and in DialogoAndino, as wellas in a major Dumbarton Oaks volume(Spickard 1983, 1985; Isbell et al. 1991).With the Sendero Luminoso-Tupac Amarucivil war in Peru during the 1980s,archaeologicalresearch in the highlands was suspended.Lynda returned to the USA, establishing residencein Binghamton, New York. Lynda heldseveral appointments at SUNY-Binghamtoninthe early 1980s,including ResearchAssociateinAnthropology,Assistant ProfessorofCareer andInterdisciplinary Studies, and StaffAssociate ofthe PublicArchaeologyFacility. Shealsotaughtanthropology and worked as a grants administratorat Broome Community College beforeaccepting the position of Director of SponsoredPrograms at the college, which she held untilher death.Lynda's recent years were dedicated totireless community service projects, whichreflect her deep commitments to societyand theprotection of the environment, particularly inthe Binghamton area and neighboringregionsofupstate NewYork. At her death, she wasSecretaryof the Board of Governance of the AtlanticChapter of the Sierra Club, and Chair andOfficerof the Susquehanna Groupof the SierraClub. She also served as Director of Planningfor the Binghamton..Borovichi (Russia) SisterCities organization and was a Senior PatrollerBrown:LyndaSpickardfor the Greek Peak Ski Patrol, a force she servedfor over 20 years. Lyndaalso hiked, canoed,and kayakedextensively,particularlyin NewYorkState.A well-seasoned and frequent traveler,Lyndaenjoyedvisitingnew placesand culturesaround the globe, yet her experiencesas anarchaeologist in Peru were the most exhilaratingand influential in her life. She continued tostudy Spanish, taking courses and devotingspare time to reading archaeological and literaryworks until her death. Lynda alwayscarried adeep appreciation for the people ofPeru and therich landscape that is their home.Bibliography of Lynda Elliot SpickardPublicationsIsbell, William H., Christine Brewster-Wray, and LyndaE.Spickard1991 Architecture and.Spatial Otganization at Huari.In Huari Administrative StTUCture:PrehistoricMonumental Architectureand State Gooemment,edited by William H. Isbell and Gordon F. McEwan, pp. 19-53. Washington, D.C.: DumbartonOaks Research Libraryand Collection.Spickard, Lynda E.1978 Sites Mum on Area's Past. The BulletinofJohnsonCounty Historical Society, Inc. 14(2):4.Warrensburg, Missouri.1979 Anthropology and Integration. In IntegrativeStudies, edited by Daniel Fallon and CatherineIngraham. Pages 54-61. Proceedings of a seminarheld on August 18, 1978 at the Wright-Ingraham Institute. University of ColoradoPublication Office, Boulder.1983 The Development of Huari AdministrativeArchitecture. In Investigationsof the AndeanPast: Papers from the First Annual NortheastConference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory,edited by Daniel H. Sandweiss, pp. 136-160. Ithaca, New York:Cornell UniversityLatinAmerican Studies Program.1985 El an~lisisformal de la arquitectura de los sitiosHuari y Tiwanaku. In La problem~tica TiwanakuHuari en el contexto panandino del desarrollocultural, edited by Mario A. Rivera, pp.73-88. Proceedings of the 45th InternationalCongress of Americanists. DiaIogoAndino 4.Arica, Chile: Universidad de Tarapacl.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Cultural ResourcesSurveysObituariesof Lynda EUiot Spickard1977 Cultural Resource Survey of Area to be Affectedby Waste Water Treatment Line, Warrensburg,Missouri. On file at State Office of HistoricPreservation, Jefferson City, Missouri.1978 Cultural Resource Survey of Area to be Affectedby Dredging Operations at Mile 22 of Lake ofthe Ozarks. On file at State Office of HistoricPreservation, Jefferson City, Missouri.1981 Cultural Resource Management Survey, 1981Highway Program. Broome County, PIN 9750-59, on file at the Public Archaeology Facility,University Center at Binghamton, Binghamton,New York.Brooks, Debra, editor2000 Obituaries(LyndaE. Spickard'66). ColoradoCollege Bulletin (on-line edition: http://www.ColoradoCollege.edulpublicationslTheBulletin/Fe b2000/0bits.html).Megivem, John2000 In Memoriam (Lynda Spickard). Ski PatrolMaga:tine16(2): 52-3.Schmid, Hermann1999 Remembering Lynda Spickard, Instrumental inBeC's RussianConnection. The Bridge (TheNewsletter of the Binghamton-Borovichi Sister. Cities) 4thQuarter:5. (See alsopage 2.)Spickard, Stephen M.1999 LyndaElliotSpickard. Mercer Island Reporter(Mercer Island, Washington). August 25, pageA4.1999 LyndaElliotSpickard.BinghamtonPressandSunBulletin. August 31:4B.Stouffer, John1999 In Memoriam(LyndaSpickard). SusquehannaSierran. September-October.Page1.Thomas,Donna1999 Spickard,55, Rememberedfor DedicationtoOutdoors. BinghamtonPress and Sun Bulletin.September 3: page 4B.

Brown: Lynda SpickardMount Spickard (marked by arrow;8979 feet; 2737 meterSj48°58'll''N, 121°14'21"W) is in the ChilliwackRange of the North Cascades National Park in Washington State. In the background of this photo, takenlooking southwest, are Mount Baker (the highest peak, on the right), and Mount Shuksan just in front of it.Silver Lake is in the right foreground. Mt. Spickard is named for Warren B. Spickard, Lynda's father, andstands as a memorial to their entire family.Photo taken in 1963byM. Woodbridge Williams,US Departmentof the Interior, National Park Service, Negative #63~ NOCA~ 50~W. PhotO courtesy of North Cascades NationalPark.

TIm NANCHOCLmncTRADITION OFNORTHERN PERU:MICROSCOPIC USE..WEAR ANALYSISTom D. DillehayUniversity of KentuckyaridJack RossenIthaca CollegeIntroductionThe Nanchoc Lithic Tradition (NLT) is aMiddle Preceramic Period unifaciallithic indus,try of the upper Zaiia Valley, northern Peru(Figure 1). It is one of several known unifaciallithic industries of northern Peru and Ecuador(Malpass 1983; Stothert 1974, 1985, 1988;Richardson 1969, 1978, 1981). The NLT isassociated with the Las Pircas Phase (ca. 8500,6000 B.P.) Nanchoc Culture, a people whomaintained a localized permanence orsemi,sedentism at dispersed homesteads in thevalleysidecanyons(quebradas) andalluvialfans(Dillehay et al. 1997). The dispersed home,steads contain singlequincha(cane) huts, smallabove,ground stone storage structures, andfurrowed areas that mayrepresent garden plots.There are also specialized mortuary sites(Rossen 1991:580,599) and cut,bone burialswith evidence of possiblecannibalism (Verano1994). The Nanchoc people practiced a broad,spectrum economy that probably includedincipient horticulture (Rossenetal. 1996). Thesmall, disp~rsed habitations were integrated byat least one small public site, the NanchocMounds site, where calcite leaching (perhapsassociated with coca use) occurred (Dillehayand Netherly 1983;Dillehay etal. 1989, 1997).The NLT, the lithics of the Nanchoc CuI,ture, have been exhaustively studied and de,scribed from the various perspectives ofattribute,variables, stagesofreduction,localand. exotic material types, edge angles, and toolangles (the tool body angle apart from the edge)(Rossen 1998). Debitage, the waste flake by,products of tool production, wasanalyzedforitsstriking platforms and length,to,width ratios.All these analyses together led to a descriptionof the NLT as a unifacial industry with relativemorphologicalstabilityand consistency,particu,lady in terms offormal tool types and attributes,though not standardized in the senseofcontain,ing extremely exact ieplication of tools andedges (Lavilleet al. 1980; Rossen 1998).The results of the various lithic analyseswerereported in detail in the previous issue of An,dean Past (Rossen 1998). The NLT containstraits of both expedient and curated lithicindustries, including a high percentage of expe,dient briefly,utilized flakes and a seriesof well,made, curated, heavily,used, non,marginal,edge,trimmed tool types (Table 1, Figure 2).Raw material types indicate that the industryisheavily localized, that is, overwhelmingly(98.9%)basedon locallyavailablematerialtypessuch as basalt, andesite, tuff, rhyolite, anddiorite. The small remaining percentage ofexotic materials, mostly silexes and crystallinequartz, probably represent sporadic, low,levelcontacts with coastal and highland regions.One important issue involving the NLT is itscomparisonwith other unuacial industriesofthenorth,central Andes and Panama. These indus,tries, including Chiriqui (Panama), Las Vegas,Sangay, and CubiM.n(Ecuador), and SichesandANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 7,35.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Mongoncillo (peru) have beengroupedtogetheras a single "unUacial complex" of industries(Correal 1989; Linares and Ranere 1980;Malpass 1983;Porras 1988;Ranere 1978;Rich~ardson 1969; Stothert 1974, 1988). Several ofthe named industries appear to be associatedwith preceramic dates ranging from9000~5000B.P. and with woodworkingand diverse,gener~alized economies. A few are associatedat leastpardy with horticultural economies (Pearsall1994; Piperno 1990; Richardson 1969: 115;Stothert 1988).Table.1:Formal tool typesandfrequencies of theNanchocUthicTraditionT'Jpedescription T:ype Frequency %.largequadrilateral 1 25 1.0mediumquadrilateral 2 148 5.7smallquadrilateral 3 70 2.7largesemi-lunar 4' 28 1.1mediumsemi-lunar 5 120 4.6smallsemi-lunar 6 82 3.2thicksemi-lunar 7 57 2.2multi-facetedpointed 8 4 .2non-faceted pointed 9 8 .3coretools 10 8 .3pentagonal 12 131 5.1incurved' 13 86 3.3utilizedunmodified 14 1,266 49.0blocky 15 284 11.0elongated rectangUlar 16 28 1.1large pentagonal 17 13 .5smalltriangular 18 15 .6mediumtriangular 19 31 1.2largetriangular 20 5 .2amorphous 1 21 66 2.6amorphous 2 25 10 .4small elongated 26 96 3.7biface 27 1 .0----------------Total 2,582 100.0* Typenumbers arenot continuous;sometypeswereconsolidatedfor purposes of analysis.Despite the superficial similarities,analysisrevealed important differences between theNLT and these industries. These involve stageof reduction, tool morphology (especiallytrimming and shaping), and relative morphologicalstability and standardization of the industries.Specifically, the NLT is distinguishable frommost other umfacial industries OIlthe basisofitswell,madeformaltool typeswith removeddorsalridges and non~marginallytrimmed edges (Fig~ure 2). We concluded that each unifacialindustry should be considered independendy forits own attributes, characteristics, and economicassociations instead of being lumped together(Rossen 1998; Rossen and Dillehay 1999:126~'131). Furthermore, wefeel that the importanceof unifacial industries in cultural evolution andthe corresponding development of plant~orien~ted economies has been underestimated.The specific purpose of this ardcle is to pres~ent in detail the microscopic use,wear analysisthat was conducted on selected lithic artifacts.There are several reasons we choose to publishthis specializedanalysis. Microscopic use~wearanalysiscan provide crucial information on thescope and variety of lithic tool use (Keely1974,1980; Odell and Qdell~Vereeken 1980;Semenov 1964; Shea 1987; Sussman 1988;Vaughn 1985). Furthermore, use,wear analysismay be instrumental in cross~checking andreinforcing more traditional modes of lithicanalysis. Despite these obvious benefits, verylitde detailed use~wearanalysis has been con~ducted on unifacialcollections (foran exceptionseeNieuwenhuis 1998),although workhasbeenpublished on bifacial industries (Aldenderfer1998; Lurie 1983; Vaughan 1995). Some im,portant case studies, for various reasons, lackmicroscopic use~wearstudies. A notable caseinvolves the Paijan lithic studies published onearly and middle Preceramic sites from thenorth coast of Peru (Chauchat 1975, 1978,1988;Chauchatetal. 1992;Uceda 1986, 1987).Most Paijan lithics, dominated by stemmedpoints, side and endscrapers, and long bifacial"Chivateros" cores have come from surfacecollectionswith poor contexts, whichprecludedmeaningful use,wear studies. The Paijanstud,ies thus were forced to focus solely on a nar,rowly~definedmorphological analysis.Our interest in microscopic use~wear analysisstems from Dillehay'swork on the Late Pleisto~cene bifacialand splitpebble lithicsfromChile's~8

Dillehay &.Rossen: Nandwc Lithic TraditionMonte Verde site. These date to approximately12,500 B.P. In that study, use,wear analysisrevealed an industry that wasremarkablyvariedin use despite its deceptive morphologicalsim,plicity (Dillehay 1997).Microscopic use,wear analysisof the NLTwas central to the development of amulti,dimensional approach to analyzing thelithics (sensu Dillehay 1997). Specifically,use,wear analysiscomplemented the reductionsequencing, fornial typology, and contex, .tual,spatial analyses. In this analysis,a sampleof .lithics from three interrelated sites in theQuebrada de Las Pircas (CA09,27, CA09,28,CA09,52) is considered (Figure3). We presentthe details of the use,wear analysiswith threegoals. First, we wish to complete the documen,tation of the NLT, which we believe to be asignificant Middle Preceramic lithic tradition.Second, we wish to discuss the methodologicaland conceptual issues surrounding th~ imple,mentation of use,wear analysisand its integra,tion with other. forms of lithic analysis. Third,we hope to encourage a wider implementationof use,wear analysis as a standard part of thedocumentation of South American lithic tradi,tions.. Readers we11,versedin the methods andresults of microscopic use,wear studies onfine,grain chert assemblages, which normallyrender clearer, diagnostic use traces and pat'teming thap.medium,to, large grainbasalt andandesite assemblages,may be disappointed bysome of the non,diagnostic and ambiguousresults and patterning presented below. Yet,this is the nature of use,wear studies on multi,purpose, expedient tool assemblagesproducedon large grain raw materials. Distinctive use,wear and residues (plant, bone, hide, etc.) wereobserved on enough lithics in this sample,however, to provide important insightsinto theNLJ'.Microscopic use..wear analysisThe analysistechniques of use,wear tracesonstone tools adapted for this study are essentiallythose developed and described byKeeley(1980;Odell 1981). This section brieflydescribesthemethod of specimen preparation and micros,copy. This is followed by the first author'sexperimentally produced collection used forcomparative purposes in identification of wearpolishes on the archeological specimens exam,ined. (For a more detailed and comprehensiveassessmentof the methods employedin thistypeof use,wear, see Dillehay 1997.) The readershould also consult Richard's (1988) stUdyofmicrowearpatterns on experimental basalttools, .because it was very similar in techniques andresults to the experimental tests that Dillehayconducted on basalts and andesites sites fromPeru and Chile.Preparationof specimensand microscopyEdge damage, linear striations and polish arefeatures intrinsic to the utilized area of theimplement. It is critically important to removeorganic and inorganic residues from the imple,ment prior to microwear analysis,because theseresidues maybe confused with use,wear, or mayobscure use,wear traces. Obviously, this mustbe done with caution because residuesresultingfrom implement use may still adhere to thesurface of the specimen and these may providevaluable data on utilization. Distinguishingcultural from natural residues usuallyis an easytask. The former are often embedded in micro,cracks and fissures and are exotic plants andmaterials. Cultural residues are often recoveredonly on the worked or used edge whilenaturallyadhering residues usually occur on all areas ofthe stone in question (Dillehay 1997). Thus, itis important to inspect each artifact carefullyprior to chemical and other cleaning. After thisinspection, the followingprocedures were usedto clean the artifacts.Artifact edges first were inspected under bothhigh and low,power microscopes to detect

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)potential residue areas. Artifacts 'exhibitingsuch areas were subjected to a special residueextraction method (Barton etai. 1998;Dillehay1997;Fullagaret al. 1996). Artifactswere thenvery lightly scrubbed with a fine,hair brush indiluted ammonia,based cleaner. In this case,Top Job brand liquid cleaner was used. Thisremoved most of the grease that had accumu..lated on specimens as a result ofhandling. Theartifact was dried and once againexamined fortraces of residues. The artifact was then sub,jected to a 15minute bath in 15%hydrochloricacid (HCI) to remove inorganic residues. Afterremoval from the bath, the specimenwas thor,oughlywashedin warmwater. A secondbath ofsimilar duration in 15% potassium hydroxide(KOH) solution wasfollowedbya light washingin warm water. Once the specimens werethoroughly dried, microscopic. examinationcontinued. All specimenswere examinedundera stereoscopic microscopic at 15,30 magnifica..tions and general note of edge damage charac..teristics were made. Jhen the edges werescanned under the light microscopeat 50, 100,200, and 400 magriifications.Mostpolishwhichis substantial enough for interpretation wasrevealed as bright spots at magnificationslessthan 15x. However, resolution of particularcharacteristics of polish and linear features wasusually only possible at higher magnifications,often using a scanning electron microscope.The microscopesused in thisstudywere theSwiftStereo zoomstereomicroscope,the Olym..pus BM1, and a Hitachi scanning electronscope. The Olympus is equipped with incidentlight for viewingopaque materials.This attach..ment is critical in order to sufficientlyilluminatethe specimen for study. Identifications of use..wear traces observed during microscopy werecompared with experimentally produced pol..ishesof known originon materialssimilarto thearcheological specimens under investigation.For comparative analyses, local basalts, tonali..ties, andesites, and cherts were used to preparea comparative collection. Additional experi..ence with basalts, andesites, and granites fromsouthern Chile wasalso incorporated.Thecomparativecollection..10Initially, hand..held flakes of local basalt,andesite and chert were used to scrape, cut,adze,gouge,and drill wood,bone, leather, meat,and antler, in several operations (for 25, 50,100, 150 strokes, and so on). These and otherspecimenswere used as training aidsforthe leadauthor. Later, a more extensive comparativecollection was prepared by the authors usingdifferent lithic raw materials on fresh cowbone,including scraping sueded cow hide leather,cutting and adzing soft and dry wood, andworking a wide variety of plant material. In thisway,a widerange ofactivities and materialtypeswas replicated while at the same time, certainvariables such as angle of work, stroke length,speed, and pressure were controlled. In all, 75experimental specimens made of local basalts,andesites, and other stone types from the northcoast of Peru were prepared.MicrowearanalysiskillstestIn order to provide an assessmentofthe abilityto correctly interpret work action and materialworked and to clarifylimitations in the abilitytointerpret use..wear,a blind skillstest wasdevel..oped by Michael B. Collins and taken by thefirst author. The tools (n=35) were made fromlocal lithic raw materials that occur in the studyarea. The specimens were used in a variety ofways (i.e., whittling, cutting, scraping, digging,etc.) on a variety of materials. The tools werethen cleaned as specified above.After characteristics of edge damage andpolish were recorded for each specimen, thearea(s) utilized, the.work action indicated, andthe work material interpreted were then usedtoconstruct an overall assessmentof tool use. Theresults of the blind skills test were compared tothe actual description of use prepared byCollinsand to publishedskillstest results (Keeley1980;Odell and Odell..Verreken 1980; Richards1988). The results are shown in Table 2:

11..Table 2: Resultsof blind skills testAnaL,st Usedpart Work Materialof tool action workedDillehay(n=35) 88.5% 63.8% 51.2%Keeley(n= 16) 87.5%Odell75.0% 62.5%(n=46) 82.6%Richards67.7% 39.1%(n=30) 95.0% 90.0% 40.0%The used portion of a tool wasusuallyeasilyidentifiedassuggestedbyDillehay'sscore aswellas by the other skills tests. Mistakes usuallyresult from poorly formed evidence for use,either through use on verysoftmaterialsor veryshort duration of use. Work action may beinferred with more confidence by each analystthan can worked material. This is particularlyevident in the tests reported by.Keeley (1980),Odelland Odell..Vereeken( 1980),and Richards(1988). The score by the first author maybe atleastpartiallyattributed to qualityofthe materi..als from which specimens were made. Manyspecimensanalyzed were made from andesitesand basalts witli la.rge..to..mediumgrain size.These stones do not "behave" as predictablyunder work stress conditions as would be de..sired..Edgesoften tend to erodeand crumblerather than flake as may be expected in chertswith finer texture. Because much of the infer..ence of work action is based on patterns ob..servedin microscarring,this factor accounts forsomeof the mistakes.Specificwork material wasthe most difficultattribute to identify. When the polishis exten..sive and well..formed, the difficulties are de..creasedconsiderably. However,asnoted above,certain polishesare quite similarto one another.Boneand antler polishwere not distinguishablefromeach other bythe firstauthor. Bone..antlerpolish may look very much like wood polish,unless the wood polish is well..formed. Meatand fresh hide polish are very difficultto distin..guish from one another and are both almostimpossibleto recognizein lieu ofother polishes,Dillehay& Rossen:NanchocLithicTraditionwhich maybe correlated with the specificactiv..ity such as butchering. Soft vegetal materialsdid not produce pronounced polish,presumablyas a result oflow silicacontent in temperate andarid zone plants.While numerous clues to the specificuse of aspecimen are provided through physicallyob..servable phenomena, interpretation is a matterof assembling these into alogical framework.Committing to an interpretation of one edgecan produce mistakes on another work area ofthe same tool. This problem was obvious inseveral examples of the skills test in which anintentionally crumbled edge was interpreted asusedamaged and minor damage on the opposingedge was therefore interpreted as the result ofprehension when, in fact, it had also resultedfrom use.Space does not allow for a detail discussionofthe results of the skills test. Several major con..cerns were derived, however. First, bone andantler polish appear so similar on experimentalstone artifacts examined that no distinction wasmade between the two. Second, bone..antlerand wood polishes were hard to distinguish inthe incipient stages of polish formation, at leaston the lithic materials used in this study. Third,while some clear distinctions between soilanddry hide polishes were evident in the experi..mental specimens, the distinctions were muchless clear in the archeological specimens.Fourth, many polishes are difficult to detect inthe absence of other indications of butcheringsuch as bone polish or edge damage.Analysis description and parametersMicroscopic use..wear examination involvesthe recording of a variety of attributes, whichmay then in combination be judged to generallyfit into a particular material use (that is,usedonsoft, medium, or hard material) and action(scraping,slicing,chopping, etc.) .To summarizethe analysis (Table 3), first the curve of the tooledge was coded into one of nine classes,fromincurvate to straight to excurvate. Edge dam..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)age was estimated as the type and degree ofcrushing, smoothing and abrasion present onthe edge. Crystal location wasestimated as theprovenience of prominent crystalsasopposedtoaggregates of less prominent crystalsalong the.edge. Estimating crystal location involves thedetermination of whether crystals are foundisolated, clustered, flattened, rounded and/orelevated in various possiblecombinations.Scartype and scar distribution are the two primaryattributes of low magnification edge damage.Scar type codesscarsin terms ofvarioustypesofscalar, step, and half~moonedgefractures. Scardistribution documents howeven,sporadic,andclosely or widely spaced the scars are. Linearfeatures and linear direction are the two pri~maryattributes ofstriations. The linearfeaturescategory documents whether' striae andscratches are found in conjunction with abra~sion tracks and/or polish. Linear directiondocuments whether striae are perpendicular orparallel to the use~edge,or whether there is arandompattern. . .Striae type, whether short or long, narrow orwide, or oblique, and striae number were alsodocumented when striations were present.Striae may be caused by either cultural use ornatural processes. Evaluation of striae thusdepends heavily on their association with edge. damage, polish or residues. 'The two attributes ofhigh~magnificationanalysis are polish location and polish type.Polish location documents how broadlydistrib~uted along the edge and how far from the edgeinto the tool interior the polish extends. Polishtype documents whether the polish is smearedor pitted, homogeneous or uneven, and brightor dull. The last two attributes, estimatedmaterial worked and action, are based on acombination of all previously~listedobserva~tions. Estimated material use documentswhether the edge dama8e, linear features, andpolish, consideringnot only typesofeach attrib~ute but combined presence/ absence of allattributes, can be placed into a general use~wearcategory of hard, medium, or soft material.Table 3: . Attributes and observedfeaturesof microscopicuse~weaTanalysis1 Curve2 Edgerounding3 Crystallocation4 Scartype5 Scardistribution6 Linearfeatures7 Lineardirection8 Striaetype9 Striaenumber10 Polishlocation11 Polishtype-Summaryattributes:12 Estimatedmaterialuse13 ActionObsenledfeature(s)Use edge configurationCrushing, smoothing, abrasionProminence and aggregation of crystalsShape and size of low-magnification fracturesDistribution of low-magnification fracturesConjunction of striae with abrasion tracks, polishRelation of striae to edge-use directionalityLength, width, and obliqueness of striaeConcentration and distribution of polishRelativebrightnessand homogeneity, amount of pitting presentTool used on hard. medium or soft material; sometimes more specific assessmentpossibleType of work and/or working motion employed with toolSometimes the evidence is convincingenough to discern specific material use, as onbone, hide, or soft plant tissue. Action is anestimation of the type of workperformedwith atool, such as slicing,cutting, scraping,boringorchopping. Finally, 24 of 91 (26.4%) edgescontained actual residues on their edges, en~

Dilleha.,& Rossen:NanchocUthic Traditionhancing interpretations based on edge damage,striations, and polish.A total of 78 lithic specimens with a total of91 use aspects were selected for micro~wearanalysis.A summaryof the microscopicanalysisof each stone appears in Table 4.Table 4: Summary of themicroscopic use~wear anal.,sisSiteNo. t IitJUcNo. Material type Tool ObsetVationsT,peCA09-27- 16 tuff 14 Edge-crushing; plant fibers.white, red residue.CA09-27- 57 rhyolite 13 Elongated nicking. step and deep scalar fractures; very brightdiffuseflattened domed unpitted polish; burned and unburnedplant fibers.CA09-27- 68 crystalline lZ Edge crushing, nicking; wide perpendicular striations; scrapingquartzhide.CA09-27- 79 basalt 6 No use evident.CA09-27- 137 diorite 3 Dull, flat, heavily smeared polish with micropits; dirty hide or drybone; black fibrous residue.CA09-27- 189 tuff 12 Elongated step fractures; pit-like diffusepolish; fresh hide.CA09-27- 221 andesite 26 No use evident.CA0927- 460 tuff 15 Sharp edges; high ridgeswith bright polish; plant scraping.CA09-27- 482 granite 10 Smeared. homogeneous bright polish; oxidation rubbed off; stepfracturcs and crushing; many burned plant fibers;slicing,cutting.CA09-27- 490 tuff 16chopping.Edge nicking. step and half-moon fractures; nondescript polish;CA09-27- 569 baSalt 15plant fibers.2 use-edges;both long half-moons; homogeneous bright flattenedCA09-27- 593 basalt 12polish; meat/hide.3 use-edges; 2 with step. scalar, half-moon fractures; transverseCA09-27- 741 rhyolite 15striae; smooth bright polish; soft woodj 1 with semi-bright pittedeven polish; meat/hide.No use evident.CA09-27- 744 basalt 19 2 use edges; 1 with sub-parallel striae; homogeneous bright flattenedpolish; medium-to-hard; haft, 1 with step. scalar. half-moonfracturesj sub-parallel abrasions; pitted irregular polish; indeterminateuse and action.CA09-27- 828 basalt 7 White residue; no use evident.CA09-27- 901 tuff 21 No use evident.CA09-27- 1031 silex-coffee 6 Semi-bright,flattened.smeared.unpittedpolish;perpendicular+CA09-27- 1048 rhyolite 17. longthindiagonalsttiae;soft-to-mediummaterial,freshhide?Large,deep,half-moonfractures;verydull.heavilyflattenedCA09-27- 1054 basalt 10pittedpolish;parallelsttiae;cuttingburnedbone.Use on 6 edges of 2 types; 1: extensive grain loss;long scalarCA09-27- 1171 tuff 7fractures; plant fibers;scraping plants; 2: many step fractures;whiteresidue.choppinghard-to-mediummaterial.Long uneven half-moon fractures; extensive edge rounding; slightpolish; plant fibers;slicing.CA09-27- 1179 basalt 21 2 edges. both grain loss; non-descript polish; indeterminate actionand use.CA09-27- 1222 basalt 14 Semi-bright pitted even polish; burned plant fibers;soft woodslicing/cutting.CA09-27- 1231 basalt 12 Sporadicgrainloss;bright,pitted,evenpolish;cuttingmeat/hide.CA09-27- 1303 basalt 2 No use evident.CA09-27- 1309 diorite 14 Diffuse semi-bright polish; dried soft plants.CA09-27- 1320 basalt - Large. stepped. half-moon fractures; hard scraping.CA09-Z7- 1393 diorite S Long deep step fracturcs; very bright, even. domed polish; sawingbone.CA09-27- 1394 rhyolite 25 2 use-edgcs; 1: scalar and step fractures; non-descript polish; plantfibersjslicing soft material; 2: heavy crushing on tip; punchingmedium-to-hard material.

ANDEANPAST6 (2000) ,14Table4 (continued):Summaryof microscopicuse,wearanalysis.SiteNo. LithicNo. Materialt,ype Tool ObservationstypeCA09.27. 1447 silex.grey 4 No use evident.CA09.27. 1467 tUff 10 Edge crushing; small,deep, scalar fractures; plant fibers;choppingsoft.mediummaterialCA09.27. 1533 tuff 21 No use evident.CA09.27. 1535 andesite 2 Long scalar and step fractures; non.descript polish; burned andunburned plant fibers; slicing/cutting soft plants.CA09.27. 1575 silex.black 8 Crushingon point;non.descriptpolish;perforating.CA09.27. 1649 tuff - Light. diffusepolish; plant fibers;indeterminate use and action.CA09.28. 133 basalt 14 Slight grain loss; non.descript polish; burned and unburned plantCA09.28. 237 rhyolite 6fibers;slicingsoftplants. .Long step and shallow half.moon fractures; non.descript polish;CA0928. 259 rhyolite 7plant fibers;soft material.Elongated scalar fractUres;elevated crystals; spotty. flattened,CA09.28. 273 basalt 1micropitted polish; burned plant fibers;sawingsoft plants.Smallscalarand half.moonfractures;It hummockedpolish;slicing/cutting soft plants.CA09.28. 289 rhyolite 6 Sharpedge;redresidue;indeterminateaction.CA09.28. 298 andesite 16 2 use-edges; 1: step fractUres;slicing medium.to-hard material; 2:semi.brightpittedevenpolish;indeterminate__CA09.28. 318 diorite 6 No use evident.CA09.28. 428 andesite 17 Shortnarrowsquare.comerscalarfracturesitoomuchoxidationon edge to read.CA09.28. .464 basalt 14 Bright flat polish; soft plants.CA09.28. 548 tUff 14. No use evident.CA09.28. 554 basalt 7 Large scalar and step fractures; high points crushed; non.descriptpolish;indeterminate.CA09.28. 584 tUff 13 Unableto readdue to sun.bleachedoxidation.CA09.28. 589. . basalt - No use evident.CA09.28. 612 basalt 15 Use.edge broken off.CA09.28. 634 diorite 16 Bright polish; burned plant fibers;soft material.CA09.28.. 650 rhyolite 15 No use evident.CA09.28. 651 rhyolite 13 Abrasion tracks, probably trampled; no use evident.CA09.28. 680 basalt 4 Fewhalf.moonfractures;redresidue;unkriownmaterial.CA09.28. 687 andesite 9 2 use.edges; 1: bright, flattened. homogeneous polish; cutting freshCA09.28. 735 tUff 4bonej 2: semi.bright, pitted, even polish; hafting.2 use.edges; 1: step and half.moon fractures; edge crushing; frac.CA09.28. 786 basalt 7ture cleavages; perpendicular and diagonal striae transverse toedge; heavily pitted bright flattened polish; 2: same without striaeor polish; sawing hard.med (hide or wood?).Sporadic grain loss;bright, irregular, uneven, pitted polish; scrap.CA09.28. 805 basalt 17ing soft plants.3 use.edges; 1: scalar and step fractUres;short, oblique, wide striae;smeared, homogeneous, bright polish; hafting; 2: small flattenedgrainswithcrossings9iae;woodhafting;3: brightpittedunevenpolish; slicingplants.CA09.28. 826 rhyolite 12 No use evident.CA09.28. 863 basalt 17 Shallow half.moon fractures; small scalar and step fractUres;non.descript polish; slicing/cutting (light chopping) soft plants.CA09.28. 870 diorite 2 Crushed crystals, trampled, no use evident.CA09.28. 878 rhyolite 12 Diffusepolish; indeterminate.CA09.28. 890 basalt 12 No use evident.

15..Dillehay & Rossen: Nanchoc Uthic TraditionTable 4 (continued): Summary of the microscopic use..wear analysisSiteNo. t UthicNo. Materialc,pe Tool Obsenxuionsc,peCA09-52- 16 tuffCA09-52- 26 quartz crystal - Slight grain loss; no use evident.Rounded tip on faceted quarts crystal: long deep rounded scalarCA09-52- 80 basalt 13fractures; hard boring.Slight grain loss;non-descript polish: burned and unburned plant,CA09-52- 249 diorite 13fibers;slicingsoft plants.Long, shallow, scalar and step fractures: semi-bright, flattened,CA09-52- 250 basalt 14nondescript polish; black residue: very soft material.Abrasion tracks within flattened, pitted polish: slicing/cuttingCA09-52- 322 sUex-coffee 14hard-med material; non-plant.Deep scalar fractures; dull, pitted polish with irregular bright spots;CA09-52- 334 tuff 26soft-to-medium; hide scraper.Step fractures; heavy, bright, domed, smooth, homogeneous,CA09-52- 395 basalt 16unpitted polish on dorsal side; plant fibers; slicingsoft plants.2 use-edges; 1: long scalar and step fractures: nondescript polish;soft material: plants? 2: long, narrow, square-comer, scalar fractures;semi-bright, pitted, even polish: cutting fresh, greasymeat.CA09-52- 420 tuff 15 Edge rounded, nicked; sporadic grain loss; nondescript polish;indeterminate..CA09-S2- 426 tuff 14 Scraped, crushed, flattened high spots; trampled; no use evident.CA09-52- 439 basalt 15 Few half-moon and step fractures; indeterminate.CA09-S2- 555 silex-black 15 2 use-edges; 1: sporadic grain loss: semi-bright. clean polish;slicingsoft plants; 2: deep scalar fractures; some polish: heavy sawing:softCA09-52- 608 quartzite . 14plants. .Sharp, jagged edges; edge crushing; too much reflection offedge toread;indeterminate.CA09-S2- 727 tuff 12 Elongated scalar fractures: longitudinal striae sub-parallel to edge:CA09-52- 748 tuff 14semi-bright, pitted, even polish: slicingmedium-to-hard material.Unable to read due to bright water sheen and heavy oxidation;indeterminate.CA09-52- 1075 basalt 9 2 use-edges: 1: bright, flattened, homogeneous polish: hide/meat;2: shon striae: even polish: hafting.In considering Table 4, it is important toremember that it merely depicts a partial sum..mary of fractures, polish, residue, etc. observedon each specimen edge. As such, the table isuseful to illustrate (1) the variety of use..wearattribute combinations present in the collection,and (2) the complexity of determining or leav..ing undetermined estimated material use andaction. According to Dillehayand others suchas Vaughn (1985), there are no shortcuts in thistype of time..consuminganalysisand it is hopedthat Table 4 adequately illustrates this point.Figures4 to 9 depict examplesof edge damage,polish, and residues, photographed at relativelylow magnifications of 30 to 4Ox.These photosare only meant to illustrate a few cases of theattributes that were microscopicallyexamined,because diagnosis of polish and edge damageoften involve their examination under muchhigher magnifications (from 400Xto 2000X).For the purposesof this discussion,the summaryattributes of estimated material use and actionwill be discussed in conjunction with tool type,raw material type, and residues.The small sample represents only 3.2% of alltools and utilized flakes from the three eXCava..tion sites. Specimens for analysiswere selectedunsystematicallyduring the process of typologicalanalysis. An effort was made to proportion..ally represent the three sites and most of theformal tool types in the sample. Because thehighest frequency of formal edge..trimmedtoolswasrecovered from site CA09..27,45.1% of theexamined specimen edges were from that site.Similarly, fewer edges (20.9%) were examinedfrom site CA09..52because that site wasdomi..nated by Type 14unmodified utilizedflakes. In

13ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -16terms of rawmaterial types,the use-wearsampleis generally representative of both major andminor types in the lithic assemblage(fables 5and 6). For example, the percentage of basaltedges selected (44.0%) is quite similar to thepercentage present in the entire assemblage(46.5%).Rhyoliteis slightlyover-representedinthis sample, while rhyolite diorite and andesiteare under-represented.Table 5: Raw material typesand frequenciesof the Nanchoc Lithic Tradition)Limestone was excluded because use-wearisextremely difficult to read on the often chalky,exfoliated surfaces of this material. A fewsilexand quartz specimens were examined to estimatethe use of special, exotic materials.Material Color Mat. Fr PercentCode'basalt black 1 16,520 46.5quartzite violet 2 353 1.0andesite gray 3 2,658 7.5. silex banded 4 41 .1· . silex cream 5 25 .1silex coffee 6 '..0silex darkgreen' . 7 70 .2limestone off.white 8 2,788 7.8. silex genetal 9 3 .0rhyolite banded 10 2,298 6.5quartz milky 11 88 .2.quartz crystalline 12 50 .1"quartzcrystal 13 2 .0.quartz variouslycolored 14 48 .1chalcedony white 15 24 .1silex black 16 67 .2. silex black with coffee 17 1 .0granite gray 18 104 .3tuff gray,veined 19 4,572 12.9.. silex gray 21 35 .1diorite cream, off.white 22 5,576 15.7granite green 23 1 .0basalt black, white flecks 24 7 .0.quartz amber 25 3 .0. silex gray, red streaks 26 11 .0copperore darkgreen 28 126 .4.jasper cream, blackand red 29 16 .0. silex darkpink,violet 30 1 .0. mica silver 31 1 .0. silex maroon 32 3 .0. silex black and yellow 33 1 .0.----------------------· denotes material typeconsideredexotic Total 35,537 100.0jasper black with red 20 33 .1, Material codes are not continuous; Type 27, "unworked petrified wood [1]" was not included in the analysis.Note that thist4blesupersedapr~iousversions.

17~Dilleha,& Rossen:NanchocLithicTraditionTable6: Rawmaterialtypesof thelithictoolsampleanal,:tedfor microscopicuse~wearMaterial Code FT Percentbasalt 1 40 44.0quartzite 2 1 1.1andesite 3 3 3.3silex-coffee 6 2 2.2rhyolite 10 12 .13.2quartz crystal. 12 1 1.1quartz crystal 13 1 1.1silex-black 16 3 3.3granite 18 1 1.1tUff 19 19 20.9silex-gJ;ay 21 1 1.1diorite 22 7 7.7.--------------------Toeal 91 100.0Material use,action,and residues.As a total assemblage, estimated materialuse for microscopically analyzedlithics showsthe dominance of tools used on vegetal materi~als, probably wood and soft plants (Table 7).The specific "soft plant" and lessspecific "soft"category (that may also include very soft hide)togethc,=:r comprise 25.3% (n=23) of the edges.Only the "medium~to~hard" category, mostlikely representing woodworking, has a fre~quency representation close to the soft catego~ries, with 13.2% (n= 12). The remaining speci~men edges are split between lowfrequencies of"soft~to~medium"(n=5), meat/hide (n=4) ,softwood (n=3), soil (n=3), bone (n=3), freshmeat (n=l), "hard" (representing bone or hardwood) (n=l) , and "unknown substance"(n=2).More than a third of the edges (n=34) werecategorized as indeterminate or without use~wear. This last reflects several conditions,including (1) the complexity of use,wear analy~sis, (2) the special conditions required to pro~duce use~wear, (3) the probable existence ofmulti~functionaltoolsin the sample,and (4) theloss of use~wear through edge breakage andretouch. Despite these problems,the predomi~nance of estimated plant and wooduse~wearonthese edges is in agreement with (1) the typo~logical analysisof the NLT, (2) the substantialpresence of grinding stones at these sites(Rossen 1991), and (3) the typologicalobserva~tions of other researchers who have discussedunifaciallithic industries (Malpass1983;Ranere1978;Richardson 1969;Stothert 1974). Simul~taneously,Table 7demonstrates that despitethedominance of plant and wood oriented activj~ties, a broad spectrum of other activities is aJsorepresented.Table 7: Determinationsof estimatedmaterialuse. from theuse~wearanal,sisSiteCA09-27softplant 8medium-to-hard 6soft 2soft-to-medium 3meat/hide 2softwood 3soil 0boneifreshmeat 0hard 1unlcnownsubstance 1indeterminatelnot used 13Total 41CA09-2852311o21o1531CA09-52Toral2 IS4 123 81 51 40 31 30 31 10 10 26 419 91In terms of action, the dominance of plant~oriented activities is again evident in the rela~tively high frequency of cutting specimens,which constitute 22.6% (n=21) ofthe specimenedges (Table 8).Plant cutting may refer to a variety of activi~ties ranging from wild plant exploitation andprocessing to garden plot clearing, plant har~vesting, and production of wooden tools. Otherharder materials such as hard wood and bonemay also have been cut. Second in terms ofpercentage and frequency is scraping, whichmay represent various materials, with 12.1%(n=11) of edge specimens. Lowfrequenciesofsawing (n=4), boring (n=3), chopping (n=2)hafting (n=2), and scoring (n=2) againdisplaythe variety of activities represented in theassemblage.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Table 8: Determinations of action from the use#wear anal'YsisSite CA CA CA TotalCf)-27 Cf).28 Cf).52slicing/cutting 9 6 6 21scraping 8 2 1 11sawing 1 2 1 4boring 2 0 1 3chopping 2 0 0 2hafting 1 1 0 2scoring 2 0 0 2indetenninate!notused 16 20 10 46Total 41 31 19 91The third general microscopic category isresidues. Archaeological residues were foundonly on edges prior to cleaning, with 27.5%(n=25) of the specimen edges having observ#able residues as possibledirect evidenceof theiruse (Table 9). Residueswere locatedin fissuresand cleavages and not on open surfaces, andthus fortuitous associations are highlyunlikely.Plant/wood fiberswere present, either alone, orin combination with another residue, on 19edges (Figures8 and 9). At highmagnificationsof 400x to 2000x the plant cellswereobservableon several of these specimens. Reconfirmed isthe importance of plant and wood#relatedactivities at these sites. In addition, othersubstances were found on use#edges in lowfrequencies. A white substance, probably cal#cite, was present on five edges, and four of thefivespecimens came from site CA09#27. Thesespecimens fizzedalong their edgeswhen placedin acid baths, a chemical reaction typical ofcalcite. The importance of specializedcalciteprocessingat the Nanchoc Moundssite (CA09#04) has been previouslydiscussed(DillehayandNetherly 1983; Netherly and Dillehay 1985;Dillehay et al. 1989). In contrast to the largechunks of calcite recovered at site CA09#04,only a few tiny fragments of calcitewere recov#ered from sites CA09#27 and CA09#28. Thus,though only present in relatively minisculeamounts at these sites, the possiblepresence ofcalcite on a small number of use#edgessuggeststhat the material may have alsobeen utilizedin# 18less specializedresidential contexts, possiblyaseither a nutritional supplement (Antunez deMayolo 1981:87#88;Baker and Mazess1963)oras an additive for chewing coca leaf. The pres#ence of calcite further relates these sitesand theNanchoc Mounds together into the same cul#tural tradition. A bright red substance wasfound on three edges. Two of these specimenswere recovered from site CA09#28, where,red#stained ground stone was also recovered.This material is possiblyred ochre, although nochemical tests could confirm this. A blacksubstance that may be tar was present on twouse#edges including one hafted edge. Oneobvious use of tar would be in hafting tools towooden handles, and the presence of haftingpolish on two specimens indicates that at leasta few unifacial tools were hafted.Table 9: Fibers and residues from litlUc tool edgesSite CA CA CA Total09-27 . 09-28 Cf).52plant fibers 8 4 3 15plantfibers+white substance 2 1 0 3red substance(ochre?) 0 2 0 2black substance(tar?) 1 0 1 2white substance(calcite?) 1 0 0white + redsubstances 1 0 0 1plantfibers+possiblesilica 1 0 0 1no residue 27 24 15 66Toted 41 31 19 91TypologicaVmicroscopic attributecross#tabulationsCrosstabulations between microscopic use#wear attributes and typological attributes wereuseful in relating microscopic data to the typo#logical analysis (Tables 10 to 14). The formaltool typologyhas been published in detail else#where (Rossen 1998). The crosstabulationsdemonstrate that there is no simple formulaforunderstanding tools and tasks, but instead tool

use involved a complex combination of consid~erations including tool type, edge angle, rawmaterial type, action, and material beingworked. Because of the many tool types presentin the NLT, the microscopic analysis could onlyinclude a few specimens of each type. Thesample was further diminished by the fact thatif an attribute wasnot recorded fora specimen,it was dropped from the crosstabulation. Evenwhencrosstabulationsinvolvedfewercategoriesand greater frequencies, as with raw materialtype,the overallsmallsampleofmicroscopically.examined edges allows some tentative conclu~sions. Despite the limitations, someinterestingpatterns are worth discussing and suggestionsmaybe made concerning the complexinterplayof various tool use factors.Dillehay& Rossen: NanchocUthic Traditionsemilunar) tools appear to be specialized inestimated material use, but generalizedin termsof action. All three Type 7 specimens withdetermined use~edgesdisplayed some evidenceof plant polish, and two specimens had plantfiber residues, while a third had the white sub~stance on its edge. However, action of thesesame specimens varied, with one each showingsigns of sawing, scraping, and cutting. Con~versely,Type 12 (pentagonal) tools appear to begeneralized in estimated material use but spe~cialized in action. The fiveType 12 specimensfor which action could be determined wereplaced into only two categories, cutting (n=3)and scraping (n=2), but action for this typevaried from medium~to..hard (n=2) to meat!hide (n=l) and soft wood (n=l)..Cross~tabulationof raw materialtypewithaction and estimated material use suggeststhatthere existed certain material preferences forparticular actions but not for use on particularmaterials (Tables 10 and 11). Common basaltappears to have been heavilyfavoredforcuttingaction, as indicated by the presence of 12 suchspecimens in the microscopically..analyzedsample. In terms of estimated material use,however, basalt was used on the entire range ofmaterials. Conversely, finer~grainedmaterialssuch as local rhyolite and exotic silex (or chert)werepreferred forboring and sawingtasks,againon a wide range of materials. .Crosstabulations of tool type with action,estimated material use, and residue indicatethat, from strictly typologicaldata, qoth special~ized and generalized tools are present in theNLT (Tables 12 to 14). Type 14 unmodifiedflakes are associated with four different actionsand five different estimated material uses (ex~cludingthe indeterminate and unknowncatego~ries). This suggests the wide variety of usesthese untrimmed flakeshad, and reinforcestheirprevious categorization as expedient.Specific edge~trimmed tool types may beidentified as either generalizedor specializedinterms of microscopic use~wear. Type 7 (thick. Larger pentagonal forms, Type 17, followthesame general pattern as their smaller counter~parts, with two of .three determined actionspecimens having been used for cutting (anadditional edge on one was used for scoring).Estimated material uses for Type 17 tools varygreatly, with bone en=l) , soil (n=2), soft en=l)and soft~to~medium (n=l), all represented.Type 16elongated rectangular formsare similarin microscopicpattern to pentagonal forms. Allthree specimens from which action could bedetermined were for cutting or scraping, whilematerial use was extremely variable, with softplant (n=l), meat/hide (n=l) , freshmeat (n=l)soft en=l), and hard~medium en=l) repre~sented.The above examples serve to illustrate someproblemsin categorizinga tool typeasexpedientor curated, generalized or specialized, or inutilizingany conceptual dichotomy at all. Tools'may fit one descriptive category for one area ofanalysis and another category for other attrib..utes. In the case of the NLT, it is possible,though far fromconclusivelydemonstrated, thatsemilunar forms were designed primarilyfor avariety of activities involving plants, whilepentagonal and rectangular formsweredesignedspecificallyfor scraping and cutting on a varietyof materials.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..20Table 10: Cross-tabulation of raw material type and actionACTIONMATERIALbasaltquartziteandesitesilex-coffeerhyolitequartz-cryst..quartz crystalsilex-blackgranitediorite--sawing boring chopping SCTapinf slidng/ hafting UMe!.cutting2 3 4 5 6 8 9 13- -- - -----U1 I I I 1 I 4 12 2 I 8 I 1 Il_ _ -1._ _ _1_ .2'~ _ ~.3 42.9_ 2'~ _ ~.~ _ .2'~2 I I I I I I I 1 I I. l_ _ -1.___1_ _ _1__.J. _ _.J. _ _.J. _ ~.~ _ _.J3 I I I I I 2 I I 1 I Il-_~___1__.JJ._~~__.J._~~__.J6 I I I I 2 I I I I Il _ _ ~ .-._ _1_ _ .J. _ ~.~ _ _ .J. _ _ ~ _ _ _1 : _ .J101 11 11 I 11 II I 31 IIl_ E'~ _ E':..L_ _ .J._ E'~ _ E'~ _ _ -1._ 2.?'~_ E'~12 1 I 1 I 1 I 1 1 I 1. l_ _ _L__-1_ _.J. _ ~.~ _ _.J. _ __1__ _1__.J13 1 1 1 .1 1 1 I I 1 1l--_L_~~__.J 1~__L___1___1__.JColumn% Total16 I 1 I 1 I I I 1 1 I I Il_ 2!':J._ 2!':.t _ _ .J. _ _ .J. _ ~.~ _ _ .J. _ __.J. _ _ .J18 I I I I I 1 I I I 1L--.J 1___1___1_~~__.J J J19 I . . . 1 I I 1 I 2 I 4 I I 3 I Il_ -.?~ _ _ -L _ -?~ _ ~':J._ ~.~ _ _ ~ _ E'~ _ _.J221 11 I I 11 I I 31 IL-~~__-L__~_~~___1__.J._~~__.J4 3 2 11 21 2 19 26.35 4.7 3.1 17.2 32.8 3.1 29.7 3.1Row%Total.2843.811.6J4.72J.l812.5I1.611.634.711.61117.257.864100.0Note: Significant values are marked by a box.

21.. Dillehay & Rossen:Nanc1wcUthic TraditionTable 11: Cross-tabulationof raw material type and estimated material useMATERIALUSEBasaltBone Softplant Soft Soil MtiUI Frah Soft Soft Hard Hard. Indcc. Notwood hide meat Med Mtd. known-- -- - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - --1 I 11 61 31 31 31 11 31 11 51 11 51 1.1L _3~ ..!8:.J._9~ _9:!l_9:!l_3~ _9:.1_3~ ..!5:.J._3~ ..!5:1._3~Quanzite 21 I 1 I I I I I I I I 11 IL _ -L _ -1_-L_-1_-1_-L_ -1_ -1_ -1_ -1~~_..JAndesIte 31 1 II I. I 11 I I 1 11 I I IL _ -L .23::1_ ..1_ -1 .23::1_ -L _ -1 _ -1 .23::1_ -1 _ -1._ ..J6 I I I I I I I I 21 I I I IL_-L_ -1_..1_ -1_ -1':'"-L_-1~~_ -1 _ -1_ -1._..Jtryst.QuamcrystalRhyolite 10 I 1 I 2 I 1 I 1 I 2 I 1 1I I 2 1 I. L,22::.1- 25~ _ ..1_ -1 _ -1 _ -L 25~ _ -1 ..!2~_ -1 25~ _ ..JQuanz. 121 I 1 I 1 I I I I 1I 1 1 1SilexcoffeeSilexblackL _ -L _ -1_ ..1_-1_ -1_ -L _ -1_ -1~~ _ -1_ -1._ ..J13 I I I 1 I 1 1 1 1 11 1 I IL_-L_-1_ -1_-1 _-1_-L _-1_ --L~~ _ -1_-1 J16 1 1 I' I 1 1 .1 21 11 I I I IL_-L _ -1 _-1_ -1_ -1_ -L ~~.23~ _-1 _ -1_ -1_..JGranite 18I I 1 I I I I 1 1 I I I 1 1TuffDiorite.1000L - -L_ ~_ -1_ -1_ -1_ -L_ -1_ --L_..1_ -1_ -1_..J19 1 I .. I 1 1 1 I I 11 3 I I 2 I 1IL __ -L .26!.L_ -1_ -1 _ -1 _ -L _ -1 _9~ 27::1_ -1 .28:1._9~22 1 [ I 1 I I 1 1 1 11 I 1 1 1 1 1L 25~25~ _-1 --1_ -1_ -L 25~_-1_-1 _ -125~ _..JColumn 3 IS 3 , 3 .. 1 8 5 12 1 11 2%Total M% 22.1% M% M% 5.9% 1.5% 11.8% 7.+% 17.6% 1.5% 16.2% 2.9%Row%Total3348.5%, 11.5%34.4%22.9%811.8%11.5%11.5%34.4%11.5%1116.2%68100.0%

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)- 22Table12:Cross-tabulationof fonnal tool typesand actionTOOLTIPElargequadrilateralmediumquadrilateralsmallquadrilaterallargesemilunarmediumsemilunarsmallsemilunarthicksemilunarmulti-pointpointcoretoolpentagonalIncurvedunmodifiedblockyelongatedrectangularlargepentagonmediumtriangularamorphous 1amorphous2long handledACfIONsawin( boring chopping SCTaping slicing! hafting. cutting-- - - - - - - -- --l__~__~__~__~__~_~~__~__~L__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~l__j__~__~__~__~__~__~__~11 I I I I 1 I I I I2 I I I I I 1 I I I I3 I I I I I I I 1 I Iill I I I I I I 1 I I5 I 11 I I I I I I I6 I I I I 1 I I I 2 I I11 11 I I 11 11 I 11 I~--~--~--~--~~-~--~--~--~8 ~ __--t--~- ---t- - --t-- --t-- -1--- ~ - - ~9 ~ _ _ -+ ~ _ -J. - - -4- - --J. - - ~ - - ~ - '- ~ - - ~10 ~_ _ ~ _ _ -J.- - ~ - - --I--2-J.- - -I-- - ~ - - ~n ~:..._ -+_ _ -J._ _ -+_ _ ~ _ _ -+_ _ ~ _ _ ~13~__-Iundet.+__-+__~__-+__~__~14 l- - --t--~ _--t --~ - - -+- - ~-- ~15 l_ _ :..L_ _ ~ _ _ ~ _ _ :..L_ _ ~ _ _ -1_ _'~ _ _ ~16 I I I I 1 I 2 I I 2 I IL__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~171 I I I I 21 I 11 11l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~~---I +--~---+---+---+--~--~21 ~ _ _ -I-- - -J._ _ -t - - -I-- - ~ - - -+- - ~ - - ~8~__~__-+__~__-J.__~__-I-__~__~26 L__ -1_ _.J. _ _ -1_ _ -1__ ~ _ _ ~ _ _ ~ _ _.JColumn .. 2 1 9 20 2 16 1% Total. 7.1% 3.6% 1.8% 16.1% 35.7% 3.6% 28.6% 3.6%19 I I I I I I 1 I I IRow1z3..3z639..5..256100.0%No~: This table supersedespretJioos versions. Significant values are marked by boxes.

23.. Dillehay& Rossen:NanchocUthic TraditionTable 13: CroSH;abulation of formal tool typesand estimated material useTOOL1YPEBoneSoftplant Soft Soil MtatJ fresh Soft Soft,med H4rd, lndet. Not Rowwood hidt meat rrIld lcnown Totalr-T-~-T-T-T-T-T-T-I-T-Jquadrila. 1 I I I I I I I I I I Ihttge 1 1 1~medium 2~-+-+-+~+-+-+-+-+-+-+-~1~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~quadrila. I I I I I I I I I I 1 IlargesemilunarmediumsemilunarsmallsemilunarthicksemilunarmultipointpointL_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~5L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~I 11 I I I I I I I I I I41 I I I 1 .1 I I I 21 I 11 3L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~~-+-+-+-+-+~+-+-+-~-+-~61 I I I I 1 I 11 11 I 11 I 371 I 31. I I I I I I I 11 I ..8. ~_+ _+ _-+_+ _+ _-+_+ _2..J- _~ _+ _~9 ~-2..J-~-I--+ --2..J--2..J- _-+_-+_-+'- ~ _+-~ ..~~ Wh--I--4--I-_-I-_-+_-+_-+_+_~_~_~ 3pencagonal .12 J-.;.: -+ _ -+ _ 4- _ -I- _ 2..J- _ -+ _ -+ _ -+ _ ~ _ .:t-_ ~ 6~~ U~_-+_4_~_-+_-I-_-+_-+_-+_~_~_~ 3unmodified 14 ~--+-4--4---+--+--+-4-2..J--~-~-~ 9bloclcy~L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~ ..elongated 16 I I 1I I I 1 1 1 I 1 I I 1 I 1I I 6~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~httgepentagonalESTIMATED MATERIAL USE17 I 1 I I I 2 1 I I 11 11 I 11 I 6~ ---I-- +- -+- + - -+- -+- -+- -+- ~ - + - ~medtriang 19 L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_!.l_~_~amor.phouslL_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~amor.phous2L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~longhandledL_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~21 I I I 1 I I 1 I I I 11 I2S 1 I I I I I I 11 I I I I26 I I 21 1 I I 1 I I I 1 I 2Column 3 14 2 3 3 1 8 5 10 9 2 60% Total 5.0% 23.3% 3.3% 5.0% 5.0% 1.7% U.3% 8.3% 16.7% 15.0% 3.3% 100.0%

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Table 14:Cross,tabulationofformaltooltypesand residuesRESIDUETOOL TIPEmediumquadrilateralsmallquadrilaterallargequadrilateralsmallsemilunarthicksemilunarcoretoolsincurvedunmodifiedblockyelongatedrectangularlargepentagonal.amorphous2long handled. plantfibers whitt white red black fibers fibersI material + red material material + white + silicaL _ _ _ J.calcite~_ _ _ J.och~7~_ (tarl~_ _ _ _ _2 I 1 I I I I I IL _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _3 I I I I I 1 I IL _ _.J...__.J _-L __ -L _ _.J..._ _ -L__4 I I I I 1 I I IL _ _.J _.J _ -L _ _ -L _ _.J..._ _.J...__6 I 11 I I' 1 I I IL _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ -L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _7 I 1 I 1 I I I I I 1L _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ -L _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _10 I 2 I I I I I 1 IL _ _.J...__.J... _ _.J...__-L__-1. _ _.J...__13 I 2 I . I I I 1 I IL _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ -L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _14 I 2 I I 1 I I I IL _ _ .J_ .J..._ _ -L _ _ .J..._ _ -L _ _ -L _ _15 I 1 I I . I I I IL _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _16 I . " 2 I I I I I IL _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ ...L _ _ .J... _ _17 I I I I I I 1 IL _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _IS I 1 I I I I I I,L _ _.J... L _ _.J..._ L _ _.J _-1. __26 I 2 I I I I I IL _ _.J... _L _ _.J... _ _ -L _ _.J... _ _.J... __Column 15 1 1 2 2 2%Total 62.5% 4.2% 4.2% 8.3% 8.3% 8.3%14.2%Row%Total14.2%14.2%14.2%28.3%312.5%312.5%312.5%312.5%14.2%28.3%I4.2%14.2%28.3%24100.0%lnter,analysisresultsA comparison of microscopicuse,wear data(including estimated material use, action, andresidueevidence together) with typologicaldataand characterizations highlights areas of agree,ment and disagreement between differentformsof analysis. The reason formakingthis compari,son, summarized in Table 15, is not to decidewhether one form of analysis is superior toanother or whether mistakes were made inanalysis.Rather, this comparisonallowscertainresearch assumptions to be examined, andbrings forward areas of greater and lesser cer,tainty and ambiguitywithin the data. It isworthrepeating that these different analysisformsarehere considered complementary, in that theytogether form a more effective, multi,dimen,sional approach than either approach can offeralone. Agreement between typological andmicroscopicanalysiswasclassifiedin Table 15asgood,fair, or poor. Good agreement means thatthe two formsof analysisleave little doubt as tothe function(s) of the tool type in question(Dillehay 1997). Fair agreement means thatrelatively minor disagreements are the product

25.. Dillehay& Rossen:Nanchoclithic Traditionof differing terminology and, despite this, thetool iswell..understoodin terms offunction anduse. Poor agreement means that substantialdifferences were found in the results of the twoanalyses, and the meaning of these differenceswill be discussed below.This systemwasmodifiedfrom a similaranaly..sis comparison developed by Dillehay for usewith the Monte Verde lithic collections fromsouthern Chile.Table 15: Summary of imeranalysis agreement of tool/unctionsTooltypeForm1 largequadrilateral2 mediumquadrilateral3 smallquadrilateral4 largesemi-lunar5 mediumsemi-lunar67smallsemi-lunarthicksemi-lunar8 burinmulti9 burinsimple10 largecore12 pentagonal13 incurved14 unmodifiedutil15 blocky1"6 thick rectangular17 thickpentagonal18 smalltriangular1920mediumtriangularlargetriangular21 amorphous125 amorphous226 largehandledtyposlice/cutslice/cutslice/cutslice/cutslice/cutslice/cutcuttingboringboringscraping!planing,hoeingslice/c~tplaningslice/cutscraping!planingcuttingcuttingslice/cutslice/cutslice/cutscraping!planingAction Material use Agreementmicroslice/cutslice/cutindeterminatesawingsawingscrapingvariousboringslice/cutvariousslice/cut,scrapingslice/cut,scrapingvariousvariousslice/cut,scrapingslice/cut(hafted)indeterminateslice/cutslice/cutwoodwoodwoodwoodmicrosoftplantsoftplantmed.-to-hardbonesoft,soft-med.softplantsoft'to-med.varioussoftplantvarioussoftplan~various.variousvariousvariousindeterminatesoftsoftwoodgoodgoodfairfairpoorpoorgoodpoorgoodgoodfairfairgoodgoodfairIn considering the ramificationsofT able 15,it is important to remember the smallsample ofmicroscopic analysis specimens, with toolscharacterized for the sake of general discussionbased on only one to five specimens per type.With this major caveat, it is thus encouragingthat seven tool types were classified.as havinggood agreement, six as having fair agreement,and only three as having poor agreement be..~een the two formsof analysis.In severalcases,the microscopic use..wear analysis confirmed thecategorizations made from typological data.Quadrilateral forms with low edge angles,suchas Types 1 and 2, were confirmed as plantcutters. The Type 8 faceted burin..likepointedform was indeed used for boring. The characterizationsof Types 12and 17,both pentagonalforms with medium edge angle modes andtrends, as general purpose plant cutters werewell..establishedby analysis agreement.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)In examining tools with fair agreementbetween analyses,some differencesin terminol~ogy may be discussed that do not representsubstantial differencesin analysisresults. Types4 and 5, both semilunar forms with mediumedge angles, were characterized as cuttingthrough typology, and sawing through micro~scopic analysis. It is easy to see that a cuttingmotion with these long concave use-edgeswould easily grade into a sawing motion, andlargerspecimens,in particular, wouldtend to beused for heavier jobs employingmore of a sawingaction. Type 13 incurved edge tools werecharacterized as planers through typology,andcutting and scraping tools through microscopicanalysis. In this case, the terminologyused inmicroscopicanalysis.is more logical,in thatthese relatively small, incurved or notcheduse-edges would not be used p~r se for heavywood planing of a flat surface, but more forshaving smaller pieces such as shafts, involvinga motion closer,to scraping. Also in the Type13case, the differencebetween woodversussoftplant material use is considered minor, as softwood carving could produce exactlythe typeofpolish found on these specimens.Last in the category of fair agreement isType 26, the long- handled, short use-edgetoolsthat were specificallyrelated to siteCA09-52 byspatial analysis. Again, disagreement is minorbecause both analyses agree that these werewoodworkingtools.Type 26toolsweretypologicallyclassifiedasscrapersandplanersbecauseoftheir relatively high edge angles.However, themicroscopic observation that these tools wereused in cutting despite the high anglesisacceptablebecause heavy cutting of plants fits wellwith the garden plot interpretation of siteCA09~52 where these specimenswereprimarilyrecovered. That is, plant cutting in a gardencontext would be expected to involve heaviertools with higher edge anglesthan plant manipulationassociated with food preparation in adomestic context involving smaller tools withlower edge angles. Again, these higher edgeangletools mayhave alternativelybeen used forcutting wild plants, but this wouldnot explainwhy these tools were concentrated at a site(CA09-52)without evidenceof a dwellingorsubstantialartifactconcentrations.Two of the three cases of poor interanalysisagreement were the result of a faultyassumptionwithin the typological analysis. It was typologicallyassumedthat Type 9 unfaceted pointe4.tools and Type 14 unmodified utilized flakescould be placed within specific action types.Type 9 specimensare sometimescalled denticulatesin other South American unifacial indus-. tries (Richardson1969),and in the NLT wereconsidered less formal versions of the Type 8faceted, pointed form. Instead, the pointededges were unused, while other long straightedges exhibited evidence of use-wear. Thispinpoints another important differencebetweenthe NLT and other unifacial industries such asSiches where pointed tools are consideredextremely important, or it suggests that theimportance of denticulli!teformsin other unifacialindustries has been overemphasized ormistaken outright.In the case of the large Type 14 category ofunmodified flakes, the typological assumptionthat these were light cutters wasbased on theirrelatively small sizes and very low edge angles.It appears, instead, that these expedient flakeswere utilized for a wide spectrum of purposeswhen well-made non~marginal edge-trimmedtools were unavailable or not worth the efforttoproduce. In the case of Type 14, the disagreementbetween analyses does not change butclarifiesone aspect of the dichotomy of expedientand curated tools in the NLT.The third case ofpoor interanalysisagreementis that of Type 7 thick semi-lunar forms. Type7 specimens were typologically classified ascutting toolsbecauseof the combination oftheirrelatively large size and very low edge~anglemode and trend. Their distinctiveness in termsof relative standardization and easyrecognitionalso fostered the idea that these tools had arelatively specific function. However, micro~scopicanalysissuggestedthat these assumptions

27-were false, and that, though specificto plants,the Type 7 tool was utilized in a variety ofactions. As mentioned above, this tool typeinfinalconsideration cannot be classifiedas eithergeneralizedor specialized. Its classificationas acurated tool type, however, appears to be correct,based on the heavy use-wearfound on 3 of4 microscopicallyanalyzed specimens.ConclusionsThe microscopicuse-wearstudyofthe NLT,despite being conducted on a small sample of.the totallithics assemblage,achieved its goals.The analysiscrosschecked the typologicaldata,finding many points of agreement and allowingclarifications to be made where there wereinteranalysis disagreements. The polish andresidue evidence provided invaluable directevidence of tool use and reemphasized theprimacy of plant and wood- related activities.The variability present within the NLTwasfurther underscored by' the .variety Qf bothgeneralized and specialized tools present, andeven the presence of certain tooltypesthat weregeneralized in one-category and specializedinanother (i.e., action versus estimated materialuse). Lastly, the microscopic analysis addedfurther detail to the intersite activityqifferencesthat have been repeatedly observed thus far.The limitation of the study wasthe smallsizeofthe sample (91 use edges), whichonlyallowedafewexamples of each tool type to be examined.In its entirety, the multidimensional lithicsanalysisprovided a complete documentation ofthe NLT which could not have been achievedfrom anyone perspective (such as morphologicalanalysis) alone. As the most numerousartifact assemblage in the Nanchoc sites, acomplete lithic analysis including use-wearanalysisis essential for providinga basic frameworkof site activities, against which site structures,features, and a variety of smaller nonlithicassemblages were juxtaposed and compared(Dillehay et al. 1997j Rossen 1991). Theultimate definition of the Middle PreceramicNanchoc Culture as a locallypermanent, plantorientedsociety in the early stages of culturalDillehay& Rossen:NanchocUthic Traditionintensification depends on the foundation of acomplete and multidimensional lithic analysis.AcknowledgementsAnalysis of the Nanchoc lithics was supportedby the National Science Foundation and theUniversity of Kentucky Center for ComputationalScience. Our understanding of this lithicindustry was enhanced by discussions withWilliam Y. Adams, Duccio Bonavia, PeterKaulicke, and Ramiro Matos. The lithics wereillustrated by Jimmy A. Railey. We gratefullyacknowledgethe Instituto Nacional de Cultura,Lima, for the export permit that allowed thisspecial study to be conducted.References CitedAldenderfer, Mark S.1998 MontaneForagers:Asana and the South,CentralAndeanArchak. .IowaCity: Universityof IowaPress.Antunez de Mayolo Rynning, Santiago Erik1981 LAnutrici6nenelantiguoPerULima:BancoCentralde Reserva del Peru.Baker, Paul T. and Richard B. Mazess1963 Calcium: Unusual Sources in the Highland Peru,vian Diet. Science 142(no. 3598):1466,1467.Barton, H., R. Torrence, and R. Fullagar1998 Clues to Stone Tool Function Reexamined: Com,paring Starch Grain Frequencies on Used andUnusedObsidianArtefacts.]oumalofArchaeologi,calScience25:1231,1238.Chauchat, Claude1975 The PaijlinComplex, Pampa de Cupisnique,Peru.Nawpa Pacha13:85,96.1978 AdditionalObservationson the PaijlinComplex.Nawpa Pacha 16:51,65.1988 EarlyHunter,Gathererson the PeruvianCoast.InPeruvianPrehistory, edited byRichardW. Keatinge,pp. 41,65. Cambridge, England: Cambridge Uni,versity Press.Chauchat, Qaude, Elisabeth Wing, Jean,Paul Lacombe,Pierre,YvesDemars, Santiago Uceda, and Carlos Deza1992 Prehistoiredela c6tenorddu P&ou:LePaijaniendeCupisnique.Cahiers du Quaternaire 18.CentreNatonal de la Recherche ScientiAque. CentreRegional de Publication de Bordeaux.Correal,Gonzalo .1989 ~: eWlenciasde ~eHecolectores ':Jplantadoresenel altiplaniciedela cordilleraoriental.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Bogot:4:Fundaci6n de InvestigacionesArqueol6-gicasNacionales, Banco de la Republica.Dillehay,Tom D.1997 Micro.Use.Wear and Spatial Analyses of thelithic Assemblage. In MonteVerde:A LatePleistoceneSettlementin Chile,Volume2: TheArchaeologicalContextand Interpretation,editedby Tom D. Dillehay, pp. 507.648. Washington,D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.Dillehay,Tom D. and Patricia J. Netherly1983 Exploring the Upper Zana Valley in Peru: AU'ilique Tropical Forest. Setting Offers Insightsinto the Andean Past. Archaeology 36(4):22.30.Dillehay, Tom D., PatriciaJ. Netherly, and Jack Rossen1989 Middle Preceramic Public and Residential Siteson the Forested Slope of the Western Andes,Northern Peru. American Antiquity 54(4):733.759.Dillehay, Tom D., Jack Rossen, and PatriciaJ. Netherly]997 The Nanchoc Tradition: The BeginningsofAndean Civilization. American Scientist 85(1):46.55.Fullagar,Richard, Judith Furby, and BruceHardy1996 Residueson Stone Artifacts: State of a Scientific. Art. Antiquity 709(no. 270):740.745.Keely,Lawrence H.1974 Technique and Methodology in. MicrowearStudies. A CriticalReview.WorldArchaeology5:323. 336.1980 ExperimentalI)etenninationofStoneToolUses:AMicrowearAnalysis. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.Laville, Henri, Jean.Philippe Rigaud, and James D.Sackett1980 RockSheltersof thePerigord:Geological Stratigra.phy and Archaeological Succession.New York:Academic Press.Linares, Olga and Anthony J.Ranere1980 AdaptiveRadiations in PrehistoricPanama.Pea.body Museum Monographs 5 (Cambridge,Mas.sachusetts).Lurie, Rochelle1983 A Preliminary Study of Use.Wear of the Arti.facts from somePreceramicComponents. InPrehistoryof theAyacuchoBasin,Peru:VolumeFour, The Preceramic Way of Ufe, by RichardS.MacNeish,Robert K.Vierra,Antoinette Nelkin.Terner, R. Lurie, and Angel Garcia Cook, pp.22.47. Ann Arbor: University of MichiganPress.Malpass,Michael A.1983 ThePreceramicOccupationsof theCasmaValley,Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, UniversityofWiscon.sin, Madison.Netherly, Patricia J. and Tom D. Dillehay1985 Domestic and Public Contexts at the Cemente.rio de Nanchoc Site: RefiningPreceramicPublicand Domestic Production. Paper presented at..28Fiftieth Annual Meeting, Society for AmericanArchaeology, Denver, Colorado.Nieuwenhuis, Channah Jos~1998 Unattractive but Effective: Unretouched PointedFlakes as Projectile Points? A Closer Look at theAbriense and TequendamienseArtifacts. InExplorationsin AmericanArchaeology:Essa,sinHonorof WesleyR. Hurt, editedbyMarkG.Plew,pages 133.163. Lanham, Maryland: UniversityPress of America.Odell, George H.1981 The Mechanics of Use.Breakage of Stone Tools:SomeTestableHypotheses.JournalofFieldArchae.ology8:197.240.Odell, George H. and F. OdellNereeken1980 Verifyingthe Reliabilityof LithicUse.Wear Assess.ments by "BlindTests": The LowPowerApproach.Journalof FieldArchaeology7: 87.120.Pearsall, Deborah M.1994 Issues in the Analysis and Interpretation of Ar.chaeologicalMaizeinSouthAmerica.In ComandCulture in the PrehistoricNew World,edited bySisselJohannessen and Christine A. Hastorf, pp._ 245.272.Boulder,Colorado:WestviewPress.Piperno, Dolores1990 Aboriginal Agriculture and Land Usage in theAmazon Basin, Ecuad9r. Journal of ArchaeologicalScience17:665.677.Porras,PedroI.1988 Investigaciones arqueolOgicasa lasfaMasdelSangay:tradiciOnUpano.Quito: Centro de InvestigacionesArqueol6gicas,Pontificia UniversidadCat6licadelEcuador.Ranere, Anthony J.1978 Toolmaking and Tool Use Among the PreceramicPeoplesof Panama. In Advancesin AndeanArcMe'ology, edited by David L Browman,pp. 1.34. TheHague: Mouton.Richards, Thomas H.1988 MicrowearPatternson ExperimentalBasaltTools.BARs, International Series 460. Oxford, England.Richardson, James B., III1969 The PreceramicSequenceand PleistoceneandPost.PleistoceneClimatic Changein NorthwesternPeru. Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof lUinois,Urbana.1978 Early Man on the Peruvian North Coast, EarlyMaritime Exploitation and the Pleistocene andHolocene Environment. In EarlvMan in Americafroma Circum.PacificPerspective,editedbyAlanBryan,pp. 274.289. Department ofAnthropology,Occasional Papers No. 1. University of Alberta,Edmonton.1981 Modeling the Development of Sedentary MaritimeEconomies on the Coast of Peru: A PreliminaryStatement. AnnalsofCamegieMuseum50(5): 139.150.

29..Rossen,Jack1991 Ecotonesand Low~RiskIntensification:TheMiddlePreceramicHabitationojNanchoc,NorthernPeru.Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kentucky,Lexington.1998 Unifaces in EarlyAndean Culture History: TheNanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru.Andean Past5:241~300.Rossen,Jack and Tom D. Dillehay1999 La colonizaci6n y asentamiento del norte delPeru: innovaci6n, tecnolog{ay adaptaci6n en elvallede Zafia. In Elperiodoarc:aicoenel Pen1:Hacia una definici6nde los origenes,edited byPeter Kaulicke, pp. 121~139. Boletfn deArqueologfaPUCP 3. Lima:PontificiaUniversi~dad Cat6lica del Peru.Rossen,Jack, Tom D. Dillehay, and Donald Ugent1996 Ancient Cultigensor Modem Intrusions?:Evalu~ating Botanical Remains in an Andean CaseStudy.JournalofArchaeologicalScience23:391~407.Semenov, Sergei A.1964 PrehistoricTechnology.Bath,England:Adamsand Dart.Shea;J.1987 On Accuracy and Relevanceinlithic Use~WearAnalysis. LithicTechnology16:44~50. .Stothert, Karen E.1914 UthicTechnologyof the SantaElenaPeninsula.Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University.1985 The Preceramic Las Vegas Culture of CoastalEcuador. AmericanAntiquit) 50(3): 613~637.1988 La prehistoriatempranade fa peninsulade SantaElena, Ecuador:cuUuraLas Vegas. Miscel~neaAntropol6gica Ecuatoriana, Serie MonogrMica10. Guayaquil: Museos del Banco Central delEcuador.Dillehay & Rossen: Nanchoc Uthic TraditionSussman, Carole1988 A Microscopic Analysis of Use..Wear and PolishFormation on Experimental Quartz Tools. Oxford,England: BAR, International Series395.Uceda, Santiago1986 LePaijaniendefarigiondeCasma (Pbou): Industrielithiqueet relationsaveclesautTesindustriesprktra~miques. Ph.D. dissertation, L'Universit~ de Bor~deaux, France.1987 El Paijanenseenfa regi6ndeCasma.Trujillo,Peru:Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Facultad deCiencias Sociales.Vaughn, Patrick1985 Vse~WearAnal:ysisof FlakedSconeTools.Tucson:University of Arizona Press.1995 Analysetra~ologique.InTe1armacha:y: ~es:ypastoTes prehist6ricosdelosAndes,byDani~leLa~vall~e,MichelJulien, Jane Wheeler, and C. Karlin,pp.387410. Lima: Instituto Franc~s de EstudiosAndinos.Verano, John1994 Commingled Human Remains fromMiddle Prece~ramie Residential Sites in the Upper Zafia RiverValley, Northern Peru. Unpublished manuscripton file in the archives of Andean Past, Departmentof Anthropology, University of Maine, Orono.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ~30Figure 1. Location of the ~pper ZafiaValley, northern Peru (fromRossen 199.8:figure 1).

31..Dillehay & Rossen:NanchocLithic TraditionABcDE(, HFigure 2.Representative formalsecondaryflaketool typesof the Nanchoc Lithic tradition: A, Type 1largequadrilateral tools; B,Type 4 large semi..lunartools; C, Type 7 thick semi..lunartools; D, Type8 multifaceted pointed tools; E, F, Type 12 pentagonal tools; 0, Type 13 incurved or notchedtools; H Type 18 smalltriangular tools (actual size). IUustrationsbyJimmyA.Railey after Rossen1998:figures9, 10,figure11,figure14,figure15.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..32o100mco.conqu!sFigure 3.Locations of excavated Middle Preceramic sites in the Quebrada de Las Pircas, near Nanchoc,Peru (fromRossen 1998:figure5).

33.. Di1.lehay& Rossen:Nanc1wcLithicTraditionFigure4.Plantpolish on tool edge (40X).Figure5.Bonepolishontooledge(40X). Note the pitted rough edgewith grain loss and edgeattrition.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Figure 6. Scalar and half, moon fractureson tqol edge, along with polish streaks (40X).Figure 7. Crushing and polishingon point of tool (40X).

35.. Dillehay& Rossen:NanchocLithic Tradition .Figure8.Plant fibersassociatedwith semi..brightsheen and smooth grainyplant polish. From RossenandDille~y 1999:131 (40X).Figure 9. Plant fibersand dull, flat, pitted, smeared hide polish (40X).

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS AT THE INITIAL PERIOD CENTER OF HUACA EL GALLO/HUACA LA GALLINA,Vmu VALLEY,PERU: nm 1994 FIELDSEASONThomas A. ZoubekSUNY,NewPaZtzIntroductionArchaeological work in the Vim Valley hasa long and distinguished place in the field ofAndean studies. Research began with the firstreconnaissance and excavation in the valleybyKroeber (1930) and Bennett (1939). TheseminalVim ValleyProject of the 1940shelpedpioneer many of the 'methods stillin use today,especially in the realm of setdement patternstudies. Yet, after this auspicious beginningworkin VirUlanguished for the next fiftyyears.In the meantime, people continued to use theVirudata to construct modelsofsocialcomplex'ity (Carneiro 1970j Conrad 1977j Canziani1989) despite the fact that the participants ofthe Virti Project !:ladwarned that their findingswere by no means complete (Ford 1952; Fordand Willey 1949; Willey 1953; 1996). Recentworkin the Vin1Valleyhas shownthe GuafiapeInitial "Period occupation of the valley to beradically different from that first proposed byWilleyin his original study. This work forces areconsideration of the d~velopmentof complexforms of social organization during Guafiapetimes.The author directed excavations at HuacaEI Gallo/LaGallinaduring 1994and again in1995 with the goals of better defining theGuafiapeculture in the Huacapongodrainage ofthe Vim Valley and revealing the nature of amajor Guafiape public center. The 1994 exca,vations, reported here, focused on public archi,tecture on both sides of the site: the easternsunken circular plaza and adjacent circularstructures near La Gallina, and the EI Gallopyramid, secondary mound, and a spiral,shapedenclosure just north of the pyramid. The spi,ral,shaped structure proved to have been erec,ted directly over the elaborate tomb of a reli,. giousspecialistwhowasburiedwith a polishedstone mortar and pestle as well as a sculpturewhich has been reported elsewhere (Zoubek1998a, 1998b, 1998d).The 1995 season concentrated on excavat,ing the terraplein between the EI Gallo andsecondary mound on which the spiral,shapedstructure had been located. A number of addi,tional circular structures were located, all ofwhich had been located directly over burials.This pattern led to the hypothesis that thesestructures may have served as ancestor shrines,which has been presented elsewhere (Zoubek1998c, 1998d). Over 200 m2 were excavatedand six additional circular structures werenoted.Further work was carried out in 1998in thelittle,known Susanga region of .the UpperHuacapongo. Willey had mentioned that herea large number of pyramid,platforms werelocated, but he had only reported a few in anydetail. The author of the present article excava,ted a number of sites identified by Willey,including V,198 and V,230, in addition tomounds hitherto unreported. The moundswereinitiallyconstructed during the MiddleGuafiapePhase and only lightlyused thereafter, primarilyas sitesfor tombs during the Puerto Moorin andultimate Chirnu Phases. The discoveryof Mid,dIeGuafiape sitesin Susanga proves that bythisANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 37,68.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)~ 38time Guafiape people were making full use ofthe entire valley.The site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina,VirU Valley, PeruHuaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is one ofat least three large ceremonial dual pyramidsites in the Vim Valley of the Peruvian northcoast dating to the Initial Period (ca.1800~900B.C.j Figure 1). The most prominent structuresat the site are the pyramid~platformscalled EIGallo and La Gallina which are both aligned tothe NE at E lOoN and E 12oNmagneticrespec~tively (Figure 2 a, b, Figure4). The site has twoalluvium~filledsunken circular plazas that arealso visible on the surface, although the westcourt (on the west side of the La Gallinamound) is completely filled (Figure 2 c, g).Other small structures appear on the surface ashalf~buriedwall footings. The core area of thesite measure&480 m (E~W) x 260 m (N~S)andis delimited from the interior of the quebrada(ravine) by a large double~facedwall of stonemasonry over 1 m high in places (Figure 2 e).No domestic architecture dating to the site'sprimary construction phase was found by theproject.First noted by Willeyin the Vim ValleyProjectSettlementSurvey(1953:210~213, 284~286), Huaca EI Gallo/La Gallina wasdescribedas two sites and attributed to the later Gallinazoand Moche Cultures. Although T. Pozorskiproposed an early date for the site (l976:223~235), it wasonly after the excavation of the sitethat diagnostic ceramic evidence revealed thesite's Guanape (Initial Period) cultural affilia~tion. Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina repre~sents the best~documented Guanape Phase siteto. date (Zoubek 1997j 1998aj 1998bj 1998cj1998dj 1999).The site was established during the MiddleGuanape Phase. This dating is based on thediscovery of diagnostic Middle Guafiape ceram~ics and artifactual material (stone vessels, mor~tars, bone tools) in burials and architecturallevels. Middle Guanape ceramics are charac~terizedby their friablepaste, brownish~redcolor(generally Munsell 2.5YR 4/4), large quartzinclusions, and evidence of poor control overfiring. Decorated sherds are characterized,generally,by horizontal applique ribs decoratedwith finger~pressingsor incisions. The Anc6n~style decorated sherds originally thought byStrong and Evans to characterize the MiddleGuanape Phase have been shown, throughexcavations at Huaca Verde V~37, Huaca EI. Gallo/La Gallina V ~ 149/148, and V ~ 198, to dateto the Late Guanape Phase. Radiocarbon datesare not yet availablejhowever, given similaritiesin the architecture and ceramics from this sitewith others from the middle to late Initial Pe~riod, the assignment of the site to this period issecure.Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is on analluvial terrace at the .mouth of Quebrada EINino. The site is divided in two by a 4..5m deepand 60 m wide natural ravine into which thewest face of the EI Gallo pyramid is currentlyeroding (Figure 2 f). The EI Gallo side of thesite is protected by a hill spur (Figure2 h) suchthat surface architecture and artifacts have notbeen washed awayas much as on the La Gallinaside of the site, which is open to the quebradainterior. During torrential rains (EI Ninoevents) the quebrada acts like a funnel whichcollects rain from the surrounding hillsidesanddirects it toward the La Gallina core area. Suchwaters carry a largeburden of mud .andbouldersthat cover the entire surface of the inner que..brada. The most visibleartifact of these eventsis the natural ravine. These events mayexplainthe construction, by the site inhabitants, of thelarge double..facedwall across the mouth of thequebrada (Figure 2 e). This wall served toprotect the La Gallina site from the destructionposed by the rains. The overburden on bothsides of the site is shallow. The cultUrallevelsoverlay a subsoil of gravel, boulders, and silteroded from the surrounding hills by torrentialEINino rains. The soilsof the site area are poor,being both thin and rocky.

39..Zoubek:Huaca El GaUo/lA GallinaHuaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is lessthan 300 m from the VirU River in an area offertile floodplain at 240 meters above sea..level(masl).It is likelythat during the occupation ofthe site surrounding arable lands were wateredbygravitycanals fromintakes locatedupstream.One such canal is still visible today at the baseof a hill spur directly north of the EI Gallopyramid (Figure 2 i). It winds its wayalong theslopes toward cultivated fields lower in thevalley and in heavy rain seasons continues tocarrywater. The discoveryof a largenumber offurrowsand smallcanals to the north of the corearea of the site (Figure2 j) suggeststhat at someperiod this area of the Niiio Quebrada was alsoirrigated, perhaps from a spring located in theinterior of the quebrada. Although the canalsand furrows cannot be dated to the InitialPeriod with confidence, recourse to irrigationagriculture would have been necessary to sup..port populations sufficientlylargeto have builtthis and other centers in the valley(Burg~randSalazar..Burger1991:275).The site's location presents difficulties forirrigation, because it sits several meters abovethe surrounding floodplain. The poor quality ofthe soil and the location awayfromeasy accessto irrigation canals may have influenced itsplacement on the alluvial terrace. There is noevidence of Initial Period irrigationin any partof the site's core. The site's location may alsohave been selected because of the proximity ofbuilding material. Most of the footings of thestructures at EI GallolLa Gallina are formed oflarge boulders, and the pyramids themselveshave heartings and facings of stone.At the innermost area of the quebrada,about 1.5km from the site, is a springwhich stillflowsand supports vegetation, as well as largecolonies of land snails. The discoveryof landsnails in virtually every excavation unit arguesfor this resource's importance to the diet of thesite's inhabitants. The spring may also haveprovidedpotable water. The site'slocation closeto the river would also have ensured the avail..a};ilityof fresh water as well as material to makeadobes and rushes for the weaving of mats andfor shelter roofs. The riverine environment alsosupported wild game that would have supple..mented the diet of the site's occupants.Guafiape DietThe Guaiiape diet also included marinefoods. Even though Huaca EIGallo/ La Gallina. lies approximately 24 km from the PacificOcean, fish bones and shellfish remains wererecovered during excavation (Vasquez et al.1995). If data from neighboring Huaca LosReyes and Gramalote in the Moche Valleyarecomparable, then it is likelythat the majorityofthe meat protein at the site was made up ofmarine resources, and the remainder was com..posed of deer and small mammals (S. Pozorski1983; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987; 1991: 352..354; 1992: 859).The economy of 'Initial Period Huaca EIGallo/Huaca La Gallina, however, was essen..tiallyagricultural. The majorityofthe foodstuffsconsumed were likely to have come from cropsgrownin the surrounding fields,but the dietwassupplemented with wild plants. A great varietyof cultigens have been recovered at contempo..raneous and slightly earlier sites on the coast(e.g., Huaca Prieta in Chicama, Gramalote inMoche, and Huaca Negra in Viru) (Birdet al.1985; S. Pozorski 1983; Strong and Evans1952). Because these sites do not have anyarable farmland nearby, it is likely that suchproduce was obtained by way of exchange withcoastal sites providing marine resources andin..valleysites supplying agricultural goods (S.Pozorski 1983). Huaca EI Gallo/ La Gallina islikelyto have partaken in such a trade netWork.Unfortunately, preservation of perishable plantfoodstuffs at the site is not good, so indirectevidence must be used to reconstruct the roleofagriculture in the diet.Contrary to those who credit maize as anearly staple of the Initial Period (Corbett 1953;Strong and Evans 1952: 23, 45, 206..207,247;Willey 1953:30:Wilson 1981), no evidence has

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)yet been recovered at the site to suggest thatmaize was an integral component of the diet ofthe inhabitants. This absence is common tomany coastal Initial Period sites (Burger1985).Only a small number of squash seeds wererecovered, suggestingthe presenceofthiswidelyused cultigen (Vasquez et al. 1995). Thus, atthis point there is no evidence that anyonestaple crop supported Guafiape Phase popula~tions.The dentition of many of the burials pro~vides indirect evidence of a varied diet andarguesagainst reliance on a staple. John Verano(1996) noted that there were fewdental cariesin the sample of individuals examined. Suchcaries are generally associated with diets basedon single staples, such as maize, and becomeespeciallyprevalent in later coastalpopulations,such as the Moche and Chimu. Their absencehere suggests that the occupants were makinguse of a wide variety of foodstuffs. The analysisof the teeth also suggested that much of thismaterial wasground on stone mortars. Many ofthe teeth were extremely worn, suggestingconsumption of a gritty diet. In summary,it islikelythat the Guaiiape Phase populationof theupper valley was made up of farmerswho grewthe majorityof their necessitiesand accessedtherest through valley'wide trade in foodstUffs.However, until site occupations can be corre~lated with agricultural works and domesticrefuse, the evidence for this interpretation islargelyindirect.ChronologyThe ceramic material recovered indicatesthat Huaca EI Gallo/La Gallina is a MiddleGuafiape site and dates to the Initial Period.There is no evidence of Chavin~influencediconography. Artifacts diagno~ticof the EarlyHorizon, such as stone blades and panpipes, areabsent. The pottery assemblage is made upprimarilyof poorlyfirednecklessollas(pots) andstraight~sided bowls, often marked with fire,clouds. The clay is highly porous and friablearid has large inclusions. Decoration is limitedto finger,pressed and incised applique ribsgenerally attached horizontally at the vesselshoulder (Figure3 a, b). No instance of verticalribs wasfound at the site. The decorated sherdsrecovered conform to the Guaiiape Finger~pressed and Guaiiape Incised Rib varietiesidentified by the original Viru Valley Projectfrom their collections at Huaca Negra. A sIIiallnumber of modeled, Guafiape Punctate, andZoned,Punctate sherdswere alsorecovered,andtheir quantity as well as diversity of decorationincrease with time (Figure3 c, d; c.f. Strong andEvans 1952:207). Anc6n decorated sherds(Fine and Broad,Line Incised) were only recov~ered frompost~occupationalcontexts, generallylooted graves. Other diagnostic Guaiiape arti~facts recovered included the stone mortar andpesde from a burial (Zoubek 1998a; 1998b;1998c; 1998d), stone spindle whorls, and a jetniliror fragment recovered bylootersfromthe EIGallo pyramid. .The Huaca EIGallo pyramidOne of the goalsof the 1994fieldseasonwasto make an accurate map of the site. Duringthecourseof the mapping, the decisionwasmadetoclear the middle of the eastern face of the EIGallo pyramid of accumulated rubble that hadresulted from the collapse of the tiers of thepyramid and massive looter activity on thesummit. The reason for clarifyingthis area ofpublic architecture was to facilitate bettercomparisons between this site and that of thepresumably contemporary Huaca Los Reyesinthe Moche Valley. Both sites are located incomparable areas in up,valley quebradas.The EIGallo pyramid measures 68 m (N,S)x 95 m (E,W) and is the largest mound in theHuacapongo Basin (Figure 2 a, Figure 4). Likemany Initial Period pyramids,EIGallo facestheupstream source of water, the HuacapongoRiver. The mound lies230 m east of LaGallina.Like EI Gallo, the La Gallina pyramidisstone~coveredand rectangular, measuring38 mwide (E~W)and 61 m long (N~S),but it differs

41..both in orientation at E lOoN and in layout.The entire mound is bisected by a trench intoseparate north and south platforms. Whetherthis trench is the product of intense lootingactivity, an artifact of the originalconstructionlayout as proposed by Willey (1953:284), or acombinationof the two, isunclear. These northand south levels cover roughly the same area,but the south platform is 3 m taller than that toth~ north. The southern terrace of La Gallinarises4..5m above the slopingplain to the south,whilethe north terrace is only about 2 m higherthan the facing enclosed area north of themound. A 3 m deep and 2..3 m wide pit hasbeen dug at the NE comer of the southernplatform, roughly where an atrium would havebeen located if any ever existed.The pit revealsan interior construction of boulders and smallrocks set in mud mortar and gravel.The EI Gallo pyramid is U..shaped-as aremanyInitial Period mounds (Williams1985). Itmaybe divided into two architectural sub..units:the main mass of the platform mound to thewest, and a facing plaza and north and southarms to the east (Figure 2 a, k). The westernmound's base measures 48 m (E..W) by 68 m(N..S),including the lower terrace annex on itsnorth side, and rises 4..5m abovethe surround..ing plain. It takes advantage of the naturaltopography of the landscape so that whenviewed from the fields to the east and south, itappears more massive. In this respect it is verylike other platform mounds of the Initial Periodand EarlyHorizon, such as those of CaballoMuerto in Moche, which also make use ofnaturalhighterracesto increasetheirapparentheightand size(T. Pozorski1976).Stone walls 85 em wide delimit the northand'south annexes of the pyramidand mayhaveserved as encircling walls (Figure2 1). On thenorth and south sides, the areas enclosed be..tween the collapsednorth and southfacesof thepyramid and these walls are 4..5m wide. Rem..nant walls running N..S appear to divide theseextensions into rooms. Becauseof rubble over..burden, no such wallsare visiblealongthe southZoubek:HuacaEl Gallo/IAGallinaface, although it is possible that such compart..ments exist. The entire west face ofEI Gallohas eroded into the ravine and only vestigesofthe SW comer remain intact. All these basalwalls are preserved to heights of, generally,lessthan 1 m. These foundation walls project eastfrom the main mound on the north and southside forming the outer enclosing walls of thearms of the sunken square plaza.The rectangular summit of the pyramidcurrendy measures 45 m (N..S)by 37 m (E..W).Willey (1953:212) gives an E..W measurementof 41 m and cites the existence of an 85 cmwide,well..defined,double:'facedenclosingouterwall, with rounded boulders set in mud mortar,on the summit. The erosion and collapseof thewest face of the mound account for the discrep..ancy of 4 m of summit extension. While see..tions of this summit wall still exist, in mostplaces it has been cfestroyed by looting anderosion. This activity has also destroyed allremainsofrectangular summit roomsmentionedby Willey. The majority of the mound is a massof disorder caused by extensive looting of themound summit and by erosion, and its sidesarecovered by numerous boulders.The pyramid'sfinal construction appears tohave consisted primarilyof a boulder and gravelfill retained by walls of irregular stones set inmud mortar. There appear to have been at leastthree terraced levels faced by',stone retainingwalls which sloped inward to increase stability.The stones were likely collected from thequebrada interior, and some may have beenquarried from the surrounding hills. Somerelatively intact walls are still visible on ElGallo's south and east sides. When Willeyfirstexamined the mound he noted the absence ofadobes anywhere (1953:211); however, duringthe 50..yearinterval since Willey'svisit, the sitehas experienced a great deal of damage, result..ing in the collapseof the outermost facingofthewestern side of the EIGallo mound revealinganinner wall constructed of conical adobes.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)The projecting armsof the EIGalloplatformmound enclose a sunken square plaza to theeast, giving the entire mound complex a U..shape (Figure2 k). In this respect it iscompara..ble to the much larger site of Huaca LosReyesin Moche (T. Pozorski 1976, 1983; Conklin1985). The facing plaza and arms togethermeasure 68 m long (N..S)by 47 m wide (E..W).The sunken square plaza is currently2 m belowthe surrounding arms which also causes theplatform to seem more imposingwhen viewedfrom the plaza. The north..projectingarm of theU is 15m wide (N-S) and 1-2mhigherthan thesouth arm which is 19 m wide (N..S). Thesemeasurements of width were taken from theinner face of the second terrace in the interiorplaza area to the outer wall. Alongthe east faceanother raised embankment runsN-S and joinsthe north andsoutharmsoftheUto completelyenclose a square plaza approximately33 m x 33m. The east face is in a state of collapse,par..tiallyeroding down the slope.,thus obscuringthetrue configuration of this face. The currentsurface of the plaza lies above the level of theplain to the south:outside the structure. Thedepth of the final plaza floor is unknown. Onthe La Gallina side of the site the floor of thewestern plaza lay under 20 cm of alluvium.More mayhave accumulated in the closedplazaarea at El Gallo.The interior of the plaza is bordered byterraced embankments of twolevelson allsides,and a possible third step..like bench is visiblealong the east face of the ElGalloPyramid. Theretaining walls of these terraces or benches aremade of stones one course wide and deep set inmud mortar, and most of these benches surviveintact. The terraced embankments on thenorth and south are flat..topped. The highstep-like bench measures 3 m wide, while thelower terrace has an average width of 1 m andrisesonly 20 cm above the current plazasurface.Willeymentions that a number ofdividingwallswere visible on the south flankingarm summit,and in 1994 one such wall was located; how..ever, the bulk of the south arm and terraceshave been severely looted since the 1940s and..42any other walls present have been obscured bythis activity.Because the eaStface is fronted bya sunkensquare plaza, it was assumed that the .principalstairway would be located in the center of theeast face. Prior to investigation a linear align..ment oflarge boulders appeared to delineate th~right (north) side of the stairway. Clearingrevealed this right stairwaywallwasconstructedof large rectangular stones laid in mud mortar.Excavation then proceeded from the north sidewall to the south along the east face for 3.5 mwithout discovering the south side walldelimit..ing the south edge of the stairway. It is likelythat this wallhad been destroyedbythe collapseof the pyramid. .The stairs were found to be at the center ofthe"eastface, and they determined the main axisof the El Gallo pyramid complex. It is unclearwhether another stairwaywasbuilt on the westface. The clearing of the base of the stairsrevealed that the three benches or terraces thatsurrounded the interior sides of the sunkensquare plaza were also present along the eastface of the pyramid (Figure5). The floor at thebase of the pyramid stairs was compact and hadsherds imbedded in it. On the surface of thisfloor were traces ofbuming and some ash. Theeast side of the floor had been ruptured. Thepresence of many huaquero (IQOter)pits alongthe east face of the pyramid combined withscattered human remains and cultural materialfrom later periods, principallyChimu (ca. 1100-1460A.D.), illustrates the pyramid's later reuseas a cemetery, a practice common in the valley(Willey 1953).The final stairway was composed of eightstairs with a landing between steps 4 and 5 anda second landing at the top (Figure 5). Eachstep's risingface wasconstructed of a singlerowof square or rectangular stones laid in mudmortar. Each step was about 20 cm high, 25..30cm deep and had a plastered upper surface ofcompact white clay most of which was intact.On the landing some of this plastering wasalso

43..preserved. From the floor of the plaza to theupper landing the stairway rises approximately2.5m.On the final landing another intrusiveChimu tomb was close to the surface. It hadsuffered some damage from the erosion andcollapseof material from the summit. The tombwasexcavated while clearing the upper landingin order to clarifythe construction sequence.inthis area of the pyramid. A large, deep, intru..sivelooter pit in the summit wasalsocleaned toobserve the sequence of construction. The. pitwas almost 3 m deep. The earliest phases ofconstruction of the EI Gallo pyramidcould notbe documented because they laybelowthe final. depthreachedin thispit.At least four construction phasesexistat theEIGallo pyramid (Figure 6). The first is repre..sented by Floor 4, found at the base of the'hua..queropit,and the associatedWall1 (Figure6 a,b). Whether WalII. was a retaining wall for asmalltruncated platform mound or some otherenclosure could not be established. Phase 2began with the fillingin of the area with rubbleand large rocks (Figure 6 c). A second fill oflighterconsistencywaslater addedand then theentire area wassealed by Floor3 (Figure6 d, e).While it is possible that a floor once existedbetween the two different layersoffill,evidencewaslacking. The third and fourth constructionphases appear to have been minor remodelings,as is clear from the thinness of the layers sepa..rating Floors 2, 3 and 4 from each other com..pared with the thickness of the fill separatingfloors 1 and 2 (Figure 6 f, g). A thick layer ofdisturbedrubble sealed the deposit (Figure6 h).Although it is impossible to correlate directlybuilding phases identified at the pyramid withthose suggested for other areas of the EI Gallosite, it is interesting to note that three mainconstruction phases were identified in Unit 1immediately north of the pyramid (Zoubek1997; 1998d).Although the earliest construction phases ofthe pyramid remain buried, it is likelythat theyZoubek: Huaca El GalIolLa Gallinawere small..scalein nature. The bulk of thepyramid appears to correlate with the massiveConstruction Phase 2 at which time an esti..mated 80% of the final mound height wasattained. It was also during this phase that allarchitecture from earlier phases was entombe~beneath fill. While the hearting of the pyramidis composed mostly of boulders and rubble,along the eroding west face of the pyramid awall of conical adobes is visible. It is possible. that at the end of the second construction phasethe pyramid was faced with plastered conicaladobe walls. Ultimately, the pyramidreceivedastone facingof rectangular and square stonessetin mud mortar. Along the west pyramid facethis outer stone facing has collapsed revealingthe earlier conical adobe inner wall. This se..quence of conical adobes followed by stonefacing has also been documented at the InitialPeriod site ofSechln Alto in the Casma Valley,and the use of conical adobes suggests thecontemporaneity of these two centers (Pozorskiand Pozorski 1987).No atrium walls were encountered duringclearing of the landings. It is likely that suchwalls, if they survive, are buried under therubble covering the pyramid summit. Furtherwork willbe necessary to clarifythe structure ofthis pyramid and identify those activities thatmay have taken place upon it.Huaca La Gallina: the eastern sunkenplazaand associatedcircular structuresWork at Huaca La Gallina initially focusedon the remains of several wallfootingsalongthenorth side of the eastern sunken circular plaza(Figure 2 c). At least four whole and partialcircular wallfootingswere visibleon the surfaceprior to excavation. They were located adjacentto the north side of the perimetric wall sur..rounding the eastern sunken circular plaza onthe La Gallina side of the site. Two were exca..vated entirely, and cuts were made on the southexterior of each structure in order to clarifytheirform, determine their function, define theirstratigraphy, and establish the correlation

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)among them and between them and the sunkencircular plaza. Four 10 x 10 m units were laidout, and an area of 85 m2was excavated thatincluded both circular wallfootingsand parts ofthe interior of the sunken circularplaza. Anumber of floors were encountered which werephysically linked with one another and clarifiedthe relation of the structures.Strncture 1The westernmost structure (Structure 1)was in the center of Unit I (Figure7 a). It wasa circular wall footing 3.4 m in external diame~ter formed by a 50 em wide wallof stone ma~sonry in mud mortar one course wide. Therewasa probable entrance 90 cmwideon the NWside (Figure 7 b). At 50 cm belowthe surface aprepared yellow~beigeclay (Mun,se1l10YR8/6)floor (hereafter Floor A) was encountered(Figure7c). The fragmentaryfloorhadsufferederosional damage. A second floor,gray~beigeincolor (Munse1l2.5Y7/2; hereafter FloorB) wasencountered 25 em below the first (Figure 7d,8a). This floor ave.rlay the sterile quebradasubsoil. A burial had been placed in the fillbetween Floors A and B (Figure 8 b). Theburial postdates Floor B, but it is unclearwhether the burial was intrusive into Floor Adue to the eroded condition of this floor.The burial pit was oriented E~Wand waslocated in the central part of the structure(Figure 7 a, 9). The pit was circular with adiameter of about 1.10 m and was about 1 mdeep. It was slightlyelongated toward the westside. This burial contained a flexed femaleskeleton oriented NE that appeared to havebeen forced into the pit. Small compact cakesof mud and medium~sizedto large~sizedrockswere associated with, and encrusted on, variousparts of the skeleton. Animal bones, charcoal,a quartz crystal, and two smallblue~greensoap~stone beads were collected from the matrixsurrounding the interment. The burial mayhave been dedicatory because its position andtomb construction differed markedly fromothers at the site (Zouhek 1997). The absence~44of domestic artifacts, despite fine screening, itssuggestsritual cleanliness, a concept welldocu~mented in the Andes (Burger and Salazar~Burger 1985:1l5~ 116;1986). This findingsupports a ceremonial function for this struc~ture.Structure2Structure 2 spanned the SEcomer ofUnit 1and the SW comer of adjacent Unit 2 (Figure10). This circular wall footing had an external. diameter of3.7 m and wascomposed of a 50 cmwide wall of stone masonry of one course set inmud mortar with gravel. Other features wereattached to this outer wall. Two parallel wallsegments extend out from the east exterior wallface,projecting approximately 80 cm to the east .(Figure 10 a). They may have defined an en,trance. Arc,shaped walls were located parallelto the NW and SW external sidesof the sti'uc~ture (Figure 10 c, d). .In addition, one linearalignment of stones oriented SW~NEwasfoundin the interior of the structure on the NW side(Figure 10b).Excavationrevealed a concentration ofeightChoromytilusvalves 15 cm below the surfacebetween the two east projecting wallsegments.A fragmented, thin~walled,hemisphericalbowl,together with additional Choromytilusvalveswere found between the SW arc~shapedwalland the structure's SWexterior (Figure 10d).Although these artifacts were not associatedwith any prepared floor, it is possible that thefinal floor of this structure (and also that ofStructure 1) had eroded awaycompletely. Thepresence of the various offerings noted at aconsistent depth supports the assertion thatthey had rested on a floor. The soil belowthislevel alsodiffersfrom the proposed floorlevelinthat it contained a greater number of largerrocks and compact clods of clay.The first prepared floor of Structure 2 wasencountered 25~30 cm belowthe surface (Figure11b). Associated with the floorwasa U~shapedalignment of stones in the center of the struc~

45Zoubek:Huaca El GaUo/La Gallinature and an arc,shaped stone alignmentlocatedon the structure's south interior (Figure 12).Although initially the U,shaped structurelooked like-a hearth, no ash or other evidence ofburningwas found nor were any ventilationshaftsdiscovered. The flooron which thesefeatureswerelocated correspondedstratigraphi,cally to Floor A. Floor B was encountered 15cmbelowFloorA buried byan interveninglayerof fill (Figure 11 c, d). Areas of this floor hadred,orange coloration indicating. abumingepisode. This layer was associated with theinitialconstructionof the structuresince the .wallfootingreached to this depth. A third floor(Floor C) was encountered some 10 cm belowFloor2 (Figure 11e). It predated the construc,tion ofStructure 2 and passedbeneath the stonewallfootingswhileoverlayingthe sterilequebra,da subsoil.In order to explore further the relationshipbetween the external circt,llarstructures and thesunken circular plaza, a 2 x 4 m area in the SEcorner of Unit 2 wasexcavated (Figure13, 14).The sunken cireula,rplaza wassurrounded by adouble,faced perimetric stone wall 1.2 m thickwith a gravel, earth, and sand core. The maxi,mum-external diameter of the sunken circularplaza was 16.5 m and its internal diameter was14.8 m. The plaza had been affected by allu,vium, wind erosion, and looter activity. Thishad destroyed a large part of the architectureand had disrupted the stratigraphy.Floor A was found 25 cm belowthe surfacealong the exterior face of the perimetric wall.About 15 cm below Floor A, a second floor(Floor 2) was revealed that waswhitish,yellowin color (Munsell5Y 812) and was greatly e,roded. It is possible that this floor was aSsoci,ated with the construction of the sunken plaza'sperimetric wall since the base of the wall ap'peared to rest on this same level, however, noplaster bonding between the walland floor wasin evidence (Figure 14 a). Plaster fragmentswere recovered in the intervening fill betweenthe first and second floors, suggestingthat theouter face of the perimetric wall had originallybeen plastered.Following the dismantling of the wall, anintrusive pit containing the burial of an oldwoman was discovered (Figures 14 d, 15, 16).The burial pit was aligned along a SW,NE axisand was delimited by medium,sized rocks. Ithad an elongated plan measuring 1.7 ' IIi(SW,NE) by 80 cm (SE,NW) and was 40 cmdeep with respect to its matrix. The womanwasinterred in a fetal position with the head locatedto the NW and facing slightlyNE. Seven red,dish,gray agates were found located on thenorth side of the tomb near the hand (Figure16a) andremainsofChoromytilus shellswereat thesouth side. The agates showed no signofhavingbeen worked. The use of red stone beads hasbeen noted in tombs of the preceding LatePreceramic Period, for example at Asperoj andit is possible that the agates fulfilleda functionsimilar to that of the peads in the Aspero tomb(Feldman 1985j Quilter 1991).Belowthe burial further excavation revealedFloor B, which continued below the wall andformed the uppermost floor surface of the ter,raced benches lining the interior of the sunkencircular plaza (Figure 14.b). A fourth and finalfloor, (FloorC) wasexposed slightlybelowFloorB (Figure 14 c). This floor was grayish,yellow(Munsell 2.5Y 7/4) and correspondedstratigraphically with Floor C fromBtructure 2(seeabove) which pre,dated the construction ofthat structure.The eastern sunken circular plazaAn L,shaped trench was excavatedalongthe west side of Unit 3 to expose the basal floorof the sunken plaza (Figure 14). Excavationwithin the sunken circular plaza revealed thecontinuationofthe gray,beigeFloorBfrom thepreceding excavation and below it grayish,yellow Floor C as the final and. penultimatefloors surfacing the upper surfaces of thebenches that descended along the plaza'sinte,rior to the plaza floor (Figure 14 b, c).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Thus, the plaza and its three..tieredring ofbenches was built prior to the construction ofthe outer perimetric wall. Floor C was corre..lated with the floor underlyingStructure 2, andclearlypre..dates the construction of that struc..ture, indicating that the sunken circular plazahad initially stood alone and that the smallcircular structures were added later as part of ageneral refurbishment. . The final refurbishmenttook place at the same time as the constructionof the surrounding circular structures, based onthe correlation of the final plazasurface (FloorB) with Floor B of Structures 1 and 2, becausethis floor was associated with the constructionof these wall footings (Figure 17). The peri..metric wall wasthe final addition, perhaps builtto better separate the ceremonial spaces occu..pied by the sunken plaza and the surroundingsecondary structures.The discovery of a reconstructable bowl ofGuafiape cultutal affiliation in the SW ex~eriorcorner of Structure 2 supports the dating of thestructures and sunken plaza to no later than theMiddle Guafiape Phase. The discovery,underthe perimetric wall and in Structure 1, of twoflexed female burials facing toward the NErepeats:several of the Guafiape burialcanons atother areas of this site and at contemporarysitesfrom the neighboring valleysof Moche, Chica..ma, and Santa (Donnan and Mackey 1978;Larco 1941, 1945; Cesar Lecca, personal com..munication). Both of the burialsappear to havebeen dedicatory in nature, perhaps made toinsure the successof rituals takingplace withinthe structures. This, along with the absence ofanyassociateddomestic refuse,and the presenceof items posited to have had a ritual functionelsewhere around the foundations and on thefloors of these shrines, supports the interpreta..tion of the sunken circular plaza and adjoiningcircular structures as ceremonial in function.The assertion that the circular structureshad a ritual function is also supported by theirsizes and configurations,which differ markedlyfrom. Guafiape domestic structures identifiedelsewhere. Willey (1953:46, 48..51, figures 7..46and 8) notes two late Guafiape domestic sites,V..83and V..84. Although the refuse waslight,the domestic zones he discusses did yield CIasignificant number of potsherds." House foun..darions at the sites were characterized by "walls. . . of double..face type with a narrow fill ofsmaller stones. . . masonry was cyclopean andthe stones had been set in mud mortar" (WilleyIbid.:48). Willeyisolated a total of25..30housesconsisting of some 70 rooms in total. As Willeysummarizes, "Each house is composed of fromone to six rooms with the average about tworooms. Most buildings and rooms are more orlessrectangular although there issome tendencyfor many of the houses to have rounded cor..ners" (Ibid.:51).In 1998, excavations directed by the authorin the Susanga area of the Upper HtIacapongodrainage included the clearing of a MiddleGuafiape domestic structure. Like the LateGuafiape structures identified by Willey, theMiddle Guafiape example was formed by tworooms, each roughly rectangular in shape, butwith rounded comers. There was abundantrefuse associated with this structure, includinglargenumbers ofpotsherds, manyheavilysootedfrom use. Faunal remains included manymarine shells, most notably purple mussels,aswell as fish bones.The wall footings indicated that the twoexcavated structures at LaGallina originallyhadperishable superstructures which have sincedisappeared. No evidence of post..holes orhearths was recovered. Neither structure hadbeen ritually interred after the final period ofuse. Rather, it appears both were simplyaban..doned at the end of the site's occupation.However, one must consider that the heavyerosion noted in this area of the site may havewashed away significant amounts of materialthat could have once interred the structures.Wall footings of at least two other structures,with estimated external diameters of 3.4 m and3.Sm,were found to the east of Structures 1and2.

47..It is likely that all had functions similar tothose of Structures 1 and 2, servingas settingsformoreintimate rituals forsmalleraudiencesashas been suggested for small ventilated hearthstructures found in Casma with similardimen..sions and for the larger sunken circular courtsfound on the wings of Initial Period Cardal inLUrln(Pozorskiand Pozorski1996jBurger1987:369..370jBurger and SalazarBurger1991:291)..The structures at the Casma Valley sites weredated by radiocarbon and by ceramic associa..tions and, with the exception of Huaynumi,were all clearly Initial Period in date (pozorski.and Pozorski 1996:343, table 1). Althoughdates are so far lacking from Huaca El GallolLaGallina,ceramicassociationsclearlyindicate thecontemporaneity of the structures with those ofCasma.The Huaca El GaUo/lA Gallina circular~tnlCtUrescompared with thoseof CasmaThe circular structures identified at HuacaLa Gallina have a great deal in common withsttuctures identified by the Pozorskis in theCasma Valley at -the Initial Period sites ofPampa de Las Llamas..Moxeke,Taukachi Kon..kan, and Bahfa Seca and the Preceramicsite ofHuaYnuna(Pozorskiand Pozorski1996). Thesestructures were notable for the presence of aventilated hearth at the center of each. Ofeight structures, five were round with internaldiameters from 3.2..4.32m andaveraging3.6m(pozorski and Pozorski Ibid.:343,table 1). Inaddition, tworectangular structureswerenoted.One at the Preceramic site of Huaynuna mea..sured 3.0 x 2.5 m while the second at Pampa deLasLlamas..Moxekemeasured 2.55x 2.45 m. Afinal square structure 7 x 7 m in area was 10"cated in an administrative mound complex andwas a reutilization of a square room unit notoriginallycontaining a hearth (Ibid.:349).The dimensions of the circular structuresand internal areas encompassed by the rectan...gular structures are similar to those of the circu..lar structures found at Huaca La Gallina. Ofthe circular structures associated with theZoubek:Huaca El Gallo/lA Gallinasunken plaza at Huaca La Gallina, the range indiameter was 3.4 m to 3.7 m with an averageof3.5 m. An El Gallo example may have servedadifferent function from those at La Gallina,especiallygivenits location directlyover a tomb,but it, too, wasconstructed in the Samemannerand associated with the foundations of other,mostly buried, circular wall footings (Zoubek1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 1998d).Each of the Casma structures wassmallandcomposed of stone wall footings of irregularboulders set in mud mortar like the La Gallinastructures. In most cases, the wall footingssurvived to less than 1 m. Each was posited tohave had a perishable superstructure and insome cases direct evidence waspresent. At thesite of Taukacki Konkan one circular structurecontained material believed to have made upthe roof including "numerous curved twigsandsootytwigand cane..impressedplaster fragments.found on the floor" (Pozorskiand Pozorski1996:345). At Bahia Seta another structure thatlacked a stone footing had a superstructureapparently supported by 5..8cm diameter postsset in a stone..lined trench. In addition, thisstructure yielded totora reed mats and juncorope chat likelycomposed the superstructure ofthe building which is hypothesized to have hada dome shape (Ibid.:346).Additionaljunco ropeand cane were recovered in other structures atPampade LasLlamas..Moxeke,and curvedvinesand sticks and fragments of silty clay plasterbearing impressions of sticks were found in aTaukacki Konkan structure (Ibid.:347..348).Itishypothesizedon the basisof indirect evidencethat the Huaca La Gallina structures and theone excavated at Huaca El Gallo (Zoubek1998a, 1998b)had superstructures similarto theCasma examples.Unlike the Casma examples, the Huaca ElGallo/La Gallina structures did not rest on anyraised platform or dais, but were built directlyupon finished plaster plaza floors (Zoubek 1997j1998a;1998b).The Virustructuresdifferfromthose of Casma in their lack of hearths andventilation shafts. Although one structure

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)appeared to contain some sort of interior struc..ture (Figures 10 b, 12), no ash was found nordid any of the structures manifest evidence ofinterior firing. Rather, many of the structurescontained burials. Their smallsizesuggeststhatonly a small group could have taken part inceremonies at once, perhaps individualsrelatedby blood or fictively.In contrast to the Casma ventilated hearthstructures which were built isolated from oneanother, at Huaca El GallolLa Gallina circularritual structures were constructed in groups. Nomaterial indicative of domestic use is found ineither set of structures nor in their vicinity.Other than some sherds and small pieces ofquartz czystaland shell, the El Gallo/LaGallinastructures are devoid of artifacts. Interestingly,many of these same artifacts were recovered inhighland ventilated hearth structures such as atHuaricoto; however, there they were generallyrecovered burnt from the central hearths. (Bur..ger and Salazar..Burger1980:28,1985;1986).That these structures were important toritual and yet not the centers forprimazyritualsin Vim is shown by their location next to, butnot upon, the largepyramidalmoundstructures.In Casma, the hearth structures were foundboth on and next to the pyramidssuggestingthat they played a slightly different role inceremony. Evidence is so far lacking as towhether Viru circular structures were built onthe pyramids. However, the public nature ofthe impressive pyramid..platformmounds andassociated plazas underscores the differencebetween Initial Period rituals in the smallstruc..tures and the public architecture. Such a con..trast also characterizes the differencebetweenInitial Period coastal and highland ceremonywith the formeroverwhelminglypublicin natureand the latter restricted to smallinterpersonalrituals from Preceramic times into the EarlyHorizon. The smallcircular structures'presenceon the coast may represent the integration ofthese highland rituals as secondaryceremoniesinto the wider ceremonial practice (see alsoP6zorskiand Pozorski 1996:350..352).Huaca HIGallo/La Gallina contrastedwith other known Guaftape sites..48Prior to this project no large Initial Periodsettlements of this period were known to existinViru, nor was the Guafiape Culture believed tohave constructed sites of this magnitude. EarlyGuaiiape was limited to one site (V..71), andonly two Middle Guafiape Phase sites wereknown, V..71 and V..100, 1.5 km inland fromV..71. The type site for the Guafiape Culturehad been Huaca Negra which lies within akilometer of the Pacific Ocean (Strong andEvans 1952; Willey 1953). The most notablepublic architecture at this site is the Temple ofthe Llamas, a rectangular structure measuringonly 15.75 m (N..S) x 19.35 m (E..W) andaccessed by a three..step stairway (Strong andEvans 1952:28,figure 5). Like the El Gallo andLa Gallina pyramids, it faces to the NE, nearlysharing the sameorientation at E 7ONmagnetic.It is also built on a natural rise. Its walls areconstructed from irregular rock boulders set inmud mortar and vary from 65..80cm thick witha preserved height of 75..80cm (Ibid.:28;Willey1953:55..57, figure9). The east stairwaystepswere 25 cm, 35 em, and 65 cm deep respectivelyand each was 90 cm wide and rose 20..25em.Strong and Evans noted the use of conicaladobes to close the east entrance. It is unclearwhether the temple was entombed or reutilizedafter the closure. Like El Gallo, it appears thatthe exterior walls of the Llama Temple wereplastered (Strong and Evans 1952:31). Themany shared traits between the Llama Templeand EIGallo, as well as the material assemblageleave no doubt as to their contemporaneity.Conical adobes like those found at V..71arealsopresent at El Gallo as well as a number of othersites in the valley, including Huaca San Juan Iand II (V..77and V..103), V..126, V..127,V..149, V..198,and V..206.Other circular stone foundations like thoseof El GallolLa Gallina have only been found atV..140 and possibly at V..512 of the Chavimo..chic survey (Uceda etal. 1990),both sitesin theupper Huacapongo. Given that in Viru these

49..structures have wall footings that survive to lessthan 1 m in heightJ many may be bUriedJso thefull distribution of these structures is unknown.Their association with a sunken circular plaza atHuaca La GallinamayJ likewise, argue for theinterrelations of rituals and ceremonies carriedout in the two areas.The absence of ventilated hearths in theVirUcasesJdespite their other manysimilaritieswith the Casma structures, suggestseither an insitUceremonial development or a further trans..formation of highland canons. The presence ofyet another circular ventilated hearth structureat Montegrande in the ]equetepeque Valley(Pozorskiand Pozorski 1996:343,table 1,350;Tellenbach 1986:250..254Jplates 103, 104J105J144J 145), 300 km north of Casma, becomesproblematic because it is unclear whether thisrepresents a case of independent developmentor an alternate route of coast..highland ex..change of religious practices. At this point nocoastwiseproliferation of the ventilated hearthstructures that characterized the highlandKoto~h Religious Tradition may be posited.Only with .further surveyand excavationcanthe nature and extent of the Vir6.type struc..tures be known.ConclusionsIt is now clear that V-71 and the LlamaTemple were marginalsites duringthe GuafiapePhase. As opposed to the earlier setdementpattern identified for this culture which showeda concentration along the shore and in thelower valley (Willey 1953), the data from EIGallorelocate the center of the Guafiapeoccupationto the upper valley and, specmcallYJtothe Huacapongo Drainage. The EI Gallo siteshows that, despite'earlier hypotheses, MiddleGuafiapedoes represent the culmination or fulldevelopment of the Guafiape Culture in VirU(Strongand Evans1952:209;Willey1996). Toview the Guafiape culture from the vantagepoint of V-71 as the type site is to grossly under..estimate the Guafiape phase technology andoccupation and use of the entire valley. WhileZoubek:Huaca EI Gallo/IA Gallinathe Initial Period setdement pattern of the Vir6.Valley is still unclearJ the work at EI Gallo/LaGallina suggests that it will resemble thosepatterns of other north coast valleys.The circular, non-domestic structUre seemsto be a diagnostic aspect of GuafiaperitUalarchitecture. The Pozorskisnote the similaritiesbetween highland ventilated hearth structuresof the Kotosh Religious Tradition and thosethey excavated in Casma, and hypothesize ahighland origin for the structures which weregradually adopted but reinterpreted within acoastal framework. They suggestLa Galgadaasa transitional site of adoption (Pozorski andPozorski 1996:350-351). It is unclear whetherthe Virt1structures represent a further divergenceof the circular ritUalstructUrefrom thoseof the highlands, wherein the ritual meaning ofthe structure was transformed and the omnipresenthearth was eliminated. The similarritual context and content of the structures inViru and Casma may b"ecoincidental. Anothersuggestionisthat the Viru structUresmayderivefrom earlier Preceramic house forms. As demonstratedby Malpass and Stothert (1992),during the Preceramic much domestic housingwas circular. With time and increasing complexitya square room form was adopted. Thecircular form characterizes egalitarian socialformations (Kent 1990). It is possible that inthe Viru cases the circular form was retainedbecause of its earlier associations with egalitarianismwhich stressed the unity of communityand equal access to resources. In this instanceconservatismmayhave characterized thisaspectof religious architecture. Such overtones mayhave been essential given the characterizationofInitial Period society by many as reciprocalandlacking status classes (Burger 1992). Thisarchaic form was contrasted with the templemounds themselves which, though the result ofcommunity labor,mayhave symbolizeddifferentpower relations.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)AcknowledgmentsThis project was supported by grants fromThe National Science Foundation and YaleUniversity. Pedro lberico and Cesar Leccasupervised portions of the excavation andAlfredo Mely drew the site map. Ceramicillustrations were done by Aidan Zoubek.Students from the UniversityofTrujillopartici~pated in the fieldwork. Permission for theinvestigation was granted by the lnstitutoNacional de Cultura. Ana Maria Hoyle andCesar Galvez Mora of the Regional INC inTrujillo were especially helpful. I would alsolike to thank the people of El Nino, especiallySegundo Rios, Julio Arriaga, and Vicente andEduardo Castro.References CitedBennett, Wendell1939 Archaeology of the North .Coastof Peru. AnAccount of Exploration and Excavationin VimandLambayequeValleys.Anthropological PapersoftheAmericanMuseumofNatUralHistory37(1).Bird,Junius B., John Hyslop;and MilicaD. Skinner1985 The Preceramic Excavations at the HuacaPrieta, Chicama Valley, Peru. AnthropologicalPapersof theAmericanMuseumofNatUral History62(1).Burger,Richard L.1985 ConcludingRemarks:EarlyPeruvianCivilizationand its Relation to the Chav{nHorizon.In Earl,CeremonialArchirectUreof theAndes,editedbyChristopher B. Donnan, pp. 269-289.Washington,D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Libraryand Collection.1987 The U-shaped PyramidComplex,Cardal, Peru.NationalGeographicResearch3(3):363-375.1992 Chavmand the Originsof AndeanCivilization.London and New York:Thames and Hudson.Burger,Richard L. and Lucy Salazar-Burger1980 Ritual and Religionat Huaricoto.Archaeology33(6):26-32.1985 The EarlyCeremonialCenterof Huaricoto.InEarlyCeremonial ArchirectUreoftheAndes,editedby Christopher B.Donnan, pp. Ill- 138. Washington,D.C.: Dumbarton OaksResearchLibraryand Collection.1986 Early Organizational Diversityin the PeruvianHighlands: Huaricoto and Kotosh. In AndeanArchaeology:Papersin MemoryofCliffordEvans,edited by Ramiro Matos Mendieta, Solveig ATurpin, and Herben H. ElingJr.,pp. 65-82. LosAngeles, California: University of CaliforniaInstitute of Archaeology Monograph 27.1991 TheSecondSeasonofInvestigationat theInitialPeriodCenter of Cardal,Peru.JournalofFieldArchaeology18:275-297.Canziani A, Jos~1989 Asentamientoshumarws,formacionesocialesenLacostanorredelantiguoPerU(delpaleoliticoaMocheV). Lima: Instituto Andino de EstUdiosArqueol6gicos (lNDEA).Carneiro, Robert1970 A Theoryon the Originof the State.Science169:733-738.Conklin, William1985 The ArchitectureofHmi.caLosReyes.In Earl,CeremonialArchitectureintheAndes,editedbyChristopher B. Donnan, pp. 139-164.Washington,D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Libraryand Collection.Conrad, Geoffrey1977 Modelsof Compromisein SettlementPatternStudies: An Example from Coastal Peru. World. Archaeology9(3):281-298.Corbett, John M.1953 Review of Cultural Stratigraphy in the VirUValley, Northern Peru: The Formative andFlorescentEpochs.AmericanAntiquity 19:86-87.Donnan, Christopher B. and Carol Mackey1978 AncientBurialPatternsof theMocheValley,Peru.Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press.Feldman,Robert1985 Preceramic Corporate Architecture: Evidencefor the Development of Non-Egalitarian SocialSystemsinPeru.In Earl, CeremonialArchirectUrein theAndes,edited by Christopher B. Donnan,pp. 71-92. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton OaksResearch Libraryand Collection.Ford, James A1952 Reply to "The Virll Valley Sequence: A CriticalReview." American Antiquiry 17:250.Ford, James A. and Gordon R. Willey1949 Surface Survey of the VirUValley,Peru. AnthropologicalPapersoftheAmericanMuseumofNaturalHistory43(1).Kent, Susan1990 A Cross-Cultural Studyof Segmentation, Architecture,and the UseofSpace. DomesticArchitectUreandthe Use of Space,edited by Susan Kent,pp. 127-152. London and New York: CambridgeUniversity Press.Kroeber, Alfred L.1930 Archaeological Explorations in Peru Part II. TheNorthern Coast. FieldMuseumof Natural HistoryAnthropologicalMemoirs 2(2).Larco Hoyle, Rafael1941 Los Cupisniques.Lima: Casa Editora La Cr6nicay Variedades S.A

Zoubek:HuacaEl Gallo/LaGallina1945 LosCupisniques.BuenosAires:SociedadGeogra,fica Americana.Malpass, Michael and Karen Stothert1992 Evidence for Preceramic Houses and HouseholdOrganization in Western South America. .An.-dean Past 3:137,163.pozorski,Shelia1983 ChangingSubsistencePrioritiesand EarlySettle,ment Patterns on the North Coast of Peru.Journal of Ethnobotan, 3 (2): 15.38.Pozorski, Thomas1976 Caballo Muerto: A Complex of EarlyCeramic Sitesin the MocheValk1, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D.dissertation, Department of Anthropology,University of Texas, Austin.1983 The CaballoMuertoComplexand its Placein .the Andean Chrono~ogical Sequence. Annals ofCarnegieMuseum52:1--40.pozorski, Thomas and Shelia Pozorski1987 Earl, Settlement and Subsistencein the CasmaValley. Iowa City: University oflowa Press.1991 Storage, Access Control, and BureaucraticProliferation: Understanding the Initial Period(1800,900 B.C.) Economy at Pampa de lasLlamas,Moxeke,CasmaValley,Peru. Researchin EconomicAnthropology 13:341,371.1992 Early Civilizationin ,the CasmaValley,Peru.Antiquity66:845,870.1996 Ventilated Hearth Structuresin the CasmaValley,Peru.LatinAmericanAntiquity 7:341,353.Quilter, Jeffrey1991 LatePreceramicPeru.]oumalofWorldPrehistory- _ 5:387,438.Strong, William D. and CliffordEvartsJr.1952 CulturalStratigraph,in theVim Valley,NorthernPeru:TheFonnativeandFlorescent Periods.NewYork: Columbia University Press.Tellenbach, Michael1986 DieAusgrabungen inderfmmati~eitlichenSiedlungMontegrande, Jequetepeque.Tal, Nord Peru.AVA,Materialien 39 (MUnchen).Uceda, Santiago, Jos~Carcel~n, and Victor Pimentel1990 Catastro delossitiosarqueo16gicos deldreadeinfluenciadel canal de irrigadooChavimochic.VallesdeSanta(PaloRedondo),Vim. Patrimonioarqueo16gico'Zona NOTte2. Instituto Departa,mental de Cultura,La Libertad,Trujillo, Peru.Vasquez,VCctor,Teresa RosalesTham, and A. FernandezHonores1995 Informe final: Analisis de material orgamco delas huacas El Gallo y La Gallina,valle de VirU.MS on File,Arqueobios,UniversidaddeTrujillo,Trujillo, Peru.Verano, John1996 Osteological AnalysisofGuafiapePeriod Burialsat Huaca El Gallo, Vim Valley, Peru. Paperpresented at the 61st Annual Meeting of theSociety for American Archaeology, New Or,leans.Willey, Gordon1953 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Vir6Valley, Peru. SmithsonianInstitutionBureauofAmericanEthnologyBuUetin155. Washington,D.C.: Government Printing Office.1996 SomeRemembrances of the VirUValleyProject.Paper presented at the 61st Annual Meeting ofthe Society for American Archaeology, NewOr~ans.'Williams, Carlos1985 A Scheme for the EarlyMonumental Architec,tureofthe CentralCoastofPeru.Early Cer~nialArchitecturein theAndes,editedbyChristo,pher B. Donnan, pp. 227,240. Washington,D.C.: DumbartonOaks ResearchLibraryandCollection. .Wilson, David1981 Of Maize and Men: A Critique of the MaritimeHypothesis of State Origins on the Coast ofPeru. American Anthropologist 83:93, 120.Zoubek, Thomas1997 The InitialPeriod Occupation of Huaca El Gallo!HuacaLaGallina,VimValley,PeruandItsImpU,cations for GuanapePhaseSocial Complexity.Unpublished Ph,p. dissertation, Department ofAnthropology, Yale University, New Haven,Connecticut.1998a1998b1998c1998dAn Unusual Stone Sculpture from Huaca ElGallo,VimValley,Peru.JournalofFieldArchae,ology25:345,355.Una escultura de piedra del formativo del sitiode Huaca EI Gallo,Huaca La Gallina, vallemediodeVim. RetlistadelMuseodeArqueologfaAntropologCe Historl46:57,85(Trujillo,Peru).Ancestors and the Ayllu in Coastal Peru: Replyto Isbell. Paper presented at the 26th AnnualMidwest Conference on Andean and Amazo.nian Archaeology and Ethnohistory, Urbana,Champaign, Illinois.Archaeological Evidence of PreceramiclInitialPeriod Ancestor Worship and Its Relevance toEarlyAndean Coastal SocialFormations.Journalof theStewardAnthropological Society,26:71.112.1999 Elformativo temprano en el vallemediodeVim.SociedaddeInvestigaciones Arqueo16gicas delNOTte,in press.'

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..52Huaca EIGallo I ~GallinaFigure 1.Map of the Peruvian North Coast Valleys.

Zoubek:Huaca El Gallo/I.JlGaUinaN...,.').. ..~..,,'MetersFigure 2.Map of the site of Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina, Viru Valley, Peru. a) Huaca EI Gallo.b)Huaca LaGallina. c) EasternSunken Circular Plazaand associated structures. d) Huaca EIGalloCircular Structure. e) Double,faced wall. f) Ravine. g) Western Sunken Circular Plaza.h) Hillspur. i) EIGallo Canal.j) Agricultural furrows.k) Sunken Square Plaza.I)Stone perimeterwalls.Hachures indicate excavation units.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..54adFigure3.Ceramicsherdsrecoveredat EI Gallo.a) GuaiiapeIncisedRib, b) GuaiiapeIncisedRib,c)GuaiiapePunctate,d) GuaiiapePunctate.Sherdsareillustrated1:1.

55.. Zaubek:Huaca El GaUo/lAGallinaFigure4.Photoof the EI Gallosideof the sitefrom the cliffsto the sites'snorth; The secondaryplatformis in the foregroundandthe EI Gallo pyramidwith its facingcourt is locatedin backof thesecondaryplatformandterreplein.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Figure5.Photo of the east,facingstairwayat Huaca ElGallo after clearing. Central portion ofgrid consistsof 1 m squares.

Zoubek:Huaca El GallolLa Gallinao~.. dIiFigure6..StratigraphyofHuaca EIGallo,WestProfile:(a) Floor4, (b)WaIll, (c) FillaboveWalll, (d)lighter fill, (e) Floor 3, (f) Floor 2, (g) Floor 1, (h) disturbed rubble. Scale is 1 meter.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..58, .. . \. .Figure 7.Structure 1: (a) Burialpit, (b) probable entrance to the structure, (c) Floor A, (d) FloorB, (e,e)cut of north stratigraphicprofile (See Figure 8). Note that this plan view representSdifferentlevelsin differentsectorsasa result of partial excavation (SeeFigure9, which showsthe structureat the samestage of excavation.) Scaleintervals are 10centimeters. Patterns followconventionsfor archaeologicalillustrationsused in Trujillo, Peru region; see key, Figure 18.

59.. Zoubek:HuacaEl Gallo/LaGaUinaoIFigQre 8. Burial 1,Structure1,northstratigraphicprofile (e..e'on Figure7): a) FloorB.,b) Burialpit, c)Structure1wall footing. Seekey,Figure18. Scaleis 1meter.Figure9.Photo of Structure 1showingthe burial pit inside of the structure, aswell asfloors A (foregroundleft) and B (foreground right). Scalestick is 20 em.

___0._...-9' ',i)'"%) (;>Figure10. Structure 2. a) Eastwardprojectingwalls.b) Internal NE,SW di~ding wall.c) Arc, shapedsurrounding walls.d) Locationofofferingse,e (soliddots). Location of cut of South stratigraphicprofile (Figure 11). See key, Figure 18. Scale is 1 meter.

0\......~.fB.. ... .. ..''''-'Q-'''''''::9--;;-'-:--'''0 .. - --, , -0.. ... ... . ':~ ! "_...6 ' . . . . . . ~.' J .:0':: --. ~;.(J.-.:.',>'.':..O-:'..::.' . .. . '.' . ..' .. '. ". ...,. '" . . ..' . ". ,.,/ A. ~ - _. .""""a'.,. '.:" ~O:. c.' "A~" . "".:'. '1 .,.::, '.. 0 "' 0'" ..~ o '.' /' v'~," J... " 'r..:;;.: .-('~~i:." ~,"~" /z :. '"I.. , ...: \.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..62Figure 12.. Photo of Structure 2 showingthe exterior features as well as the U~shaped inner wall feature.Central grid squares are 2 meters.

63.. Zoubek: Huaca El Gallo/lA GallinaFigure 13.Photo showingthe relationofSttuctures 1and 2 (inbackground) and flooroutside ofthe SunkenCircular Plaza. Scale stickis excavation is 20 cm.

I~~0\-- No8-9 !. ,u-s 1102s- -. ': :.. .~.,..Figure 14.Unit 2,3 Trench, west stratigraphic profile:a) Floor 2, Structure 3. b) FloorB. c) FloorC. d) BurialPit. See key, Figure18. Inset is excavation unit at c on Figure 2 but at an earlier stage of excavation. The line between the north and southindicators shows where the profilewas taken. The left portion of the profile represents the sunken circular plaza. Thedotted lines here represent a presumed extension of the terr3;ce.~

65- Zoubek:HuacaEl Gallo/LaGallinaFigure 15.Unit 2-3, Photo of the burialfound under the sunken plaza'sperimeter wall. See Figure 16. Scalestick is 20 em.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)ỊIIIIItII_.--.---'Figure 16.Unit 2,3, Burialfoundunder the sunken plaza'sperimetric wall:a) Location of offeringsof agates.See Figure 15. Scale is 1meter.

Zoubek:HuacaEZGallo/LaGallina'.Figure 17. Photoshowingrelationof Structures1 (foreground)and2 (background).Scalestickis 20 em.

ANDEAN }>AST 6 (2000)~ 68E3[ill~. . -,.~i ' .. ..' -.,,.0. '. '.' \.Floor Profile floor Compact earth Loose earth...' ..; ...... .,I: ". ..§'EJ('..:.",:-) , :JSand Mortar Stone ProlongationFigure 18.Keyto conventions used in figures.

BoDD.ESS HUMAN HEADs IN P ARACAS NECROPOUSTExTILE ICONOGRAPHYAnne PaulLaboratoire Techniques et Culture, CNRS, Paris andImtitute of Andean Studies, BerkeleyIntroductionDepictions of bodiless human heads areomnipresent in Paracas Necr6polis textileiconography.Most commonlythey are eitherheld in, or hang from, the hands of figureswhose arms are outstretched. They also areshownsuspendedfromelbows,positionedat themouth and in front of the torso,attached toheadsof wholefigures,placed at the ankles or inthe feet, depicted in and at the edges of cos..tumes, set in containers carried,on the backs ofanthropomorphs, hung from staffs,and affixedas teiminators to hair as wellas to various tape..like appendages that emaJ;latefrom heads andbodies. Imagesof bodilessheads alsoappear bythemselves embroidered on the borders, fields,and tabs of weaving~. They are associatedwithmany different iconographic types, includingsupernatUralbeings,human representations,andzoomorphicimages(seeFigures1..11).What arethe messagesthat these heads convey?The over 300 images that comprise thesample for this study are embroidered on an..cient textiles that come from funerary bundlesexcavated from a cemetery called the Necr6..polis of Wari Kayan on the Paracas Peninsula,between the Pisco.and lea River Valleyson thesouth coast of Peru.1 These weavings weremade for, and buried with, certain membersofParacas/f opara society; the earliest bundlesinterred in the Necr6polis'date to Early Horizonepoch 10 and the latest ones to Early Intermedi..ate Period epoch 2, a time extending fromroughly 100 BC to 200 AD. During these 300years Paracas/f opara weavers favored plainweave fabrics embroidered with autonomousand non..interacting figures. While the specificaim of this article is to interpret one particularaspect of Paracas Necr6polis textile iconogra..phy-the bodiless head- the discussionwillofnecessity encompass a more general problem:what can we see and deduce from the iconogra..phy, and what can we.not?Bodiless heads in the archaeological recordSome of the depictions of human heads inParacas Necr6polis textile iconography mayallude to actual bodiless heads like those foundat several Paracas.and Paracas/f opara cemeter.. .ies. Kroeber describes and illustrates at leastnine human trophy heads that accompaniedParacas burials dug up by looters at an Ocucaje(lea Valley) cemetery in 1942 (1944:38 and pI.11).2 These heads had been cut in two verti..cally, with a front half of the skull (exciudingthe lowerjaw) and a rear half.Skinandhairarepreserved on the fore portion of each head.1 Vestiges of the Paracas and Paracas!fopara culturaltraditions are present on the Paracas Peninsula and innumerous south coast valleys and the littorals between,spanning the EarlyHorizon and the firsttwoepochs oftheEarly Intermediate Period, ca. 700 BC to 200 AD (seePaul 1991a for a discussion of the relative and absolutechronology of these traditions). There are three burial. zones on the peninsula: Cavernas, Arena Blanca, and theNecr6polis ofWari Kayan.2 Kroeber (1944:146 and pl. 11) identifies these findsatOcucaje as "Paracas..Cavernas."According to John Rowe(personal communication 1987), Kroeber'sdescriptionofthe burial site sounds like Cerro Max UhIe, named in1954 by Rowe.ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 69..94.

. ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Kroeber does not mention the presence ofcarryingcords, but in the fuzzyphotograph thataccompanies the text there appearsto be a ropeprojecting from the forehead area of each head,and the author says that "these are evidendyequivalentSof trophy heads such aswereburiedin the Nazca culture" (ibid.:38). There appar,ently are no spines through the lips, a featUreoften seen in later Nasca trophy heads. Whilethe front portions of the heads retain the skin,the rear halves (each of which includes theforamen magnum and whole occiput) and theloose mandibles were bare bone at the time oftheir discovery; Kroeber notes that the backsections and mandibles were buried in groupsbut does not indicate their burial positionsrelative to the trophy faces, nor doeshe provideany information on burials, pottery,or anythingelse found in association with the heads.A. PezziaAssereto records a group of ~hir'teen heads buried together in a Paracas ceme,tery at Cerro de la ~ruz, adjacent to Cerro MaxUhle in Ocucaje (1968:100,102;fordescriptionsof the heads, see Coelho 1972:134,143 andfigures4,8). The backs of the Cerro de la Cruzcrania have been cut off,and manyof them aremissing the mandible. Hair and facial skin areintact, and even the ears are preserved on atleast two heads. Five have carryingcords, andmost were reported to have been either partiallyor completely wrapped in at least one layer ofcotton cloth before buria1.3 While these thir,teen heads pesemble,in their mask,likeprepara,tion, those found by Kroeber, two other ai,. legedlyParacas heads from Ocucaje have com,plete crania: Pezzia reports that he excavatedtwo heads from a Paracas context at Cerro MaxUhle (1968:99,100; see also Coelho 1972:131,134 and figures 1,3). One of the heads is ex,tremelyelongated (as a consequence of cranialdeformation) and has a hole for a carryingrope3According to Coelho (1972:140'142),are those of children.three of the heads,70on the upper forehead. There are no pinsthroughthe lips (Pezzia1968:99and 102).4Bodiless heads are also reported from theParacas Peninsula cemeteries (one of which isthe source of all of the fabrics stUdied here).Teno and Mejia Xesspe note that from the,Cavemas section of the peninsula came onehuman skull, minus a body, wrapped in cottoncloth (1979:167), as well as a head that wasbandaged with fine cotton cloth and protectedon itSleft side with cotton (the authors saythatthe presence of a drill hole on this skull is evi,dence of surgical intervention; ibid.:172).Another human head enclosed in a plain textilemay have belonged to the incomplete skeletonof an adult that had been wrapped in cottoncloths and buried in the same grave (ibid:223).One fragment of a human cranium with a perfo,ration in itSforehead was discovered in a tomb(ibid.:222),and anotherskullwitha holein theforehead liasthough it were a Nasca trophy"wasfound in the discarded backdirt left by looters(ibid.:236). Given that the authors suggestthatthis latter skull may be a trophy head, it isstrange that it wasfound with itSskeleton. Thebones and skulls from many skeletons weremixed together in the backdirt from illicit loot,ingactivityaround the Cavernas burialprecinct.Around one Cavemas tomb alone T~llo'steamrecoveredapproximately100crania(ibid.:118),but it is impossible to say if any of these headshad been buried without their bodies.4Pezzia (1968:99 and 100) states that heads fromCerrode la Cruz were buried in a "Paracas" cemetery (noinformation given about associated materials) and thatthose from Cerro Max Uhle were found in associationwith "Paracas Cavemas" potsherds. Pezzia'ssecond headfrom Cerro Max Uhle is not described in detail nor is itillustrated by the author. Coelho (1972: figures 1and 2)illustrates what she saysis this second head, but the samehead is published and identified byProulx as havingbeenfound in the Nazca Valley (1971:18). A slidetaken in theMuseo Regional de lea by Proulx in 1985showsthe headwith a museum label that identifiesit as Nasca. Itslipsarepinned together with spines; it has a carrying ropeextended through a hole in the forehead, and clothstuffed in the cranial cavity protrudes through the eyesockets.

Paul: BodilessHuman Heads in PaTacasIconographyYacovleff and Muelle (1932) also excavatedbodilesshuman heads from the Cavemas sectorof Cerro Colorado: three crania, each missingthe lower jaw and each wrapped in either fiberheadpieces or cloth, were present in one tomb,and a child's head covered by a disintegratedcloth was found in another (ibid.:34,41, andfigure 23).In the Arena Blanca zone of the ParacasPeninsulaTello and Mejiamentionthe presenceof many loose crania in an area that had beenbadlyvandalizedby looters (1979:286ff.).Be, .cause the skeletons had been disturbedprior toscientificexcavation there isno wayof knowingifthere were anybodilessheads. One excavatedburial is described, however, as containing theincomplete bones of an adult "withthe craniumseparated and wrappedin cotton rags,as thoughat one time it had been removed" (ibid.:294).Inaddition, fiveloose human heads without lowerjaws are reported from other excavated ArenaBlancatombs(ibid.:294).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)depictions of real heads. Furthermore, the factthat Paracas bodilessheads fromarchaeologicalsites include both trophy heads and heads thatwere wrapped and buried apart fromthe rest ofthe skeleton (butnot prepared astrophies)bearsdirectlyon the analysisof the imagesstitched oncloth.How do we choose our terminology?The representations' of bodiless heads inParacasNecr6polisiconographyfrequentlyhavebeen identified uniformly as trophy heads. Ahuman head that is a "trophy"is byimplicationsomething taken aggressivelyin some sort ofcombat situation, or in the course of a sneakattack or ambush, or during a ritual battle. Theuse of this term can be traced back to the earlypart of this century, when representations ofhuman. heads painted on south coast Nascapottery were described as "trophy,like"by Uhle(1906:586).8Referringto Nascaceramicves~elsfound in the lea and Nazca Valleys,Uhle ob,served that painted representations of humanheads had their mouths sealed shut like thetsanta of the Jrvaro (1909:10 and 1911:263;paper presented in 1908). Uhle, writingin 1911,(1914:1i) also described actual heads that heapparently sawwhile traveling in the Pisco andChincha Valleys:"This ancient peoplealso hadthe custom of suspending the heads of slainenemies in the manner of trophies, in someinstances the back part of the skullwascut off,'leaving a mask,like face, which had a hole cutthrough the frontal bone forsuspension.,,9Uhle8 Uhle's term is "tropMenartiger menschlicher Kopfe".Silverman (1993:218) states that "the term 'trophy head'was coined by Max Uhle (1901), who considered thedepiction of severed heads in ancient Peruvian art tocorrespond to trophies ofwarfare." See also Browneet al.(1993:275). Uhte's 1901 article on skulldeformation ofPeruvian mummies does not, however, mention trophyheads, but see note 10.9 Although he did not identify them as such (given theearly date at which he was writing, before theidentification of Paracas culture), Uhle may have beendescribing Paracas heads: the "mask,like" method ofpreparation sounds like that used for the heads found bysupposed that such heads were trophies of warand employed the term "trophy head" in thisarticle.10Another early scholar who used the term"trophy head" is Eduard SeIer. Referring toNasca ceramic iconography, SeIer (1916:185,86) says that the image of a hand,held human'head with two thorns through its lips is that ofa captured enemy. He compares it to Mundu,rucu and Jivaro prepared heads, calling thepainted representation a "dance head" andnoting that such "dance heads" with pinned lips. have been found in Nasca cemeteries. In a laterpublication SeIer talks about "trophy heads"inreference to images on both Nasca pottery andon Paracas Necr6polis textiles (1961[1923]:294,95,297,98, and figure 264).The first person to use the term "trophyhead" for Nasca .depictions may have beenTello. In a paper written in 1915 for the PanAmerican Scientific Congress, Tello discussesmummifiedhuman trophy heads found inNascacemeteries (1917:286,87) and identifiesimageson a Nasca painted vessel as trophy heads(ibid.:289). However, in a slightlylater articleon the use of prepared human heads and theirrepresentation in ancient Andean art, Telloavoids the expression "trophy head" (1918).Noting that the Mundurucu of Brazilpreparedand guarded not only the heads of their ene,mies, but also the heads of their own chiefsandrelatives, Tello adopts a more neutral terminol,ogy. He refers to Nasca prepared heads withKroeber and Pezzia.10 Uhle states,"We alsofind simplenaturalisticscenesrepresented among the designs upon this pottery, such asa hunt forvicufias with arrows, while the animal is grazingbetween the cacti of the mountain side; or we see a sort ofscaffolding from which are suspended a row of trophyheads; or there is a graded temple,pyramid, in the interiorof which are deposited the skulls of the human sacrifices,while on one side the priest with the sacrificial knife in hishand is ascending the grades to sacrifice an animal, andon the other side an individual appears to be dancing" (p.14). The author and the editors of Andean Past aregrateful to Helaine Silverman for pointing out this.

73 ~Paul: Bodiless HumanHeadsin PaTacas Iconographycarrying ropes and spines through the lips asartificiallymummified human heads (Ibid.:504~06); representations of bodilessheads on Nascaceramics and Paracas Necr6polis textiles areidentifiedashuman heads, mummifiedheads, orshrunken heads (Ibid.:513, 526, figure 8, andplate XI).While Tello's avoidance of the term "trophyhead" even for depictions of heads with carryingcords, pinned lips, and closed eyes may be overlycautious, his judicious use of language in 1918should serve as a model for how we create our .terminology today. The care with which hechosehis wordsbears directly on this discussionof Paracas Necr6polis textile iconography.Implicitin the term "trophyhead"isthe assump~tion that the source of the head was an enemytaken through aggressiveaction.11 This identifi~. cationin turn has been the'premisefor theclassificationof certain figuresas warriors-thepersons responsible for taking the heads.Mead was likely the first author to suggestthat Paracas Necr6polis embroideredanthropo~morphic figures carrying heads represent war~riors. In the caption for an illustration of amantle in the American Museum of NaturalHistory he writes that "the warrior depictedcarries over his shoulder two heads of enemies"(1916:388). It is the identification of the headsas those of enemies that led to the warriorattribution, and not vice versa, for there are noother attributes that unequivocallyvalidate thewarrior identification. In a later and much moreinfluential article on Nasca iconography(which. shares certain themes with ParacasNecr6polisiconography),Seier (1961 [1923])relatesNascadepictions of figures toting trophy heads towarriors (the piecesillustrated areNasca3 to 5).Some of the depictions of his supematural"CatDemon"-those holding trophy heads andusually wielding clubs or else associated witharrows-are identified as warriors, perhaps11For a review of the debate over whether bodiless headsfrom Nasca contexts were war trophies or something else,seeVerano(1995:213,218). .based on analogywith a Nasca 4 or 5 vesseldepictinga combat..relatedscene with humanparticipants (ibid.:figure137). Severalotherscholars have referred to the presence of war~. riars or warrior..likefiguresin Paracas Necr6po..lisiconography,based on the depiction of clubs,darts, spears, and knives that are presumedto beweapons and, in some cases, on the associationof such implements with bodilessheads (Dwyer1979: figure 15; King 1965: 340 and figure 80;Peters 1991:298..301; Sawyer 1961:294 and1997:37, 45 and figure 23).The reading of certain figures as warriorswith trophy heads has engendered interpreta~tions of the iconography that are questionableinsome of their details. For instance, one scholarwrites that "the Paracas Culture . . . had awarfare pattern and religious mythology intri..c.atelybound to the taking of human heads"(Proulx1971:16).Another constructs a religioushistory on the basis of the initial interpretationof the images as trophies of war: "the Cavernastrophy..head cult had apparently provided aceremonial means of gathering the life~or soul~force of enemies to be used for the benefit of thecollector group" (Sawyer 1966:122) and "thewarlike trophy..head cult of the 'Cavernas' wasbeing altered and extended to direct the lifeforce gathered from fallen enemies toward theassurance of. successful agriculture". (Sawyer1972: 110).The inference that some depictions ofbodilesshuman heads and the figureswho holdthem are connected with warfare is not sup..ported bythe Paracas Necr6polis textile iconog..raphy examined here. While depictions offighting and its aftermath, as wellas identifiablewarriors, are present in the art of some ancientAndean cultures, Paracas Necr6polis textileiconography is different.12 First, Paracas12There are, for instance, violent battlefield events on afew late Nasca painted ceramic vessels. On one Nasca 8example, knife,wielding humans sever the bloody heads ofthe defeated (Museums of the Andes 1981:67; see alsoLapiner 1976: figures 496, 497, and 501 and Townsend1985: figure 16). Depictions of violent combat and its

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Necr6polis representations are non,narrative.The isolated, individual embroideredfiguresdonot interact in an anecdotal way with otherimages:there are no "scenes"offighting(nor ofanything else) in Paracas Necr6polis art.Second, in the absence of depictionsofbelliger,ent encounters, there isno iconographiccontextto help establish the identity-through battleparaphernalia such as weapons or costume-offiguresthat maybe combatants. This fact posesa problemfor the interpretation ofthe iconogra,phy: is it actually possible to recognizea depic,tion of a Paracasffopara warrior? Because thewarrior attribution has been basedon the pres,ence of either trophy heads or implements thatmight be weapons, or on an associationbetweenthe two, it is relevant to ask what might be theattributes, if any, of combat.The most common implement carried byembroidered Paracas Necr6polis anthropomor,phic images is a knife, usuallysingle,bladedbutsometimes with a blade at each end of thehandle (see,for instance, Paull ~90:figures7.11and 7.12). These resemblereal Paracasffoparaknives, which have a wooden handle with anobsidian point inserted into a slit in one or both .ends, wrapped. securely in place (Tello andMejia i979:figures 20, 39, and 68). Anotherpotential short,range Paracasffopara weapon isa club with a stone head that may be eitherround, ovoid, or with protruding points (Telloand Mejia Ibid.:figure 20). These are found inseveralNecr6polis funerary bundles,but appearrarely in the textile imagery. Fiber slings arecommon in the bundles (see Yacovleff andMuelle 1934: 113) and are depicted in the art,outcome appear in grisly detail in the art and architectureof several other ancient Andean cultures as well. Thesculptural reliefs on the temple of Cerro Sechln (Burger1992: 77-80), for example, show helmeted human figuressurrounded by images of decapitated heads, human bodiescut in half, spinal columns, disemboweled intestinal tracts,and eyeballs. Painted narrative scenes of actual fighting,showing warriors in combat, sometimes grabbingopponents by their hair or hitting them with clubs, occurfrequendy on Moche pottery (Alva and Donnan 1993:figures 137, 138, 139,and 146; Donnan 1976:figures21,22; 36, and 96).where"they are recognizedbythe twolongstrapsattached to either end of a doubled stone rest(see Paul 1990:figure 7.58). Spears, with orwithout feathering, are represented in the handsof many figures (paul 1991b: figures 5.4 and5.5). Both spearthrowers and spears or dartswere found at the Paracas Peninsula sites,including in association with the Necr6polisfunerary bundles (Tello and Mejia 1979:figures40, 68, and 91); spears and darts are depicted inthe embroideries.13Because these implementsare never shown in use in the textile iconogra,.phy, their presence alone is not proof that thefigure who holds them represents a combatant.While they could have been used effectivelyagainst human enemies, they also may havebeen hunting or fishing implements.14Manyofthe anthropomorphic figureswho carry humanheads and the above implements also carryother conceivably ceremonial paraphernalia,such as banded staffs, staffs with bells or otherappendages, and feather fans.13Paracas knives and parts of knives (obsidian points andhandles) were recovered from Necr6polis bundles 2 and290.Clubs or parts of clubs were found in bundles 49, 91,94, 157, 190, 254, 392, 401, and 421. Embroidereddepictions of figures holding clubs are present on thefollowingtextiles: American MUseumof Natural History,accession number 41.0/1500 (Mead 1916:388 and Paul1999:figure 1); Museo de ArqueologCade la UniversidadMayor de San Marcos, Lima, accession. number notknown (Lumbreras 1974:figure102); the MuseumofFineArts, Boston, accession number 21.2563 (Stone-Miller1992:plate 7); Museo Nacional de Antropologfa,Arqueologfa,e Historia del Peru, Lima,specimen290-53.The followingbundles contained slings:2, 39,49,89,91,147,157,190,217,253,262,290,310,318,347,355,364,382,392,401,421,438, and 451.Spears were among the contents of bundles 91,147, and157.14According to Yacovleff and Muelle (1934:114), theslings recovered from the bundles could not have beenused as weapons because, among other technical reasons,they were too short.Peters (1997:814ff.) discusses the tools represented inthe embroidered imagery,observing that "the objectsandtools associated with the daily life for most people andwith the production of the burial offeringsthemselvesarenot represented"(ibid.:819).

Paul: BodilessHuman Headsin PaTacasIcanographyApart fromexplicitdepictionsofweapons,isthere any other way to identify a warrior in thetextile iconography?Isit possibleto identifythetypesof costume depictions that mightbe indic~ative of combatant status? The archaeologicalrecord reveals that not much in the way ofdefensive apparel was buried with the Paracas/Topara dead at Necr6polis. Piecesof deerskinhide that may have been used as armor werepresent in several bundles and fivehide shieldswere found in association with the bodies exca~vated from the Paracas Peninsula sites; nohelmets or ear protectors have been reported.ISThere are no clear representations in Paracas'Necr6polisart ofhelmets, ear protectors,shieldsor anything else that looks like special protec~tive clothing. Figures often wear simple capsand/or elaborate headdresses, but there is nodepiction of a figure wearing a helmet. Ham~mered gold disks were sometimes attached tothe braids ofParacasffopara men, and these areshown in the textile images; in no case can theornaments pictured at the side of the head beidentified as ear guards.'No figurecarries any,thing that could be construed as a shield. It isdifficult to know how armor, such as paddedtunics, would be- distinguishedfrom regular15Yacovleff and Muelle (1934:104-105) describe tunicsizedpieces of deerhide found in pairs in some of thefunerary bundles from the Necr6polis precinct on theParacas Peninsula. Their measurements and the fact thatthey were found in pairs suggested to those authors thatthey may have been leather armor, but in no case werethe pieces joined together. The authors state: "No se notavestigios de que los espedmenes htibieron estado unidosde algun modo uno con otto, aunque es muy probable que10estuvieron" (ibid.:104).Tello (1959:illustrated as figure 43 but described incaption number 45) illustrates an object that he calls an"escudo ceremonial" (ceremonial shield), excavated fromthe Arena Blanca area of the Paracas Peninsula and nowin the Museo de Arqueolog{a de la Universidad Mayor deSan Marcos in Lima. It is made of cane and deerskin, andmeasures .80 meters square. The drawing and descriptionare too vague to permit confirmation of this identification.Tello and Mej{a (1979:337) describe four shields found inthe Necr6polis ofWari Kayan (see also Peters 1997:648for a discussion of these shields).garments in embroidered depictions.16In sum~mary, although apparel and other paraphernaliaare depicted in detail in Paracas Necr6polis artand have counterparts in the archaeologicalrecord, it is not possible to identify explicitdepictions of warriorsor ofpersons whoengagedin fighting.Basically,we know very little about Paracasand Paracasff opara combat, except that it tookplace. There is ample evidence that the lateEarlyHorizon wasa time ofpolitical tension andconflict on the south coast (the archaeologicalrecord for the firstpart of the EarlyIntermediatePeriod is less revealing in this respect) I but thisaspect of life is not reflected in the textile ico~nography, despite the fact that nearly a quarterof the textiles in this study date to EarlyHorizon10.17Fighting itself simplywas not chosen as a16Possibleexamplesof cotton armor areknown fromlaternorth coast cultures. Some Chimu tunics, for example,have unspun cotton placed betWeentWolayersof cottonfabric to create a bulky garment that may have repelledsome weapons (Rowe 1984:figure61).17 While there are no reported fortified sites on thepeninsula and in the nearby Chincha and PiscoValleysforthe time represented by the textiles studied here, thereare such Early Horizon 9 and 10 sites in the lca Valley.The E.H. 9 Paracas Pefia de Tajahuana site is fortifiedand in a defensible location (Rowe 1963:9). This is alargehabitation site with a ditch and severalparallelwallson the side away from the valley Oohn Rowe, personalcommunication 1986;Massey 1991:328). Animas Altasis also an E.H. 9 site. The site was defended on one sideby a tall wall (Massey 1991:323). Massey states(1986:298-301) that there is evidence of a militaryconquest of Animas Altas at the end ofE.H. 9. A differentreading of the site is provided by Lisa Deleonardis(personalcommunication 1999). She thinks that becauseAnimas Altas "is situated on a flat, open plain . . . andcompletely accessible" it was not fortified, site, eventhough it may have been partially walled. There is anE.H. 10 fortified habitation site in the lea Valley, atopCerro Prieto O. Rowe, personal communication 1986);Lanning (1960:449) implies that many large obsidianprojectile points were present at the site and that theyareevidence of warfare. Massey reports that there were anumber of small E.H.10 sites "located in defensible.positions in areas of steep slope,' hill crests and smallravines" (1986:303). There are no descriptionsoffortifiedsettlements nor ofsettlements on defensiblehilltopsin thevalley during epochs 1 and 2 of the E.I.P.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ... 76subject for textile iconography, even though itmay have been important to the people whomade the textiles. The fact that there is nodepictive evidence of warfarein ParacasNecr6..polis iconography clearlybears on the interpre..tation of the bodilessheads in the textile imag..ery.Interpretation of the iconographyIf there is no basis for defining an icono..graphic type of "warrior"with trophyheads, andif there is no evidence that the images arereferents to bellicose behavior, how do weexplain the preponderance ofbodilessheads? Inorder to begin to answer this question, it isessential to turn to the embroidered imagesthemselves. A careful examination of all of thebodiless human heads depicted in several em..broiderystyleson the textiles fromthe Necr6po..lis bundles shows that not all depictions arealike: there are two discrete waysto representthem. While almost all heads are depicted fromthe front with their eyes open (there is a siI).glehead shown in profile), there are distinctionsmade in certain details at the tops of heads. A"Type A" bodiless head is one portrayed with anarrow suspension cord extending from the topof the cranium, often with hair hanging downbelow the bottom ~f the head (Figures2, 4, 7,and 11).The carryingcord maybe embroideredin a color different from that of the top of thehead or hair, or it may be depicted in the samecolor; the distinguishing features are its narrowwidth relative to that of the crown of the headand its position at the top center of the head.Because the linear and broad line styles offormal construction utilize thin and broad linesof stitches to create forms, occasionally it isdifficultto saywhether or not a suspensioncordis represented because the "cord"is the samewidth as the outline of the head. This usuallyisnot a problemwith the easier..to..recognizeropesdepicted in the block color style.Type A headsmay represent trophy heads like the Paracasarchaeologicalspecimensdescribedabove. Ifso,the cord is the sole attribute that sustains thisidentification; no Paracas Necr6polispictUreofa trophy head has spines through the lipsin themanner of later Nasca trophy head representa..tions.. Based on these criteria, twenty..fivepercentof the bodiless..headimages can be classifiedasType A heads, possiblytrophy heads. I call theremaining seventy..fivepercent "TypeB"heads.In the block color style (and occasionallyin thelinear style) a Type B head has an obvious mass .of hair that is usually pulled either over to oneside, or straight up and to one side; there is nocarrying cord (Figures I, 6, 8, and 9). Whenrepresented in the hand of a figure it seems tobe carried by its hair. In the linear and broadline styles the head is suspended from a zigzag"hank"of hair, often with serrated edges,that isnormally at least half the width of the crown(Figures5 and 7). There are often whisker..likeprotrusions fromthe cheeks, and sometimeshairis depicted fallingbelow the face.Taking into account the number of mummybundles assigned to each time unit in the rela..tive chronology,an examination of the diachro..nic distribution of the two typesofbodilessheaddepictions showsthat there were shiftsin prefer..ence for one type ofbodilesshead over the other(seeTable 1). Thirty..fivepercent of the forty..six Necr6polis bundles considered in this stUdydate to EarlyHorizon 10;the textiles from thesehave 43 percent of the Type A head imagesand18 percent of the Type B head images. Fiftypercent of the bundles date to EarlyIntermedi..ate Period epoch 1; their weavings have 52percent of the Type A heads and 52 percent ofthe Type B heads. Fifteen percent of the bun..dies date to EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2;textiles from these have 5 percent of the TypeAhead imagesand 30 percent of the depictionsofType B heads. Thus, proportionally there is amoderate preference for renditions of Type Aheads on the Early Horizon epoch 10 textiles,and a strong preference for depictions ofTypeBheads on the EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2specimens.

The archaeologicaldata presented earlier inthis paper are too weak to support any conjectureabout whether or not these shiftsin icono,graphicpreference reflect changingsocietalcustoms-preparingheads as trophiesversuswrappingbodilessheads in cloth-at differenttimes.Given the fact that the entire sampleof textilesexamined here comes from the Necr6poliswhere very few actual bodiless heads werefound, we cannot say that the textile iconog(aphy"tellsus"about real practices.One explanationforthe discrepancybetween the preponder,ance of iconographicbodilessheads and the .paucity of actual ones in the ParacasPeninsulacemeteries is suggestedby the depictionsthem,selves:the scale of bodilessheadsrelativeto thesizeof figureswith whom they appear is alwayssmall, with the bodiless head anywhere from1110to ~ the sizeof the head.of the principalfigure. Because bodilessheads are never representedon a life-size scale, it is possible thatthese icons are not litera~depictions of humanheads but rather symbolsof the intense concentrationsof power in heads. Tello (1918:501)argued over eightJ years ago that humanheads-as repositoriesof the vitalessenceof theliving after death-were fetishes, and thatbecauseof this they were depicted overand overagain in ancient Andean art, conferringsuper,natural power on those associated with them.The visual evidence from ParacasfTopani culturedoes not contradict Tello's thesis.The distinction made here between the twotypes of bodilessheads seems not to have beena critical one to the persons who produced theimages. For example, the imagesin Figures 12and 13 are iconographically similar (a wingedanthropornorph holds a head), but the firstimage holds a carrying cord while the secondimage grasps a hank of hait. Likewise,Figures14and 15represent a similariconographictypewith a bodilesshead hanging fromthe principalfigure'shand; the head appears to be suspendedby a cord in one image and by a wider zigzagmass that is more like hair in the other depic,tion. In ParacasNecr6polis textileiconography,adeast, Type A and Type B heads appear to bePaul: BodilessHuman Headsin PaTacas Iconographysymbolicallyinterchangeable, with the overrid~ing central idea beini one of the collectiveimportance of heads.1 Clearly human headscarry symbolicweight in the iconography.While we might presume that ParacasNecr6polis pictures of human heads are endowedwith connotations of mysterious andmagical powers, it would be more satisfying'topush the interpretation of the textile iconographya bit further. Although precise decipher,ment of these ubiquitous images is beyond ourreach, ethnohistorical documents concerningAndean religion and ancestor worship offertantalizing hints about the kindsofmore specificmeanings that the heads might communicate.Over one,third of the Paracas Necr6polisdepictions of bodiless heads appear at or nearthe mouths of whole figures, or are attached tothe long tongue appendages of such figures(Figures 16,21). When at the mouth, a head iseither held there or s~emsto stick to the mouthwith no visible means of support; often thetongue of the principal figure connects the twoas though it is a conduit. These stitched ancienticons mirror the verbal descriptions of a seven,teenth century Andean cult of mummifieddeadancestors (the cult of maUkis)in which a reli,gious specialist summons the persona of a deadhuman whosespirit or upanireturns to the living(Frank . Salomon, personal communication1986). The fundamental concept of this cult isthat during priestly seances the returning soulsor spiritsof ancestors would descend and adhereto the officiant so that their speech would passinto hisbody (Frank Salomon, personal commu,nication 1986, and 1995:323, 336,337). Ac,cording to Salomon, the nature of what it isthatreturns when the dead are called upon is "alight, volatile component which contains a18In a lucid article on Nasca iconography, Carmichaelnotes that today in the Peruvian Andes ancestors' skullsare kept to watch over the fieldsand protect the harvests,and that the ancient Nasca also retrieved skulls. Hesuggests that "in the context of fertility there may havebeen litde distinction between ancestral heads and trophyheads" (1994:84).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)person's productive, active, fertile, personalqualities... The office of mummy priests is toretrieve it temporarily and reconstitute theancestor, source of order and vigor among theliving" (personal communication 1986).19The bodilesshead adhering to tbe mouth ortongue appendage of a whole figureis replacedin several Paracas Necr6polis depictions by abackward..archinganthropomorphic figurewitha .prominent chest and skeletonized'ribs andloosefallinghair (Figures22 and 23). There arealso textile renderings of this samefigurehold..ing a head to itsmouth (Figure24). This icono.graphic type has been interpreted as an ecstaticshaman in magical flight to other worldsof thespirits and of the dead (Paul and Turpin 1986).Salomon (personal communication 1986) pro.posesalternativelythat this figurerepresentsnotthe religiousspecialistbut the returning ances.tor adhering to either a mummy or a livingshaman.Could the images of bodiless heads andshamans in the particular iconographiccontextdescribed above-proximate to the mouths ofother images-be symbolsof the returningupani(or spirit) of the dead? If so, forwhat wasall thisancestral power being harnessed? Many of theParacas Necr6polis block color style textilefigureswith bodilessheads at their mouths maydepict human impersonators, elaborately cos..tumed dancers who imitated cult images andspirits at religious festivals (see, for instance,'Figures 17, 19, and 23). These pictures of bird,feline,fish, and vegetation impersonatorsreveal19For accounts of this cult, see Duviols 1986 and Taylor1980. The following passage from Duviols (1986:143),translated by Salomon (1995:323); describes the colonialpriest Hernando Hacaspoma's contact with mallquis: ''[Inthe presence of the ancestors] this witness experiencedecstasy, was deprived of his senses, and heard insidehimself that the said mallquiwas speaking to him . . .havingmade the sacrificeshe embracedthe idolGuamancama,and he experienced another ecstasy and he saidthat the camaquen [forceful spirit] of the said mallquiraracurca[Quechua: adhered to him] and descended tohis heart and told hUnwhat to do in the matter on whichthey were consulting hUn.".. 78that the ritual obligations of a' Paracasrr oparafunctionaryincludedparticipation in ceremonies .directed toward ensuring the fertilityof animalsand crops. Solicitingthe aid of ancestors in suchendeavors would be entirely within an Andeanframe of reference. Although relying onethnohistorical sources as interpretative guidesfor objects made sixteen centuries earlier isundoubtedly risky, the widespread synchronicand diachronic distribution in the southernAndes of such trait complexes as ancestorworship and bodiless heads implies a certaincontinuity of religiousconcepts. Notwithstand.ing the problems of disjunction (the historicalprocesswherebyform and content separateoverlarge spans of time), cultural continuities be.tween the present, the post.Conquest past, andthe very distant past do exist in the Andeanworld.20Bodiless heads are depicted in many loca.tions other than at mouths, and these, too, maybe emblems of concenttated regenerative pow.ers. A number of Paracas textile specialistshavewritten about the symbolicbond between heads(and depictions of heads) and fertility. Sawyer(1972:l1Off.), for instance, argues that trophyheads were imbued with a life force that wasgathered to ensure successful agriculture, andthat the fixation on trophy head depictions isevidence of a preoccupation with agriculturalfertility. Peters (1991:311) writes that "agricul..tural fertilityisbound to the imageof the trophyhead-to be cut, prepared, and planted like aseed". Dwyer (1979:126ff.) .suggestst~at thecentral idea conveyed by the heads is a meta.phorical one, expressinghuman fertilitythroughan image of agricultural fertility.20 For instance, it has recently becomeclear that adistinctive logicunderlyingnumerous domainsofcontemporaryAndean lifewaspresent in the Inca past, and wasalready present in Paracas/fopara cultUre (paul 1997).See also Deleonardis' discussion of the ritual practice ofburned offerings (1997:207-209). She places Paracasritual hearths within the context of a broader Andeantradition, noting that the intentional burning ofobjects"isa wellknown tradition in the prehispanic Andes continuouswith the present" (ibid.:207).

Paul:BodilessHumanHeadsin Par~lcorwgraph'JIt is possible that bodiless heads embodiedall of these concepts, and perhaps others: theyare widelydistributed in the textile iconographyand are not associated with anysingleelement.As the illustrations in this paper show,bodilessheads accompany a diverse range of images. Inthe most general terms, these depictions con..note the pervasive regenerative powers of theancestral dead. The importance of ancestors inthe life of post..Conquest Andeans is well..known through ethnographic accounts, anddates back to very ancient times;the reverencepaid to Paracas/Topara dead is abundantlyproven by the elaborate burial bundle remains. that we study here. When these bundles wereplaced in the Necr6polis ofWari Kayanon theParacas Peninsula, their "occupants" becameinhabitants of the earth, which along with theneighboring sea contained the vital, generativeforces that produced plants and animals, en..abling man to survive. Transformed throughdeath into the ancestral spirits residing in theearth, these deceased members of Paracas/Topara society continued. to contribute to thewell..beingof their community. Their life..sup...porting influence after death is symbolizedbythe embroideredbodilessheads on the garments. that theyworein lifeandwhichshroudedthemin the grave.AcknowledgmentsMy first attempt to write about the depic..tions of bodiless heads in Paracas Necr6polisiconography dates back many years, when Ipresented a paper at the 1987annual meeting ofthe College Art Association of America. Theparticular session in which I participated wasorganized by Mary Miller and was titled War..fare: Repercussionsand RepresentationsinPrecolumbianArt. The papers included in theprogram were to consider the form, nature,significance,and implications ofwarfarein pre..Columbian art. My original intentions for theCAA presentation were (1) to tryto confirmtheidentity of bodiless heads as trophy heads; and(2) to isolate the associated "warrior"imagesinorder to explore how they functioned as visualsymbolsof one of the social obligationsof Para..cast Topara men. I was unable to accomplisheither of those objectives. Instead, my findingsled me to reconsider.the terminology that hadbeen used to describe certain imagesin ParacasNecr6polis art. I returned to the topic only in1997, when the informative questions andcuriosity of Georges Guille..Escuret stimulatedme to reconsider this aspect of ParacasNecr6polis iconography.When I began tracking down references toreal Paracas trophy heads over ten years ago,Donald Proulx kindly answered all of myinqui..ries and generously provided me with photo..graphs of heads which he had studied. I owehimmany thanks. Others offered valuable criticismof the CAA presentation over a decade ago;inparticular, I am grateful to Lawrence Dawson,Mary Miller, and John Rowe. For recent read..ingsand comments on the paper publishedhere,I thank Elizabeth P. Benson, Patricia J. Lyon,Susan Niles, LisaDeLeonardis, and three anon..ymous reviewers.Table 1. Chronological distTibution of bodiless head depictionsPercentages of eachtype of headT-ypeAT-ypeB16 EH 10bundles(35% of total NO.bundles) I 43% I 18%23 EIP 1 bundles(50% of total NO.bundles) I 52% I 52%7 EIP 2 bundles(15% of total NO.bundles) 5% 30%. 46 bundlesin study 100% 100%

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ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)~ 82Verano, John W.1995 Where Do They Rest? The Treatment ofHumanOfferings and Trophies in Ancient Peru. InTombs for the Uving: Andean Mortuary Practices,edited by Tom D. Dillehay, pp.189-227. Washington,D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.Yacovleff, Eugenio, and Jorge C. Muelle1932 Una exploraci6n en Cerro Colorado: Informe yobservaciones. Revista delMuseo Nacional (Lima,Peru) 1 (2):31-59.1934 Un fardo funerario de Paracas. Revista delMuseoNacional (Lima) 3 (1-2):63-153.All of the line drawings and photographs illustrated here are details from embroidered textiles in thecollection of the Museo Nacional de Antropologfa,Arqueologia, e Historia del Peru, Lima. The informationgiven below includes the garment type of the original textile (some items are today in a fragmentarycondition), its specimen number (comprisingthe number of the bundle followedby the number of the textilewithin that bundle), and the chronologicalhorizon or period to which the bundle has been assigned. Alldrawingsand photographs are by the author. Drawings are not to scale.Figure1.Detailfrommantle,382-10,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch lB. TypeB headsarepresentinthe hand, on the ankles,and on the tunic.

Paul:BodilessHuman Headsin Paracas IconographyFigure2.~tail frommantle,190,17,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch lA. The figuregraspsa TypeAhead.'. .Figure3.Detail frommantle, 451,4, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2. Type Bheads appear in one handand at the ankles.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Figure4. . Detail from mande, 392#4, Early Intermediate Period epoch lB. A Type A head hangs from onehand while Type B h~adsterminate the tongue and head appendages.Figure 5.Detail from mande, 14740, Early Horizon epoch lOA. Type B heads appear suspended fromahand and at the ends of-variousappendages.

85.. Paul:BodilessHumanHeadsin ParacasIcorwgraphyFigure6.Detailfrommantle,27-6b,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepochlB. OneTypeBheadisheldin thehandandanotherisstuckto the mouthof the principalfigure.Figure7.Detail from tunic, 410-192,EarlyHorizonepochlOB. OneTypeA head hangsfrom an elbowand another issuesfrom the right-hand sideof the figure'shead; the hair comprisesType B heads.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000) - 86Figure8.Detail frommande, 310.27, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lB. A Type Bhead ison anet bag.Figure 9.Detail from poncho, 319.39, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2. Type B heads are attached tostaffs.

87~ Paul:BodilessHumanHeadsin ParacasIconographyFigure 10.D~tail from poncho, 94,63, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lA. AType B head appears at theend of a head appendage. .Figure 11.Detail from rectangular cloth (too small to be a mande, this may be a headcloth») 38~39a)EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2. A Type A head is shown in isolation.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Figure 12.Detail fromlOincloth,31O-58a,EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lB. The figureholds a Type Ahead..Figure 13.Detail from mantle, 319-56,EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2. The figureholds a Type B headby its hair.

89.. Paul:BodilessHumanHeadsin PaTacas IconographyFigure 14. Detail fromtUnic,49~34, EarlyIntermediate Period epochlA. A TypeA headhangsfromthehand of the figure.Figure 15.Detail frommande, 49~56b,EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lA. A Type Bhead hangs fromthehand of the figure.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..90Figure 16.Detail from mantle, 310,24, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lB. A Type B head is held to themouth. .Figure17. Detailfrommantle,89,16,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepochsIB!2. A TypeB head isheldinproximityto the mouth.

91 ~ Paul: Bodiless Human Headsin Paracas IconographyFigure18. Detailfro~ mantle,38'46,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch 2. This figureincludesnumerousdepictions of Type B heads, including one that is held to the mouth. .Figure 19.Detail from poncho, 243,23,EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lA. A Type Bhead isin the beakof a condor headdress.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..92Figure 20.Detail from mamIe, 38,37, Early Intermediate Period epoch 2. A Type B head appears at themouth of the masked figure. .Figure 21.Detail from mande, 89,14, Early Intermediate Period epochs 1BI2. A Type B head terminatesthe long tongue appendageof the principal figure.

93.. Paul:BodilessHumanHeadsin ParacasIconographyFigure 22. Detailfrommande,262,15,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch lB.F~ure 23.Detail from mande, 451,29, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch~.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..94Figure 24. Detail from mantie, 253..62,Early-Intermediate Period epoch 2.

THE MmAFLoRES Et NINO DISASTER:CONVERGENTCATASTROPHESANDPREHISTORICAGRARIAN CHANGE. INSOUTHERNPERUDennis R. SatterleeMichael E. MoseleyUniversity ofFloridaDavid K. KeeferUnited States Geological SurveyJorge E. Tapia A.American Geological InstituteIntroductionThis article describes a severe EI Nifto..in..duced paleoflood episode, the MirafloresCatas..trophe, that produced flood deposits that cur..rentlyoverlie late prehistoricoccupation surfaces. in the Osmore River region of southern Peru (170South Latitude; Figure 1). This EINino event ispertinent to problems of change in' agrariansubsistence patterns between A.D. 1100 and1500. We first summarize these patterns. See..ond, we model.change as a response to conver..gent catastrophes. produced by collateral floodand drought disasters. Third, we describe anddate evidence of the Miraflores Catastrophe.Foutth, we conclude with an assessment ofimplications of Osmore data for other Andeanareas.. Problematic Change in Subsistence PatternsArchaeological surveys and excavations inthe Osmore River (also called the MoqueguaRiver) extend from its headwaters through theriver mouth to nearby littoral areas. Therefore,changes in coastal and sierra subsistence andsettlement patterns can be interrelated. Openchannel irrigation agriculture has sustained theindigenouseconomy for more than three millen..nia (Stanish 1985). In the sierra the principalsourceof agricultural water issurfacerunoff fromseasonal precipitation averaging 400 mm atelevations above 3000 meter above sea level(masl). Because the lower two thirds of thebasin is arid to hyperarid (lessthan 250 mm/yr),river flowdiminishes and normallydisappearsat1200 masl adjacent to the site of Yaral (Figure1). Here the drainage enters a deep, narrowcanyon that transects the ClemeslDesert, the c.1000 meter..high Coastal Cordillera, and itswestern escarpment where the Osmore Riverexits to the sea. Below 500 masl seeps andspringsare the principal water sourcesforfarm..ing in the coastal valley and in normally drydrainages,calledquebradas, suchas Miraflores,which descend the Coastal Cordilleraalongshort,steepcoursesthat parallelthe river.Throughout the studyarea,farmingformerlyextended to large tracts of land that are nolongerin production. The reclamation, use,andabandonment of planting surfacescan be datedwith varyingdegrees of resolution bytheir canalassociatedsettlements, construction techniques,furrow patterns, relative preservation, culturalsuperpositions, and geological superpositions(Clement and Moseley 1991; Owen 1993b;Stanish 1992; Williams 1997). Abandonedplanting surfaces and their dependent settle..ments document a major shift from low eleva..tion to high elevation farming between AD1000..1500.Coastal agriculture, including that practicedin the Osmore Valley and the quebradas, isinferred to have reached its maximum extentANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 95..116.

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)..96ar.oundAD 1000-1100because plantingsurfaceshave their greatest spatial expansionat that timeboth in the valley and in the coastal quebradas.Early agrarian expansi.on ar.oundA.D. 1000 isass.ociatedwith the rise of the coastal Chiribayaculture Oessup 1991; Owen 1993a),. whichspread int.othe arid sierra betweenYaraland themodem city of Moquegua prior to collapsingsh.ortlybefore A.D. 1400. This Chiribaya c.ol..lapse was abrupt Oessup 1991), and it entailedthe permanent abandonment of more than 80%of all c.oastalsettlements (Owen 1993b) and aninferred population decline of equal magnitude.ByA.D. 1400allpreservedprehistoricsurfacesinthis area had been abandoned, and hydrologicalmodels suggestthat pr.oductivecoastalfarmlandhad declined by80% .ormore (Ortloffand Kalata1993). Cultural reorganization ensued, butc.oastal p.opulati.onlevels remained depresseduntil A.D. 1500 or later (Reycraft 1997). Lim..ited recovery of farmland isnot evident until theSpanish intr.oduced.olivetree cultivati.onar.oundA.D. 1575 (Clement and Moseley1991;Satter..lee 1993). . .Large scale reclamati.on of the high sierraabove 2250maslbegan after A.D. 1300. ByA.D.1500planting surfaceson canal..irrigatedterracesreached tJ;teirgreatest spatial expansion and themaj.orityof the Osm.orepopulationresidedin thesierra headwaters (Conrad and Webster 1989;Owen 1994; Williams 1997). Highland expan..sian is associated with the Estuquiiia andEstuquiiia..lnca archae.ological culture thatendured into the Col.onialPeriod (Burgi 1993;Stanish 1985). High elevation irrigatedterracingwas,in part, de..emphasizedby the Inca p.olicy.ofresettling-indigenous c.ommunities at loweraltitudes (Van Buren 1993, 1996;Van Buren etal. 1993), and it further declined with the Span..ish introduction and expansi.onof viticulture atelevati.onsbetween 1200 and 2250 masl (Rice1997).In .overview,weestimate that morethan 80%of all prehispanic farming and settlement in theOsmore drainage shifted fr.omthe c.oastand drysierra below 2000 masl into the humid sierraabove 2250 masl between A.D.1000..1500. Thismaj.or change in econ.omic and demographicconditions has not been previ.ouslyexplained.ConvergentCatastrophesWe pr.oposethat the transformation of theOsmore subsistenceand settlement patterns wasa response to IIconvergent catastr.ophes"-crisesproduced by tw.o.ormare collateral naturaldisasters. The nature.of c.onvergentcatastro..phes can be illustrated by an analogy betweenhuman disease and natural disasters. Sufferedindividually, a disease or a disaster is generallysurvived by a healthy p.opulati.on.Yet, when apopulation is first struck by .one malady andthen is afflicted by two or more disorders, thelikelihood .ofrecovery is reduced. The potency.ofmultiple natural disasters lies in the com..pound stress that they exert upon populations.Some may collapse, while .others can respondadaptively. In late prehist.oric times OsmoreRiverpopulati.onsexperienced tw.ocatastrophes.The first, pr.otracted draught, graduallyexertedpressures fav.oringhigh altitude reclamation,while selecting against low altitude farming.The second catastrophe, the Mirafl.oresflood,triggeredintense pressure far rapid change froman agrarian..basedec.on.omy.Collateral DroughtTheA.D. 1100..1500draught exacerbatedthe impact.ofthe Mirafl.oresElNiii.o. Precipita..ti.onis estimated to have declined by 10%..15%.However, the decline in runoff was dispropor..ti.onallygreater because headwater soils alwaysabs.orba fixed am.ount .ofm.oisture,260 mm,bef.oresaturati.onallowsrun.off.Becauseannualprecipitation averages 360 mm between 3900and 4900 masl, there is .only100 mm availablefor run.offin a typical year. When rainfall de..clines fr.om360 mm t.o324 mm.or even 306 mmduring a 10% .or a 15% drought, runoff is re..duced to 64 mm .or t.o 46 mm, respectively.Thus, the relationship between loss .ofrainfalland loss .ofrunoff is n.onlinear. Factoring inwater from above 4900 masl, we estimate thatrunoff from the m.oistsierra was at least 20%to30% below n.ormal during the attenuated

97..Satterleeet al.:The MirafloresElNiiiodrought of A.D. 1100. This decline was com..pounded by the fact that river flowloses4% ofitsvolumeper kilometer to seepageand evaporationat elevations of 2000 to 3000 masl (Williams1997). At lower elevations increasing aridity,greater evaporation, and longer transport 00"tances magnify forfeiture of moisture.Rainfall in the wet sierra and stream flowsupplysubsurface runoff that eventuallychargesthe coastal aquifer. Much of this moistureneverresurfacesin the lowervalleyor coastalquebradaspringsthat are the primarymainstayof farming.Subsurface runoff passes through fine graineddepositsof the Moquegua Formationthat absorb.fixedamounts ofmoisture. Similarto soilabsorp..tion, this action magnifies drought..inducedlossofsubsurfacerunoff. Thus, 10%to 15%declinesin mountain rainfall result in highly amplifiedspring flow declines. Mathematical modelingsuggests a minimum decrease in spring flow of80%at Quebrada Carrizalduringthe nadir of theA.D. 1100 drought (Ortloff and Kolata 1993).Basedon our geoarchaeologicalobse1Y8tions,we concur with Ortloff and Kolata (1993) thatirrigation agrict\lture in short, steep drainages ofthe arid Pacificwatershed is highlyresponsivetodepressed highland rainfall. Therefore, droughtstresswasmost severe at the distal,lower end ofthe Osmore Basin. The impact of the A.D. 1100drought on the Carrizal Quebrada spring..fedcanal systems,in the lower OsmoreDrainage, iscalculated to have reduced arable land by morethan 80% (Clement and Moseley 1991; Figure2). This reduction is compatible with the largescale abandonment of planting surfaces afterA.D. 1000 and with marked reductions in thesizeofresidential settlements at the spring (Baw..den 1989;Clement and Moseley1991;Reycraft1997). We consider Carrizalland loss to besymptomatic of reduced moisture in the coastalaquifer and therefore indicative of concomitantstress on other areas of spring..dependentfarm..ing,includingthe largeprehistoricOsmore CanalSystemin the coastal valley (Satterlee 1993).At the oppositeend of the river basin,wemodel the expansion of high altitude farming asa drought response that maximized the use ofscarce rainfall and runoff. Osmore headwaterreclamation relied principally upon canal..irri..gated agricultural terraces. Their adaptiveadvantage lay in capturing moisture at or nearits source, thereby minimizingrunoff flowloss.Reclamation of the upper sierra spread after\A.D. 1300and peaked between A.D. 1400andA.D. 1500(Owen 1994;Stanish 1992;Williams1997). Disadvantages of high altitude irrigatedterraces include high construction and mainte..nance costs, high earthquake vulnerability,andreduced crop variation at high elevation. Thesefactors were of greater relative importance afterthe A.D. 1500 advent of the Little Ice Age,which is associated with two centuries of 20..25% above normal precipitation (Binfordet al.1997; Thompson et al. 1986). Greater rainfallallowed re..establishment of sierra farming atlower elevations, recharging of the coastalaquifer, and re..expansion of littoral spring..fedfarming.Catastrophic El Nifio FloodingDuring strong El Nifio..Southem Oscillation(ENSO) events the Osmore rainfall regimereverses. Drought prevails at altitudes above2000 masl, and rainfall occurs in the lowerwatershed (Caviedes 1984; SPCC 1985).Moquegua City experienced several showersduring the very strong ENSO event of 1982..83,and torrential rain and limited floodingoccurredin the ClemeslDesert. The steep Pacificescarp..ment of the Coastal Cordillera orographicallyinfluenced cloud cover moving off the oceanand intensified precipitation along the mid andupper slopesof the maritime range, resultinginthree separate incidents of coastal floodingduring the 1982..83event. Duringthe minor1992 event, we observed no rain below 200masl, but some quebradas with affluentshigh inthe maritime range discharged small mud flowsinto the sea. The very strong event of 1997..98was generally similar to that of 1982..83.Therewere showers,but no flooding in the vicinityofMoquegua City. Some Clemes( quebradasflooded and inundated sections of the PanAmerican highway, while episodes of strong

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)flashfloodingtranspired alongthe Pacificescarp~ment of the Coastal Cordillera.Below 2250 masl, most slopesof the water,shed are covered with loose,weatheredrock and'unconsolidated sediment. This material can beentrained by runoff from ENSO precipitation.For exceptionally severe rainfall events, wedefine, based on our observations, three stages ofrunoff: entrainment, debris,flow, and floodgeneration below 1500 masl (Figure3). First,during deluges, sheettloods and debris flowscomposed of sediment and water washdown hillslopes (1 in Figure 3). Some material comes torest on the lower slopes and hill bases. Moretypically ic flows into small channels that carrymoistUreand sediment to largerquebradas. Hereadditional matter is commonly entrained fromthe drainage channels, creating flashfloods andlarge debris flows of viscous mud and coarsesediments (2 in Figure 3). Quebrada floodsdisgorgeinto the sea or into the Osmore drain,age. Third and finally, a high flood surge de,scends the Osmore River valley carryingrunoffand debrisfrom the interior basin (3in Figure3).Floodsurgesdescendinglargeandsmallchannelssplatter mud and deposit coarse debris. Surgesare followedbylow flowsof relativelyclear slackwater, which deposit fine sediment. With thecessation of rainfall,debris flowand flooddepos,its dry and harden, thus providing a geologicrecord of the event. For example, depositSproduced by the 1982,83 ENSO event remainwell preserved, as do deposits of some earlierevents.Our studies indicate that the Mirafloresfloodepisode wasthe most severe EINino catastropheto occur in the study area during the last millen,nium. It destroyed much of the Chiribaya cuI,turallandscape along the deeplyincised Osmoredrainage. Most farming transpired in valleybottom land only slightlyhigher than the activeriver channel. Settlements were typicallystrungalong steep valley sides above canals that pro'vided potable water. Escaping the Mirafloresdeluge would have been difficult because thevalley,side settlements were the firstto be inun,dated bysheettloods and debrisflowsdescending~ 98hill slopes. Lateral movement was then cut byflash floodscascading down quebradas. Finally,a very high flood surge plunged down the Os'more river channel spillingover its lowerbanks.High fatalities are inferred because somesettlements were entirely washed away, andothers were completely buried by debris flows.Yet, some sites on high, welldrained promonto,ries escaped destruction. Flooding wreakedexceptional havoc on low lying irrigation sys,tems. The Osmore Canal, the highest, longestreclamation system ever built in the lower.valley,sufferedextensivedamage. The intakeand lead,off channel were swept away. Thecanal was breached and cut at every quebradacrossing, washed off every steep slope, andcompletely buried along every gentle slope(Satterlee 1993). Damage to spring,fed irriga,tion systemsin coastal quebradas was variable.Although intakes and quebrada crossingsweredestroyed, distal planting surfaces and canalsections on high ground survived at Chuza,Carrizal, and Pocoma (Figure2). However,theentire irrigation system at MirafloresQuebradawas washed away. Pervasive damage to theagrarianinfrastructure must have contributedtopost,disaster famine. The spread of pestilenceand disease can be reasonably inferred becausethese conditions have accompanied historic EINifto disasters (Beckand Davies 1976;Caviedes1984; Murphy 1926; Satterlee 1993).The 1982~83ENSO event was associatedwith pronounced drought at high altitUdesthataffected both pasture and farmland and led tofamine in the altiplano. In contrast, desertprecipitation sustained exfe)1sive blooms oflomas vegetation that provided pastUre fordomesticated animals (lomas are dispersedcommunities of wild plants normally sustainedby winter fog condensation; Dillon 1985). Wealso observed limited farming in lomas areas.However, returns from lomasexploitation wereminor in comparison to EINifio,inducedlosses.Presumably,similarconditions prevailedduringthe Mirafloresdisaster. Elevated ocean temper,atures accompanying the ancient ENSO eventalso must have affected normal marine re,

99..Satterleet al.:TheMirafloresElNiiiosources, but fishing certainly recovered fasterthan did farming.Consequences of DroughtandFloodCatastrophesPrior to the Miraflores catastrophe, two anda half centuries of drought led to the gradualagrarian contraction of spring..fed irrigationsystemsin the lowervalleyand in coastalquebra..das (Ordoff and Kolata 1993). Upstreamexpan..sion of Chiribaya culture from the coast into themid..valleysierra can be modeled as an adaptiveresponse, particularly if highland setdementswereexportingagriculturalproduceto the low...lands. Dietary diversification may representanother drought response. In the lower valleythere was a long..term increase in the variety ofplants used and consumed by Chiribayapopula..tions (Dendy 1991). Sustained by ocean fog,lomas vegetation supported intensive llamaherding (Wheeler 1991), and"there was alsosubstantial exploitation of seafood (Bawden1989;Jessup 1990).Although catastrophic lossof life is inferredfor the Miraflores disaster, the meager demo..graphicrecovery in the study area is particularlynoteworthy. In addition to the Osmore valley,Carr~al Quebrada also exhibits a comparabledecline in populfltion with poor post..floodrecu..peration (Bawden 1989;Reycraft 1997), and wehave found scant evidence of post..floodoccupa..tionsin other coastal quebradas. We hypothesizethat demographic recovery was tied to agrarianrecoverywhich, in turn, washindered bycontin..ued drought. There wassimplyinsufficientwaterto warrant reconstructing the Osmore CanalSystem or to reactivate coastal spring-fedfarm..ing, other than on a very minor scale. Conse..quently, once Chiribaya was impaired by an ElNifio disaster, it could not recover its formercultural preeminence in the Osmore drainage.We postulate that between A.D. 1200 and1400there wasinsufficient rainfalland runoff tosupport intensive farming in eitherthe upper orthe lower sierra. During drought, high altitudefarming draws off stream flowneeded to sustainlowerelevation irrigation. With the exception ofone high altitude farmstead (Stanish 1992),theChiribaya sierra occupation focused exclusivelyupon the use of river runoff below 2000 mas!.This focusfacilitated interchange with the lowervalley and perhaps helped to charge the de..pleted coastal aquifer. Yet, arid sierra irrigationis hydrologically inefficient during droughtbecause runoff flowslong distances with significantloss before reaching planting surfaces. Amajor consequence of the Miraflores catastro..phe was the removal of cultural constraints onhigh sierra agrarian reclamation. Althoughefficient, headwater farming drew down runoffsupplies, and, consequently, downstream theYaralsection of the Osmore River remainedoutof production until the Colonial Period.Systematic survey and excavation of settlementsin the Otora River headwaters indicatethat this area was colonized before the floodbysmallgroupsofpeople livingin open farmsteads.They constructed very long canals to reachgently sloping land that did not require largeinvestments in terrace'construction. This wasalabor-saving, but water..expensive irrigationstrategy. The strategy was reversed to one ofshorter canals irrigating steep, terraced slopesduring the Estuquifta occupation, when thenumber and size of settlements increased dra..matically (Stanish 1985, 1992). Throughoutthe Osmore headwaters all major Estuquifiasettlementswerefortified(Borstelet al. 1989;Owen 1994;Rice et al. 1989;Stanish 1992).However, warfare and physical conflict are notevident in Estuquifta mortuary populations thathave received study (Buikstra 1995; Williams1990). Nonetheless, we suggestthat settlementfortification reflects concern with maintainingclaimsto scarce water resources and arableland.Conquest wasinvolved in the Inca and Spanishintrusions into the Osmore drainage. Wepropose that their policies of resettling indigenouspeople and re..expanding agriculture atlower elevations were made tenable by increas..ing rainfallthat exceeded long-term norms afterA.D. 1500.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)The Miraflores UnitFlooddepositsthat overlieChiribayaculturalremainscomprise the MirafloresUnit ofthe localHolocene geological column, which has a partiallydated "BasalSequence" of earlier deposits(Keefer et al. 1998). Miraflores sediments areoften overlain by: the A.D. 1600Huayna PutinaUnit of tephra (Thouret et al. 1999);the ChuzaUnit of earthquake and flood debris tentativelydated to A.D. 1607; and flooddepositsfrom the1982-1983 and the 1997-98 EI Nmos. Thetephra unit is securely dated to the FebruaryA.D. 1600violent eruption ofthe HuaynaPutinavolcano located about 120 Ian northeast of lIo.This is the only late Holocene as well as earlyhistoric period tephra to be identified in theentire Osmore drainage, and samplesfrom theMoquegua region have been chemicallyidentifiedinand cross-dated to the Quelccayaicecores(Thompson et al. 1985).The MirafloresQuebradaWith affluentshigh in the CoastalCordillera,the incised Mirafloresdrainageisthe coastal typelocality for the Miraflores Unit. The quebradaexits the range through a constricted canyon,where a number ofspringsfluoresce.The canyonopens onto a short coastal plainthat the drainagecrossesin a narrow, incised channel more than 2m deep (Figure 4). In the canyon, mud anddebris flows produced by the 1982-1983ENSOevent resulted in depositsthat buriedspringsandinundated grove areas. Downstream from thecanyon in the coastal plain area, the flowswerelargely contained within the incised quebradachannel. The 1982-1983depositsare typicallyafewcentimeters thick, with a maximumobservedthickness of 20 em. They are composedmostlyof sand and silt with a few pebbles and rockfragments less than 4 cm in diameter.Deposits of the MirafloresUnit are of a muchgreater order of magnitude, with a thicknessranging up to 1.0 to 1.2 m. They extend up thecanyon walls and expand laterally out of thequebrada channel, across the coastalplain downtO'the sea (Figure 4:1). Mirafloresflooding alsotransported large clasts and boulders up to 3 min diameter across the coastal plain. There areno subsequent flood deposits of comparablescalein the sedimentary r~cordpreservedat theMiraflores Quebrada, including the historicChuza Unit.A measured section through the Holocenesedimentary sequence is shown in Figure 5.This section is in the bank of a tributary to the'main Miraflores quebrada (Figure 4:2). Theuppermost unit exposed in the section is the0.005 m thick deposit from the 1982-1983EINmo event that consists of grayish-brownsilty.sand, containing some grit up to 0.002 m indiameter. Below this deposit is .3 to .7 m ofdark yellowish-brownaeolian sand, containinga little silt. Underlyingthis stratum isthe ChuzaUnit, a 0.15 to 0.2-m-thick layer of very com-. pacted siltysand, that isdark yellowish,brownincolQr and contains much grit and some rockfragments up to about 0.07 m in diameter.Belowthe ChuzaUnit isanother layerofaeoliansand with a little silt, which is 0.0025 m thick.Belowthis sand lies the MirafloresUnit depositconsisting of 0.66 to 1.00 m of well-compactedsilty sand, pinkish gray in color and containingrocks up to 0.08 m in diameter. UnderlyingtheMiraflores deposit is a O.OI,m-thick layer ofbrown aeolian sand containing little silt. Thelowest unit, the base of which is not exposed,isOA5 to 0.8 m of the pre-Miraflores Basal Se,quence that consists of brownish..yellowcoars~sand, containing a little silt and gravel, androcks up to 0.8 m in diameter.The Miraflores event swept away the localChiribayaoccupation in a torrent ofwater,mud,and huge boulders, leaving the characteristicsofthis culture to be inferred frombetter..preservedChiribaya remains in adjacent quebradas. AtMiraflores, the indigenous irrigation systempresumablyextended from the springsdownthecanyon onto the upper margins of the coastalplain.This system was operational when springflowwasgreater than it is today and distalfieldsextended somewhat farther downslopethan theconfines of the Colonial olive grove that wasenclosed by a largestone wall (Figure4:3). The

101 ~Satterlee et al.: The MiraJloresEI NinoChiribaya settlement was situated on the southside of the quebrada immediately below theirrigation system. Residential structures ex~tended for at least 100 m along the quebradachannel and for an equal distance inward acrossthe coastal plain (Figure 4:4). The habitationarea waslargebecause the Mirafloresspringflowwashigh and could support a large agriculturalsystemin comparison with the 10other irrigatedquebradas that we have investigated.Chiribaya residences typically occupy longresidentialterraces, cut into the natural substrateandback~filledalongretainingwallsthat maybe .faced with mortarless stonework. Rectangularrooms and compartments are of cane construc~tion, with bound canes set verticallyin narrowtrenches and vertical posts supportingmat roofsof plant material. Quebrada settlementS occa,sionallyinclude special purpose buildingsin theform of large, semisubterranean, one~roomstructures. Occupational refuseis common, andmidden with plant debris often occursin terracefill. .Surface traces of the Mirafloressettlementarenowlimited t~ lowirregularitiesin the overly~ingMirafloresdeposits produced byremnants ofdomestic terraces and two semisubterraneanstructures. Exploratory tests in the area include12shallow 1x 1m probes, a 2 x 2 m probe in theeast wall of the northernmost sunken structure,1m trenches acrossboth sunken structures, andaim wide x 2 m deep x 8 m long profile cut&omthe quebrada channel into the settlement(Satterlee 1993). These probes revealed theheavily eroded outlines of structural features,such as terraces, that were originallycut into theconsolidated substrate. Architecture of cane ormasonry built atop the substrate was gone.Similarly, refuse and midden had been sweptaway prior to the deposition of at least 0.68 mand possibly as much as 1.2 m of fine debris.Excavated artifacts from the trenches werelimited to three shards and severalfragments ofcane.However, the walls and the depth bf thenorth sunken structure had allowed for theentrapment and subsequent preservation ofmore cultural materials. The 2 x 2 m test in theeast wall of this sunken structure. producedseven Chiribaya shards, one unidentifiableshard, spun alpaca threads, four textile &ag~ments, a fragment of com stalk and cob, and afew guinea pig bones. There is no evidence ofpost~floodfarming or settlement by indigenouspeople. However, surface evidence ofreoccupa~tion close to the springswould be obfuscatedbylater centuries of olive farming.Olive trees were first planted in the Mira~flores flood sediments before the deposition ofthin, intermittent accumulations of tephra &omthe FebruaryA.D. 1600eruption of the HuaynaPutina volcano, located about 120kmnortheastof 110. Shortly after this eruption, the ChuzaUnit was deposited, and at a number of pointsalong the quebrada the MirafloresUnit is over~lain by tephra, by the Chuia Unit, and by the1982~1983mud flows.The Osmare CanalThe river type locality for the MirafloresUnit is the Tomb Site on the prehispanicOsmore Canal System (Figure 6: site 266; allsite numbers are from Owen 1992), the largestirrigation system ever erected in the lowerdrainage. Apparently built by A.D. 900 or1000,the systemwasoperational when.Chiriba~.ya people sharedrhe lower valleywith an ethni.cally distinct populace called the Ilo~Tumilaca/Cabuza (I~TIC) population. Over time thelatter population diminished; whereas theChiribaya population grew. Occupying hillsidesabove the second planting surface (Figure6:site215), the ITIC site of Loreto Alto is one of thelarger settlements potentially associated withthe irrigation system. Loreto Alto producedfour calibrated HCdates that fallbetween A.D.1000 and 1250 (Owen 1992), and we presumethat the irrigation systemwasoperational at thistime.Historic and recent farming have takenplace along the river floodplain and on sectionsof very low fluvial terraces. Irrigated by.short

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..102canals, this accessible land was presumablyreclaimed early in antiquity. Other potentiallyarable land is much less accessibleto river waterbecause it is limited to remnants of a high (5..15m) fluvial terrace that survivesdiscontinuously,primarily along the north side of the canyon.Designed to irrigate three widely separatednorthern remnants of the high terrace, theOsmore Canal originated in a bedrock constric..tion in the valley that forms'a hydrologicchoke,forcing und~rflow and ground water.to surface(Figure6). The canal pursued an inclined con..tour course along the canyon side. To reacharable terrace surfaces, it traversed many near..vertical bedrock facesalong a coursecut into themountain side and supported bymasonrysuspen..sion structures. The Osmore systemwas watercostly because it transported water over suchlong distances between irrigated terraces, andearth bank canals of this length typically losemore than 50% of the water they transport.Therefore, we infer that the canal wasoriginallyconstructed when spring and stream flow weresubstantially gre3:ter.The Tomb SiteErosionaland depositionalfeaturesassociatedwith the Miraflores Unit interdict the ancientirrigation'system along virtually all of the 9 kmcanal.courseand completelyobliterateit in manyareas. The remarkable height of the paleofloodsurge that swept down the canyonis revealed atthe Tomb Site (Figure6: Site 266). This site islocated in a short, steep bedrock gullycrossedbythe intake section of the canal that here wasonly5.8 m above the active flood plain. The narrowgully was crossed by a short earthen aqueductcreated by infilling behind a two..step,boulder..faced retention terrace (Figure 7). Limitedoccupation developed in the gully above thecanal. Potable water drawn from the canal wasstored in a sunken circular cistern,constructed ofmasonry, beside the channel. After the destruc..tion of the canal, the cistern wasused as a tombfor an adult. Because of recent erosionalunder..cutting, some two..thirdsof the cistern and mostof its burial content had slumped downhill by1989. Excavation of the remaining fill yieldedhuman bone and a fragmentarywoodenartifact,which was ..c dated to A.D. 900 :t 35 yrs.(PITI0949, uncalibrated; caIA.D. 983..1154,2sigma,using Struiver and Pearson 1993).Some8 m upstream from the cistern, slump..ing exposed the deposits banked against thecanal that are illustrated in the stratigraphicprofile, Figure 7. The oldest unit in the profile(except for the canal itself) is a talus deposit,consisting of small, angular rock fragments,weathered from nearby bedrock that slid downthe gully, burying the canal and upper terraceface (Figure 7 a). This unconsolidated talusincludes a minor admixture of cultural debrisfrom the human occupation immediately up..slope.. There is no evidence of subsequentoccupation in the gully, and the canal did notfunction after it was buried. Burial may beinterpreted as the product of ENSO rainfallandrunoff transporting this rocky debris down thegully and over the canal. If this supposition iscorrect, then significant ENSO..derived flowbegan in this gully (and, presumably, othernearby gullies) even before the principal Mira..floresriver flood surge reached this point in themain valley.The main riverfloodsurgedeposited pinkishsandy silt, comprising the MirafloresUnit here,against the masonry support structure of thecanal (Figure 7 b). The top of the survivingdeposit is 4.3 m above the active river channel.The MirafloresUnit is in turn overlain by thindeposits of the Huayna Putina tephra (Figure7c). The tephra is capped by the Chuza Unit(Figure 7 d) which is a compact debris flowcomposed of talus material from the lateralgully. Chuza river flow material was not ex..posed in this profile. Loosetalus debrispartiallycovers the Chuza Unit. Flood depositsfromthe1982..1983ENSO event occur near the base ofthe profile, 1.5m above the active river channel(Figure 7 e).. First Planting SurfaceDownstream from the Tomb Site, the Os..more Canal rose well above the river bed and

103..Satterleeet al.: The MiraJloresEINinothe Miraflores flood surge. However, theMiraflores..Huayna Putina tephra..Chuza..1982..1983flood sequence recurs in overbankdepositsat .many sites along the river course. Figure 8illustrates the deposits banked against the firstirrigated terrace where the cut bank of the ter..race is about 3 m high (Figure 6: Site 236).Here, the MirafloresUnit is about 1.45 m thick.The lowermost 1.2m of the Unit consist of sandand silt containing rock fragments and rocks aslarge as 0.25 m in diameter; these deposits areinterpreted asbeing derivedfromalocaltributaryquebrada. Above these are 0.2 m of fine sandsand silts, devoid of rocks, which are interpretedas being deposited by the flood descending themain valley. The upper few centimeters of theriverlaid sediments are a fire..altered pinkish..white color, and the Unit is coveredbya 0.03..m... thick layer of carbon that resultedfrom localburning of cane and vegetable matter. Thecarbon deposit isi in turn, overlain by 0.02 to0.03 m of volcanic ash, which is cappedby 0.1 mof aeolian sand. The- overlying Ch.uza Unitconsists of 0.8 m of coarse colluvial sand withnumerous rocl}fragments and angular clasts upto 0.2 m in diameter. It is cappedby0.02 to 0.04m of aeolian sand layer overlain by0.4 to 0.55 mof post..Chuza El Niiio debris that is topped byaeoliansand mixedwith anthropogenicvegetablematter. River flood depositsfromthe 1982..1983EINino flooding are represented by a splatter ofsand and silt plastered against the MirafloresUnit about 4 m above the modern channel.OtherSitesAt the first planting surface, and elsewhere,the exceptional height and thickness of theMiraflores Unit stands out in sharp contrast tothe more modest river flood deposits from the1982..1983ENSO event. Becausemost of theOsmore Canal System occupied high ground, itwas not destroyed by the main Mirafloresfloodsurge that descended down the river course.Rather, it was destroyed by collateralrunoff thatdescended down the canyon sides and by muddebrisflowingout of the tributaryquebradas; thecanal was completely washed away at everyquebrada it crossed. Where the canal ran alongthe rear of irrigated terraces it was buried bythick deposits of sediment that washed downadjacent hill slopes. Systematic survey hasidentified no surface exposures of intact canaland has shown that the destruction of the canalwas essentially total (Satterlee 1991, 1993).Traces of the field terraces and planting surfacesdo survive on sections of the second (Figure6:Site 215) and third (Figure6: Site 208) irrigatedterraces. On the second terrace, a post..floodindigenous settlement was establishedon aban..doned planting surfaces that were never farmedagain. Nonetheless, there have been no Chiri..baya or I..T/C cultural remains found strati..graphically above the Miraflores Unit in thelower valley.Situated on the south side of the valleyabout 5 km upstream from the coast, ChiribayaBaja is one of the biggest prehispanic settle..ments in the lower Osmore drainage aessup1991). Cane..walled structures occupied thetops of large residential terraces that werebuiltalong more than 300 m of the lower valleyslopes. Examination of numerous looters' pitsand a nearby river profile indicates that anextensive flowof colluvial debrissweptover theoccupation area inundating cane buildingsandcollapsing others. The flood deposits are over..lain by tephra, which is, in turn, capped byanother flow of colluvial debris. We interpretthe stratigraphic sequence as Miraflores,Huay..na Putina, and Chuza Units. Outside the valleyproper wehave examined a number ofChiribayasites that occupy high terrain that is not subjectto inundation from upslope runoff. These sitesare capped by tephra, but not by flood deposits.Initial geoarchaeological reconnaissance inthe upper drainage has not identified the Mira..floresor Chuza Units at elevations above 2,000m. We presume that this absence results fromthe drought experienced by the high sierraduring ENSO events. However, paleofloodingis evident in the lower, usuallyarid sierra. Sierrafarming ends where the middle valleyconstrictsinto a narrow gorge, and the large site ofYaralis situated above the last arable land (Figure1).The Chiribaya occupation was located on the

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)top of a fluvial terrace remnant more than 7 mabove the active flood plain and on steep hill..sides behind and above the terrace. Occupa..tional remains are capped by two separate flooddeposits, separated by volcanic tephra, a se..quence indicative of the Miraflores, HuaynaPutina, and Chuza Units. The Mirafloresflooddeposits are extensive. They comprise thicksediments that poured down hill slopesinto andover the Chiribaya settlement. While the Chiri..baya settlement in the MirafloresQuebrada wasswept away, the Yaral settlement was simplyburied by collateral debris flow,and so domesticterraces and cane wall structures are relativelywell..preserved. A three..foldflood..tephra..floodsedimentary sequence is also exposed in theterrace bank below the settlement. The upperflood deposit appears to be Chuza colluvium.Here the Mirafloresflooddepositsarecomprised,at least partly, of fluvialmaterial, suggestingthatthe river flood surge was about two meters high.A surge of this magnitude would decimate con..temporary irrigation agriculture that occupiesareas that are little higher than the river floodplain.DatingAt the Tomb Site, a charcoal sllmpletakenfroma plant ash and carbon lens,partlyoverlyingand partially inco~oiated into the Mirafloresdeposits, yielded a 4Cdate of A.D. 1360 :t 35yrs. (PITI..0948, uncalibratedj cal A.D. 1314..1437,2 sigma,using Stuiver and Pearson 1993).This ash and carbon lens, which was capped,byHuayna Putina ash, probablyslumpeddown intothe moist flood deposits from the pre..floodhuman occupation material immediately upslopein the gully. .In terms of the regional archaeological sequencefor the Osmore drainage, we postulatethat the Miraflores Unit dates to the end of theChiribaya Phase occupation. In the lowervalleyand in coastal quebradas the Miraflores UnitstratigraphiCally overlies Chiribaya and I..TICoccupational surfaces. In mid..valley, at anelevation of 1200m, Miraflores,Huayna Putina,and Chuza deposits overlie a Chiribayacemeteryand residential architecture at Yaral, whereexcavations indicate that the extensive Chiri..baya occupation was brought to a devastatingand abrupt end byMirafloresflooding. Archaeologicalevidenceindicates that no ChiribayaorI..TIC remains have been found stratigraphicallyabove the MirafloresUnit in the Osmore drainageor in coastal quebradas.In,the regionalcultural sequence,Chiribaya..'style art and architecture are succeeded by theEstuquifia..styleand then Estuquifia..Inca mate..rials Oessup 1990; Owen 1992, 1991; Stanish1985). Inthe lower valley, the replacement ofChiribaya by Estuquifia has been characterizedas abrupt with no evidence of temporal overlapOessup 1991). Surface remains associatedwiththe post..flood settlement atop the secondterrace (Figure 6: Site 215) of the OsmoreCanal System appear to be of Estuquifia affiliation.At Carrizal Quebrada, late prehispanicburials yield Estuquifta ceramic forms that arealso associated with Burro Flaco cultural re..mains that overlie Miraflores deposits at themouth of the Pocoma Quebrada1997).(ReycraftIf the Miraflores Unit were the product ofsevereEINino conditions, then these conditionsshould be reflected in ice-core data from Quel..ccayaglacier,located about 200 Iannorth oHIo.The composition of the glacial material is sensi..tive to climatologicalperturbations and provideschronological constraints for past ENSO events(Thompson et al. 1984). For late prehistorictimes the ice core data indicate: 1. below aver..age precipitation from A.D. 1000 to 1500; 2.drought episodes at A.D. 1250..1300and 1450..1500; and, 3. periods of ENSO activity at A.D.1270..75, 1350..1370,and 1482..1493,with theA.D. 1350episodebeing pronounced (Thomp..son et al. 1985;Thompson, personal communication1995).The last of the three periods of ENSOactivity is not compatible with the dating of theMiraflores Unit; the 1482-93 date falls withinthe era of Inca domination and can be elimi..nated because late pre..Inca remains overlie

105~Satterlee et a1.: The Mirajlores El NiiioMiraflores deposits at several sites. Calibratedradiocarbon dates on Chiribayaremainsindicatethat this occupation spanned the A.D. 1270~1275 episode of ENSO activity without interrup~tion (Owen 1992). In contrast, Chiribaya re~mains have not been found stratigraphicallyabove the Miraflores Unit. 'Therefore, the unitdoes not appear compatiblewith thisearlyperiodof El Nino conditions. Deposition of the Mira~floresUnit, however,is compatiblewith the A.D.1350~70 episode of pronounced ENSO activityrecorded in the Quelccaya cores,based both onthese stratigraphic relations and on the l"C datadiscussed above.In the Quelccaya glacial cores,the dating ofthe A.D. 1350,1370ENSO activityisbaseduponcounting varve~likeannual depositsof both wetseason snow and dry season dust accumulations(Thompson et al. 1984). This method offersmore precise chronological calibration than thatof the available HC assayspertaining directly orindirectly to the Miraflores Unit. Nonet#eless,the available l"C data conform to the ice coredates, and we th~refore postulate that the Mira~flores episode of paleoflooding occurred duringthe A.D. 1350~70ice core episodeofpronouncedENSO activity.ImplicationsThe Andean paleoflood record must beinterpreted with caution. Large flood depositscan result from large quantities of El Niiio rain~fall. They can alsoresult from smallerquantitiesof ENSO precipitations that entrain debrisdislodgedby a precedingearthquake of largemagnitude (Moseleyetal. 1992). We believe theChuza Unit wasproduced by A.D. 1607El Ninorunoff that entrained copious materialdislodgedby the A.D. 1604 magnitude 8.5 earthquake.Therefore, large Chuza flood depositsshould berestricted to the region impacted by the earth~quake.Chuza deposits often contain high quantitiesof large, angular sediments derived from theCoastal Cordillera, and well~preserved plantindusions. Plants survive only as moldsin Mira~flores deposits which, in the lower valley,con~tain substantial quantities of fine, red sedimentderived from the inland Moquegua Formation.These features suggestlargequantities of water.If the deposits resulted exclusivelyfrom ENSOrainfall and runoff, then the Miraflores Unitshould represent a geoarchaeological horizonmarker produced by exceptionally severe ElNino conditions that affected the entire Cordil~lera. Assessing this possibility is hampered byproblems of cross~dating distant paleoflooddeposits to one another and to the glacial ice. cores. EI Niiio flooding dated to A.D. 1300orshortly thereafter has been reported for theCasma and Moche drainages of northern Peru(Moore 1991; Pozorski 1987; Wells 1987).Therefore, the possibilitythat the MirafloresElNino episode was a Pan~Andean catastropheshould not be dismissed.If the A.D. 1100~1500 drought affected theentire central Andean Cordillera, asisprobable,then the decline.in precipitation at high eleva~tions constituted a water lossthat wasamplifiedprogressively at successively lower elevationsalong the arid watershed. Therefore, droughtstress was greatest on coastal populations andrelatively less severe on sierra populations. Inthe sierra, agrarian reclamation of high terrainin close proximity to restri~ted rainfall shouldprove to be pervasive after A.D. 1100. Decadesago Donald Lathrap (1970) pointed out thatalong the eastern watershed high altitude terrac,ing underwent unprecedented expansion in lateprehistoric times. He saw this as a processthatbegan in the south, moving north from Boliviathrough Peru. If altitudinous reclamation didindeed proceed longitudinally, then it can bemodeled as a drought response process thatbegan in the south where the Cordillera isdriestand advanced north as decreased precipitationbegan to affectlessarid regions of the mountainrange (Moseley 1997). Always provocative,Lathrap (1970:179) associated the spread ofhigh elevation reclamation with the radiation ofQuechua~speaking peoples and the rise of theInca Empire. Regardless of linguistic consider~ations, catastrophe clearly contributed tochange in the political landscape of the Osmore

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)# 106River basin, if not other drainages. Byrespond~ing successfullyto diminishedrainfall,high sierrapopulations grew in sizeand were positioned todominate their wan coastal counterparts, whohad few means of mitigating their drought~de~pressed agrarian production.AcknowledgmentsWe thank Adan Umire A. for field assis~tance; Nikki Clark and Ian Curry for initialdescriptions and profiles of the Tomb Site andPlanting Surface #2; Rick Reycraftfor informa~tion on Carrizal;Bruce Owen forinformationonthe lower and upper valley; David Jessup forinformation on Chiribaya; Karen Wise for infor~mation on MirafloresQuebrada; ShawnPenmanand Garth Bawden for information on BurroFlaco; Don Rice, M. Nene Lozada,Elva Torres,and Jane Buikstra for information on Yaral;PaulGoldstein for information on mid,valley; P.R.Williams for information on hydrology;and DanBelknap and other, anonymous manuscriptreviewers for constructive' commentary. Re~search support wasprovided bythe Heinz Foun~dation, the UniveI:sityof FloridaFoundation, theUnited States GeologicalSurvey,the Asociaci6nContisuyo, and Southern Peru Copper Corpora~tion.References CitedBawden, Garth1989 Pre-Inca Cultural Ecology of the 110Region. InEcology, Settlement, and History in the OsmoreDrainage, Peru, edited by Don S. Rice, CharlesStanish, and Phillip R. Scarr, pp. 183-205. Ox,ford: BAR, International Series 545 (i).Beck, J.Walter and John E. Davies1976 Medical Parasitology.St. Louis: C.V. Mosby.Binford, Michael W., Alan L. Kolata, Mark Brenner, JohnW. Janusek, MatthewT. Seddon, Mark Abbott, and JasonH.Curtis '1997 ClimateVariationand the Riseand Fallof anAndeanCivilization.QuaternaryResearch47:235-248.Borstel, Christopher L., Geoffery W. Conrad, and Keith P.Jacobi1989 AnalysisofExposedArchitecture at San Antonio:Foundationforan ExcavationStrategy.In Ecol,ogy,Settlement andHistoryintheOsmoreDrainage,edited by Don S. Rice, CharlesStanish, andPhillip R. Scarr, pp. 371~394. Oxford: BAR,International Series 545(ii).Burgi,Peter T.1993 TheInkaEmpire'sExpansioninto theCoastalSierraRegionWestofLakeTiticaca.UnpublishedPh.D.dissertation, AnthropologyDepartment, Universityof Chicago.Buikstta, Jane E.1995 Tombsfor the Living. . . or. . . Forthe Dead:The OsmoreAncestors.In Tombsfor theLiving:AndeanMortuaryPractices,edited by Tom D.Dillehay, pp. 229-280. Washington, D.C.:'Dumbarton Oaks Research Libraryand Collecrion.Caviedes, cesar N.1984 El Nino: 1982,83. The GeographicalReview. 74(3):267-290.Clement, Christopher Ohm and Michael E. Moseley1991 The Spring,Fed Irrigation System of Carrizal,Peru: A Case Study of the Hypothesisof AgrarianCollapse. Journal of Field Archaeology18(4):425-443.Conrad, GeoffreyW. and Ann D. Webster1989 Household Unit Patterning at San Antonio. InEcology,Seulementand History in the OsmoreDrainage,editedbyDonS.Rice,CharlesStanish,and PhillipR. Scarr, pp.395,414. Oxford:BAR,International Serie&545(ii).Dendy, John H.1991 A DescriptiveCatalogandPreliminaryAnalysisofBotanicalRemains [romArchaeological Excava£ionsat Chiribaya Alta, Lower OsmoreDrainage,Pern.Master's thesis, Washington University, St.Louis.Dillon, Michael O.1985 The Silver Liningof a Yery Dark Cloud: BotanicalStudies in Coastal Peru During the 1982-83EINii'ioEvent. FieldMuseumofNaturalHistoryBu11etin56:6-10.Jessup, David1990 Rescate arqueo16gicoen el museode sitiode SanGer6nimo,110. In Trabajosarqueo16gicos enMoquegua,PerU,3, editedbyLuisK.Watanabe,Michael E. Noseley, and Fernando Cabieses,pp.151-165. Lima: Programa Contisuyo delMuseoPeruano de Ciencias de la Salud and SouthernPeru Copper Corporation.1991 Desarrollosgenerales en el IntermedioTardioenel valle de 110,Peru. Informe Interno del ProgramaContisuyu. Paper presented at the 56thAnnual Meeting of The Society for AmericanArchaeology, April 28, 1991, New OrleanS,Louisiana.

107..Satterlee et al.: The MirafloresElNinoKeefer, David K., Susan D. deFrance, Michal E. Moseley,James B. Richardson nI, Dennis R. Satterlee, and Amy DayLewis1998 Early Maritime Economy and EI Nifio Events atQuebrada Tacahuay, Peru. Science 281 (no.5384): 1833-1835.Lathrap, Donald W.1970 The Upper Ama.ton:Ancient Peoplesand Places.New York: Praeger.Moore, Jerry D.1991 Cultural Responses to Environmental Catastrophes:Post-EI Nifio Subsistence on the PrehistoricNorth Coast of Peru. Latin American Antiquity2(1):27-47.Moseley, Michael E.1997 Climate, Culture, and Punctuated Change: NewData, New Challenges. The Review of Archarology18:9-27.Moseley,Michael E.,DavidWagner, andJamesB.RichardsonIII1992 Space Shuttle Imagery of Recent CatastrophicChange on the Arid Andean Coast. In Paleo-Shorelines andPrehistory:AnIntlestigation ofMethod,edited by Lucile Lewis Johnson and MelanieStright, pp. 215-235. Boca Raton: CRC Press.Murphy, Robert Cushman .1926 Oceanic and Climatic Phenomenaalongthe WestCoast of South America During 1925. The GeographicalReview16:26-54.Ortloff, Charles and Alan Kolata1993 Climate and Collapse: Agro-ecologicalPerspectiveson the Dedine of the Tiwanaku State.. JournalofArcharologicalScience20:195-221.Owen, Bruce1991 Colonization and Complexityin the Twilight ofTiwanaku: The Coastal Osmore Valley, Peru.Paper presented at the 56th Annual Meeting ofthe Society for American Archaeology, NewOrleans, louisiana.1992 Coastal Colonies and the CollapseofTiwanaku:The Coastal Osmore Valley, Peru. Paper presentedat the 57th annual meetingof the SocietyforAmerican Archaeology,Pittsburgh,Pennsylvania.1993a EarlyCeramic Settlement in the Coastal OsmoreValley: Preliminary Report. Paper presented atthe Institute of Andean Studies 1993 AnnualMeeting, Berkeley,California.1993b A ModelofMultiethnicity:StateCollapse,Competition,and SocialComple:dtyfrom Tiwanaku toChiribayain theOsmoreValley,Peru.UnpublishedPh.D. dissertation, Department ofAnthropology,University of California.1994 Were Wari and Tiwanaku in Conflict, Competition,or Complementary Coexistence? SurveyEvidencefromthe UpperOsmore Drainage,Peru.Paper presented at the 59th Annual Meeting ofthe Society for American Archaeology, Anaheim,California.pozorski,Thomas1987 Changing Prioritieswithin the Chimu State:TheRole of Irrigation Agriculture. In The OriginsandDevelopment of theAndean State, edited byJonathan Haas, Shelia Pozorski,and ThomasPozorski, pp. 111-120. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.Reycraft, Richard1997 Calamity, Collapse, and Continuity: VariedResponse to EI Nifio in Southern Peru CircaA.D. 1400. Paper presented at the 62nd AnnualMeeting of the Society for American Archaeology,Nashville,Tennesee..Rice,Don S., CharlesStanish,and PhillipR. Start (editors)1989 Ecology,Settlement,and Historyin the OsmoreDrainage,Peru. Oxford:BARInternationalSeries 545(i), 545(ii).Rice, Prudence M.1997 Wine and Brandy Production in Colonial Peru:A Historical and Archaeological Investigation.JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory27:455-479.Satterlee, Dennis R.1991 Impact ofEI Nino.Flooding on PrehistoricAgriculturein Southern Peru. Paperpresented at the56th annual meeting of the SocietyforAmericanArchaeology, New Orleans.1993 TheImpactof a FourteenthCenturyElNinoFloodonan IndigenousPopulationNear 110,Peru. Ph.D.dissertation,Universityof Florida,Gainesville,Florida. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UniversityMicrofilms International. (Now a division ofBell & Howell Company.)S.P.C.C. (Southern Peru Copper Corporation)1985 Estadlsticashidrometeoro16gicas de estacionescontro/adaspar S.P.C.G.enlosdepartamentosTacnayMoquegua,1949a1985.Cuajone, Peru.Struiver, Minze and Gordon W. Pearson1993 High Precision Bidecadel Calibration of theRadiocarbon Time Scale, AD 1950-500BCand2500-6000BC. Radiocarbon35(1):215-230.Stanish, Charles1985 Post-Tiwailaku RegionalEconomicsin the OroraValley, SouthernPeru. Ph.D.dissertation,Universityof Chicago. Ann Arbor, Michigan:University Microfilms International. (Now adivision of Bell & Howell Company.)1992 Ancient Andean Political Economy. Austin:University of Texas.Thompson, Lonnie G., Ellen Moseley-Thompson,J. F.Bolzan, and B. R. Roci1985 A 1500-YearRecord ofT ropical PrecipitationinIce Cores from the Quelccaya Ice Cap, Peru.Science 229(no. 4717):971-973.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) .-108Thompson, Lonnie G., Ellen Moseley~Thompson, andBenjamfnMorales Amao1984 EINiii~uthem OscillationEventsRecordedinthe Stratigraphyof the TropicalQuelccayaIceCap,Peru. Science226(no.4670):50,53.Thompson, Lonnie G., E. Moesley~Thompson,W.Dansgaard, and P. M. Grootes1986 The Little Ice Age as Recorded in the Stratigra~phyof the TropicalQuelccayaIce Cap. Sciena234:361~364.Thouret, Jean~CIaude, Jasmine Davila, Jean~PhilUp Essen1999 Largest explosive eruption in histotic times in theAndes at Huaynaputina volcano, A.D. 1600,Southern Peru. Geology 27(5):435~438.VanBuren,Mary .1993 Communityand Empirein SouthernPeru:The Siteof Torata Alta under Spanish Rule. UnpublishedPh.D. dissertation, Anthropology Department,University of Arizona.1996 Rethinking the Vertical Archipelago. AmericanAnthropologist 98:338~351.Van Buren, Mary, Peter T. Burgi, and Prudence M. Rice1993 Torata Alta: A Late Highland Settlement in theOsmore Drainage. In DomesticArchitecture,Ethnicity, andComplementarity intheSouth~Ce71tralAndes, edited by Mark S. Aldenderfer, pp. 136~146. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.Wells, LisaE.1987 An Alluvial Record of EI Nifio Events fromNorthern Coastal Peru. Journal of Geop1r;ysicalResearch 92(c13): 14,463~14,470.Wheeler, Jane C.1991 Origen, evoluci6n y status actual. In Avances 'Jperspectivas del COTJOCimjenu) de los camllidossudamericanos,edited by S. Fernwdez~Baca,pp.11~48. Santiago: FAO.Williams, Sloan1990 The Skeletal Biology of EstuqUiiia:A late I~~diate Site in Southern Peru. Ph.D. dissertation"Northwestern University, Evanston, IlUnois.Ann Arbor, Michigan: University MicrofilmsInternational. (Now a division of BeD & HowellCompany.)Williams, Patrick Ryan1997 Disaster in the Development of Agriculture and theEvolutionof SocialComplexityin theSouth-CentralAndean Sierra. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,University of Florida, GainesvUle.

109~ Satterlee et al.: The Miraflores El NinoPacificOceanJOO4000mo 5 10 20KilometersFigure 1.Average annual precipitation, in millimeters, occurring in the Osmore Drainage. Changes inrainfall amounts are indicated by the dark, dashed lines. Elevations are given in meters.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Pocoma.,.,-. Miraflores..,,:.,- .- ~, '81\......."-'Chuza " Chuza, ~.. Lomas..'-.. ..-c-('-,,,...,.. , ... ""-o 1 2 3JWometersOSMORE RIVER110Figure 2.Coastal Quebradas north of the Osmore River.

111.. Satterlee et al.: The Mirajlores El NinoFigure3:Stagesofdebrisflowandflashfloodgenerationin the coastalvalleybeginning1,withhillslopesheetwash,progressing2,throughquebradaflashfloods,andculmiriating3,in alargefloodsurgedescendingthe valley.

ANDEANPAST6 (2000) ..112Figure4:AerialViewof MirafloresQuebradaindicating:1) extent of the coastalplaindebrisflow;2)canyonand tributaryarea;3) ColonialPeriodwalledolivegrove;and 4) Chiribayasetdementarea.

113.. Sauerle et al.: The Mirajlores EINino0102030405060708090100110120130140150160170Cm. 0.."..-.0...- ...0 e.- ...""~..' ...to.."0.4".j 8...(3..., .~.. ." ..QO.". . 4 '.'· · .4 ~ '. /IJ ~ ~. . ... ~~. . . . . . e. ..cJ . c:::>... . . .c:J. . 4'...- 0 ....1982-83DepositsAeoUan~ DepositS· (i .4 · ~ ~ '=...C).D~O 4 .. ~.'. O. Chuza"... '* . QV. ..d.,.~ , ·I ... .O.el . q.-umt· 0 0.. , II. Sand· 0 O...~,. ~u~.. 0. . .t:). . '0. . .. .C) . . ... ..c:!Z) 0 · 0.l)~o. · c · Q..~8 C)0 .. . @~ 08

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liS','" ~:'?-7"ri",;"~-".. . l.at~'t'alua {~_ Ch~&4 DtWri$ (d)(taILlS)'"'~,-fA\rHer-~~ :..~..!.. 0T4\I'.,!~;~brls (a)H~Yn" Put'jO,;;\Ash tc}Miraflores Unit fp)(river deposit)HarHerTa1us Debris ~:1)Unexposed Basal Sequence19$2-53 EJ NH'iQIe}(over qCPOs.lt}Figure 7. Tomb Site Prome.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..116o10203040so60708090100110120130140150160170180190200210220230240250260270280290300em. 0bs.. .-.".--'.9". ID-.-._ -i ..... . .'.'';' It. " ..,I') 411. t~ .. .. .. , c:::/)~JIIf12"".' ~ ,',.'''\ ,." , ~ ~.. ,,~-,..\>.~~";: " ~'A "'..;- '4 \'1 " '. .A., .. '. ," #).,44f,.,-", ~ ~.. t , , ",.'0..... '., ...,.,..,...1#.'"..,."..,. .",(?/f.'!.. ~, ~ _' '.,; , '. ~.: c . ..,..,#II".., "... '

THE JEL1 PHASE COMPLEX AT LA EMERENCIANA,A LATE VALDIVIA SITE IN SOUTIIERN EL ORO PROVINCE, EcUADORJohn Edward StallerUniversityof lUiooisat ChicagoIntroductionOver forty years ago, EmilioEstrada (1956,1958) initiated excavations at a shell midden(G..31)1in Guayas Province, east of the fishingvillageof Valdivia. There he identified a previ..ously unknown ceramic complex which heclassifiedas the Valdivia Phase. The Valdiviadeposit was,on the basisof stylisticsimilarities,initiallyestimated to be contemporaneous withInitial Period pottery from the EarlyAnc6n andGuafiapecultures ofcoastal Peru (Estrada1956:9-16; 1958:98). Estrada (1958:7, 12) correctlysurmised that Valdivia pertained to the EarlyFormative Period. Later radiocarbon evidencesupported his conclusions, revealingValdiviaasone of the preeminent earlyceramiccultures ofthe New World (Bishof1972, 1980;BishofandViteri Gamboa 1972;Damp 1984a,1984b;Lan..ning 1968;Lathrap etaI.1977;Lippi1983;Mar..cos 1988a;Meggerset aI.1965;Norton 1977;Raymond1989,1993;RaymondetaI.1994).Despite extensive research on Valdivia, thefinal portion of the sequence wasnot well un..derstood, and its relationship to the MiddleFormative Period Machalilla Phase hasremained problematic. Earlyconclusionsaboutthe relationship of these cultures were basedupon a few sites with deeply stratified middens,all in coastal Guayas Province or southernManabi Province. Excavators of some sites inthese regions reported remnants of habitation1 The site numbering system employed in this paperis that established by Ecuador's Patrimonio Cultural delLitoral de Ecuador.structures with evidence of related domesticactivities. These scholars concluded that theValdivia population was sedentary. Theirinvestigationsrecorded evidence ofearlymound. building and U..shapedvillage plans at ceremonialsites such as Real Alto (Damp 1979:61-68,72..79, 1984a, 1984b; Lathrap et aI. 1977;Marcos1988a:137..140,1988b:9..13;MarcosetaI. 1976; Raymond 1993; $tahl and Zeidler1990;Zeidler 1984:59,63..64,68..70,tables2-3,maps 8-34, 1987).Recent research in northern Manabi, theGulf of Guayaquil regi()n,and southern El Orohas revealed sites pertaining primarily to thefinal portion of the Valdivia sequence. Innorthern Manabi a terminal Phase VII occupa..tion wasidentified in regional survey and at thesite of San Isidro. In the Gulf of Guayaquilareaa Phase VII..VIII component was reported atSan Lorenzo del Mate., Valdivia occupationdated to betWeen2000 and 1600 B.C. has beenidentified in El Oro Province (Figure 1).Southern El Oro encompasses the coastallowlands from the Jubones River to the Zaru..milla River at the border with Peru (Figures1-2). The climate in this region is semi-arid,withannual precipitation betWeen 129and 709mm.The vegetation is xerophytic tropical forest. Inaddition, mangrove forests and wetlands areextremely rich in natural resources and playanimportant role in long..term human adaptationto this region (Figure 3). Until recently, theprehistory of coastal El Oro Provincewaslargelyunknown (Burger1984;Netherly etaI. 1980;Quilter 1981).ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 117..174.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)The research presented in this paper in,cludesresults fromsurveybetween the Arenillasand Buenavista Rivers, and analysisof sherdsfrom LaEmerenciana, a LateValdiviasite northof the town of Santa Rosa (Figure 4). LaEmerenciana (00SrSr,42) was one of elevenLate Valdivia sites identified in my survey(Figure5). Excavations have revealed a previ,ously unreported Late Valdivia componentdesignated the Jell Phase (Staller 1994).This analysis represents a reconsideration ofValdivia and Machalilla chronology and affilia,tions achieved through a comparative analysis ofdiagnostic ceramic attributes. I identify anddescribethe Jel!Phase diagnosticpottery on thebasis of attribute analysisof over 30,000 sherdsfromlarge,scaleexcavations at LaEmerenciana.Diagnostic ceramics are reconstructed as wholevesselsand put into formal classe~.The archae,ologicalresults force us to reconsiderthe role ofsouthern coastal Ecuador in Formative prehis,tory. Ibrieflyre,examine socioculturaldevelop,ments in the highlands of Ecuador and Peru,and in coastal Peru during the final epochs ofthe Early Formative. Period (ca. 1850,1650B.C.).Early Research in El Oro ProvinceArcheological survey by Estrada, Meggers,and Evans along the mangroveislandsofcoastalEI Oro Province concluded that this area wasnot occupied until late in the prehispanic se,quence ofthe region. Estradaandhis colleaguessuggested that this was a political and geo,graphic frontier, with a culture history distinctfrom southwestern Ecuador and far northernPeru (Burger 1984; Estrada et al. 1964:489;Evansetal. 1959:figure1;Meggersetal. 1965:figure2). Specifically,the divisionfallsbetweenthe lowlands south of the Jubones River insouthern Ecuador and the Chira Desert in farnorthern Peru (Figure 2). The region wasthought to have been first occupied by man,grove fishingpeople whose JambeJ.(culture wasdated, on the basis of pottery, to the Regional,118Developmental Period (ca. 500 B.C. to A.D.500) (Figure 6).Contrary to the early conclusions, a largeEarlyFormative Period (3500,1500 B.C.)Valdi,via occupation zoneextends to southern coastalEI Oro (Figure5). This study presents the firstevidence of extensive Late Valdivia occupationin the region. In this case, it is dated to the endof the sequence, the portion that is the leastknown archaeologically (Figure 6).The relationship between Valdivia andMachalilla has been debated for some time byarchaeologistsworkingin coastal Ecuador. Thisstudy shows that there is archaeological evi,dence fora development transition linkingthesecultures. The transition is regional in natureand appears to be related to th~ elaboration oflong,distance interaction networks. Variousstudies have suggested that the development ofinteraction spheres was a major factor in stimu,lating changes in prehispanic economies andsocial organization in western South America(Lathrap 1971,1973; Burger 1992:102,103,209,211,212). The archaeological evidence linkingthe Valdivia and Machalilla Phaseswith varioushighland and coastal cultures is compared tosimilarlinksreported byarchaeologistsforotherparts of the world.Archaeological Evidence for the ValdiviaChronologyThe ValdiviaPhase has commanded consid,erable attention from South American scholarsbecause of its great antiquity. It represents oneof the oldest complexesin the prehispanicNewWorldand has been believed to have playedanimportant role in the development of ceramicinnovations in other regions of the hemisphere(Ford 1969). Comparisons reveal that earlypottery complexes from different geographicareas resemble one another. Stylistically,thesecomplexes diverged radially in the later Forma,dve complexes (Hoopes 1994). Valdivia wasinterpreted as a nomadic coastal culture withsubsistencedependant upon shellfishcollecting,

119..fishing,and gathering (Meggerset al. 1965:23..25). This interpretation contradicted a prevail..ing notion among archaeologists that potterywasa marker ofsedentary Formativeagriculture(Lathrap 1967:82..88,1970:58,68..179; Lathrapet al. 1975:19..22).Most early investigators workingin coastalEcuador perceived culture change as the endresult of either stimulus diffusion,migration,.orinvasion,generallyradiating fromareasofgreat..er sociopolitical complexity to regions of lesscomplex social organization, and from regionswith richer environments to more marginalareas (Staller 1994:12..16).EsmeraldasProvinceand the Guayas Basin were the only areas incoastal Ecuador where the environment andclimate are apparently amenable to intensiveagriculture, and, therefore, socialstratificationand cultUral innovation (Evans and Meggers1957). However, in coastal Ecuador aquaticresources are available year..round (Meggers1966:20..21).Nevertheless; mostearlytheoreti..calconstructs interpreted culturalcom~lexityintropicalcoastal environments aseither intrusivefrom the Andean highlands, or a result of diffu..sion, migration, or invasion from the nuclearareas of Mesoamerica or highland Peru. Theearly origin of pottery technology in coastal. Ecuador was also considered to be a result ofdiffusionaryprocesses (Estrada et al. 1964;Lathrap et at. 1975:21,23,30,45,47; Meggers1987;Meggersetal. 1965:157..178;MeggersandEvans 1966a, 1966b). All these scholars envi..sioned the environment as the most criticalfactor for understanding socioculturaldevelop..ment (Roosevelt 1980:13..24,3949,1991:107).However, it wasdifferencesin specific,disputeddetails that formed the basisfor the theoreticalunderpinnings and research designsof most ofthe archaeological research in coastal Ecuador(Staller 1994: figure 6).The Valdivia chronologywasinitiallyestab..lished on the basis of 21 radiocarbon datesStaller:La Emerencianaranging from 3000 to 1000B.C.,2and the phasewasdivided chronologicallyinto four subphasesdesignated from early to late, as PeriodsA to D(Evans et aL 1959; .Meggers 1966:3442;Meggers et al. 1965:149, 151). The ColumbiaUniversity excavations directed by Lanning(1968:40) at two sites (G..42A and 0..172)reported uncalibrated radiocarbon dates rangingfrom 2700 to 1500 B.C. (Lanning 1967:85jWilley 1971:270). However, radiocarbon sam..piessubsequently taken from the LornaAlta site(0..182) indicated that the beginning of the. Valdivia cultUral sequence was between 3500and 3300 B.C. (Damp 197~, 1984a; Norton1972, 1977; Stahl 1984). A number of coastalchronologieswerepublishedforValdivia(Figure6). Differences in the chronological rangesprimarily reflect the intensity of archaeologicalresearch, and time of Valdivia occupation ofvarious regions of the coast (Staller 1994: figure7).Various Valdivia' settlement surveys incoastal Guayas and southern ManabCsuggestedthat sites pertaining to the final portion of thesequence were fewer and smaller than thosefrom earlier periods. A Late Valdivia occupa..tion in the Gulf of Guayaquil at Punta ArenasPeninsula was explained by Meggers and hercolleagues (1965:90, 95, 172) as the result of amigration. In fact, they used sherds from sitesfrom the area as diagnostic ceramic markers ofPeriod D. However, in over twenty years ofresearch on Valdivia, a firm terminal date forthe culture has not been established throughceramic seriations, excavations, or radiocarbondates. Despite the absence of such direct evi..dence, the end of the Valdivia sequence hasbeen tentatively estimated at around 1500B.C.(Damp 1984b;Lathrap et al. 1975:16,33). Thedifficultyin documenting the end of the phaseis to some extent related to the fact that all2Following standard practice among Ecuadorianarchaeologists, unless otherwise noted dates are reportedhere as uncalibrated radiocarbon dates converted to B.C.dates by subtracting 1950 years. Calibrated dates aredenoted as "cal B.C.IIand given as a one sigmarange.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)~ 120early research in coastal Ecuador was confinedto the Santa Elena Peninsula and coastal Gua~yas between the Verde and Valdivia Rivers,regions where sites pertaining to the early por~tion of the sequence predominate (Figure7).On the basisofsurveyand excavatedcollec~tions from the Santa Elena Peninsula,southernManabl, and the GuayasCoast,EdwardLanningproposed a preliminary Valdivia ceramic se~quence of nine phases (Lanning 1968). It issignificant in this regard that Lanning was theonly archaeologist to study Early Formativepottery from both coastal Guayas and earlyInitial Period assemblages from the northernand central coasts ofPeru (Lanning1960, 1963,1968). Drawing on this background, Lanning(1968) expressed the opinion that Valdiviaceramic'technology was a pristine coastal phe~nomenon that developed in situ, and thatMachalilla was directly derived fromthe Valdi~via tradition.One ofLanning'sstudents, BetsyHill,reana~lyzedthe Columbia Universitysherdcollectionsand presented a revised eight~phaseValdiviasequence (Hill 1972~74). In this seriation,sherds were analyzed by stylistic attributes,vessel forms, themes, and decorative patterns(Rowe 1961). Hill (1972~74:19,24) discoveredwhile attempting to merge Period C materialfrom the site of Buena Vista (G,54) with diag~nostic sherds excavated at Valdivia(G~31) thatthere was a discontinuous frequency curve infillet applique and brushed attributes. Thediscontinuity in attribute frequencieswas con,sidered to be related to mixing in the Cut 1excavations at Buena Vista, becauseit wasdugby 10 cm increments on a slopingriver terraceat the baseof a steephill (Meggerset al. 1965:18). The frequencydistributionssuggestedthatinverted stratigraphy or secondarydeposits andlate Period C diagnostics corresponding toPhasesVII and VIII were, in fact, earlyPeriod C(Hill 1972,74:19,20, 25). Most Ecuadorianscholars prefer the eight~phasesequence overthe Period A, D seriation because it recognizesthat Period C sherds excavated at Buena Vistaare representative of Phase VI (Figure8). ThePhase VIII diagnostic ceramics were derivedfrom a small site (OGSE,46B) located a fewmeters from the shore of La Libertad on theSanta Elena Peninsula (ibid.:20,21). Neverthe,less,the middle portion of the sequence (phasesIII~V) wasbased solely upon surface findsfromfour disturbed middens west of La Libertad,and, divisions between these phases were arbitrarybecause reliable temporal differencescould notbe discernedin the collections (ibid.:13, 15).An absence of dates or stratigraphic evidencetoestablish phase distinctions was due to shallowand disturbed archaeological depositsand smallsherd samples(ibid.:15). Lanning (1968)iso,lated Phase VI diagnostic sherds,but noted thatthey were rare in the Santa Elena Peninsula.Table1:Conventional RadiocarbonDatesfromLaEmerencianaLaboratory NO. "C Age B.P./ CaIib'U..2Corrected IIC I-a age range B.C.Age B.P.SMU.2241 3361::1:246 B.P. 1935.1323 cal B.C.SMU.2226 3400::1:220 B.P. 1941.1428 cal B.C.Beta-125106 3720%40 B.P.!3700::1:40 B.P. 2137.1979 cal B.C.SMU.2225 3707::1:148 B.P. 2288-2245 cal B.C.Beta-125107 3810%50 B.P.!3860::1:50 B.P. 2240-2201 cal B.C.SMU.2563 377S::t 165 B.P. ' 2459-1922 caI B.C.Note: All material dated is charcoal. Beta dates are AMSdates corrected for uCf4C fractionation. SMU dates arestandard assays. All dates were calibrated using Calib4.1.2 (Stuiver et al. 1998), with the minus 24-year South,ern Hemisphere atmospheric sample adjustment and arereported here as a one~sigma range. Staller (1994: figure5, p. 55. pp. 393-394, 396) provides further informationon the SMU dates. All dates are from Stratum 5 exceptfor SMU-2241 which is from Stratum 6.A date for the end of the Valdivia sequencewas tentatively fixed by Hill on the basisof twouncalibrated dates from site OGS~46B, a 2870,1940 B.C. (L,1232H) date, and another 2570,1740B.C. (L~12321)date associated with PhaseVII pottery (Hill 1972~74:21). These datessuggestedthe culture sequence ended sometimeafter 2300 B.C. A shell sample from Valdivialayers at Buena Vista, 1890,1620 B.C. (SI,69)

121..Staller: La Emerencianasuggested an end date of around 1700B.C. forValdivia (Meggers et aI. 1965:149). A clearceramic transition between Late Valdivia andEarlyMachalilla pottery wasnever identifiedbyinvestigators on the Santa Elena Peninsula, orelsewherein coastal Guayas (Hill 1972..74:20).In northern Manab{ Province, at San Isidro,recent radiocarbon dates have more firmlyestablished an end date of 1650 B.C. (uncali..brated) forValdivia in this region(Zeidler 1988,1992). An uncalibrated radiocarbon samplefrom the final occupation layer (Stratum 6) atLa Emerenciana and associated with ValdiviaPhase VIII pottery was 3361:t246 B.P. (1411'B.C. uncalbrated). One of the fiveradiocarbonsamplesfrom the underlying Stratum 5 (phasesVII..VIII)was similar, at 3400:t220 B.P: (1450B.C. uncalibrated), though the other dates forthis Stratum ranged from 1750..1910 B.C.(uncalibrated) (Table 1). The ,two dateS around1450B.C. maysuggesta late end forValciiviainEI Oro, but their large standard:deviations dooverlap at one sigma ~th the Manab( date.Thus, the end date for Valdivia remains' 'inquestion, but probablyfallssomewherebetween1650 and 1450'B.C;::.The stylisticand formaldistinctionsof theseceramic assemblagesappear to be both contem..porary and regional in nature and reflectsociocultural developments and 'settlementpatterns. With ever increasing detailed infor..mation on specific regional sequences, theabilityof pottery seriations to makebroad,com..parisons significantly declines (Hoopes'1994).It is obvious from what is presented. in thefollowingceramic analysis that the formal andstylistic attributes that defined the later phasesof the Hill seriation were derived from sherdcollections that did not contain the total rangeof variability of pottery forms and attributesfound in northern Manabf, southern EI Oro, orthe Punta Arenas Peninsula.For coastal Guayas, Damp (1984b) sug..gested subdividing Valdivia into three majorperiods, an early Period A, a miqdle Period B,artd a late Period C (Figure 8). Zeidler (1991:figure 2) proposed a similar division (early..middle..late) for northern Manabr, but added aTerminal Valdivia subphase (1800..1650B.C.)called Piquigua Phase. This reflects technicaland stylistic differences in northern Manabl.Most archaeologists recognize a significanttechnical and stylistic divergence from earlierphases in Valdivia pottery during and afterPhase III (Lathrap et al. 1977; Zeidler 1984).Pottery underwent another technological imdstylistic divergence outside the area of initialdevelopment in the final portion (phases VII..VIII) of the Valdivia sequence (Staller1994:355). 'The problem of developing a finer chronol..ogywas compounded by the homogeneousgreyashy matrix that characterizes most Valdiviasites, making ex.cavation by natural layers ex..tremely difficult. Moreover, most earlyexcava..tions at Valdivia sites focused upon developinga ceramic seriation by diggingprimarilyin deepdeposits that conta41ed the greater portion ofthe culture sequence (Damp 1979;Lathrap etaI.1975; Meggers et al. 1965). The possibilityformixed and inverted stratigraphywas greatergiventhe deep,complexstratigraphy.In the Gulf of Guayaquil region Spath(1980) examined Late Valdivia pottery fromsites on the Punta Arenas Peninsula and PunaIsland. The pottery from the EI Encanto sitepertained to the middle and final portion of theValdivia sequence (porras Garces 1973:figures19..43;Spath 1980:73..77). Valdivia pottery atEI Encanto and from sites around the Gulf ofGuayaquil represented a regional variant, dis..tinct from Valdivia pottery in the rest of coastalGuayasorsouthernManab{ (Spath 1980:71..74,167). Spath (ibid.:166), along with a growingnumber ofarchaeologists,believed the "ValdiviaD" sequence at Buena Vista was problematic,because sherds from this area of the coast didnot "fit"Late Valdivia seriations of pottery nomthe Santa Elena Peninsula. Such regionaldifferences in pottery were interpreted as beingrelated to greater specialization in maritimeresource exploitation, relative to "mainland

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Valdivia". In this model the Late Valdiviaoccupation at El Encanto and in the Gulf ofGuayaquil region was seen as an example ofcultural drift, a regional variant affected invarious waysby independent cultUraldevelop..ments, and based upon a maritime subsistenceeconomy.The pottery at ElEncanto wasinterpreted asan example of regional conservatism, yet thepottery has many attributes that are only slightvariations or continuations of techniques em..ployed in Middle Valdivia phases (e.g., shellscraping, brushing, combing, applique fillet).Underlyingceramiccomparisonswasan implicitassumptionthat previousseriationsreflectedthetotal range of variability in the Valdivia tradi..tion. There is no convincing evidence indicat..ing that differe~cesin the pottery'of the Gulf ofGuayaquil region are the result-ofgreat~rmari..time resource exploitation duritlg'Middle andLate Valdivia times. Faunal analysisof remainsfrom coastal 'Guayas middens also in),ply agreater maritime economic focusforcoastalsitesin the final portion of the cultunl1'sequenceinthose areas (Byrd 1976: tables 2,85, 90).Valdivia Occupations in Coastal EI OroProvinceLa Emerenciana is a largeceremonialsite insouthern El Oro Province. It wassurrounded bysupporting hamlets. A similar pattern existswith Late Valdivia villages and hamlets alongthe coastal streams, and with thoseinland alongthe Arenillas River. There, ceremonialmoundswere alsoidencmedat the Jumon Site (OOSrSr..43) and at the site of Laguna de Canas(00SrSr..16). However, it could not be deter..mined with certainty if the moundsat the lattersite are associated with the Valdiviaor the LateFormative occupation. Nevertheless, theselarge Early Formative sites are dispersed in alineal fashion along the Arenillas River at ap..proximately 5 kIn intervals (Figure 5). Thepresence of three large (greater than 10 ha intotal area) ceremonial sites, two on the ancientshoreline and a third further inland beside the..122stream reflects changes in sociopoliticalorgani..zation, possibly related to the development oflong..distanceexchange with the sierra (Staller1994: figure 8). Direct evidence of long..dis..tance exchange with the Ecuadorian highlandsis apparent at La Emerenciana from two high..land obsidian flakes found in the excavationsthere (ibid.:331..332). Highland obsidian hasalso been reported from terminal Valdivia sitesin northern Manabi (Zeidleret al. 1994:141-144).Neutron activation analysis by Burger andassociates of the obsidian flakes from LaEmerenciana indicates that they originate fromtwo different sources in the Ecuadorian Andes(Staller 1994:331). One obsidian flake (Cat.No. RLB045)comesfrom an obsidianoutcropatMullumica in the Quito Valley,while the otherfl~ke(Cat. No. RLB046)isfrom the Quiscatola-Yanaurco Source, southeast of Quito, nearCotopaxi (Asaro et aL 1994:559). In terms ofdistance from the Ecuadorian coast, theseoutcrops in the high Andes are the closestandmost accessible sources of volcanic glass. Theobsidian flakes excavated at La Emerencianaare compelling evidence for highland-coastalinteraction by the end of the Early Formative(Staller 1994:259,330..332,423). The natureand complexity of this 'exchange network' isfurther implied by the fact that raw materialfrom two different obsidian sourceswasaccessibleto coastal societies. A growing body ofresearch points to the early development ofcoastal..highland long..distance interaction,directly supporting Lathrap's (1971) contentionthat such networks have their origins in EarlyFormative periods.Archaeological evidence suggests thatbetween 1850 and 1650 B.C. long-standingexchange networks along the coast underwentsignificant changes.. These led to considerableregional autonomy and the development ofpolitical systemsof greater complexityand scalein the Peruvian highlands and coastal deserts(Burger 1992:53-55,101-103, 125-127, 209,211-212). The consequences of long-distance

123..interregional interaction in forming distinctsociocultural trajectories is relevant to thetiming and nature of developmental changes inthe prehistoric record.Archaeological Evidence for the MachalillaChronologyThe MachalillaPhase wasinitiallyidentifiedbyG.H. S.Bushnell(1951:17..21)at two sites(G..46and G..47according to Lanning'snumer..ation) near La Libertad on the Santa ElenaPeninsula. Estrada (1958:13,53) described thephase in terms of its diagnostic attributes atMachalilla in southern coastal ManabC,andassignedit a chronologicalpositionintermediatebetween Valdivia and Chorrera, asserting that.red..banded and engraved sherd~ represent asingle ceramic component designated' as the.Machalilla Phase (ibid.:55).. A number ofMachalilla shell middens were fou~9in coastalGuayas and southern ManabCPro\hnce' (ibid.:94; Meggerset al. 1965:,figure 2). In terms ofceramic affinities, Estrada (1958:55, 111) con..tended that corrugated sherdshadsimilaritiestopottery from the. Amazon Delta, but arguednevertheless that Machalilla represented adiffusion of Formative societies from Meso..america at approximately the same time Val..divia sites were disappearing from the region.Althougll he considered the possibility thatValdivia and Machalilla were part of the sameceramictradition, no apparent potterytransitionlinkingthese cultureswas identified(ibid.:93..94). The absence of an early component at thetype site compounded the difficultyof linkingthe phases from excavated collections.' .'In later excavations at Machalilla and LaCabuya (0..110) Meggers and Evans. (1962)identified sixpottery typesdiagnosticof Macha..lilla. Meggers et al. (1965) expanded theirearlier seriation (Estrada 1958; Meggers andEvans 1962) and identified fiveplainand fifteendecorated types diagnostic of the complex. Onthe basis of type frequencies, they divided thecomplex into three subphases, A to C, rangingbetween 2000 B.C. and 1050 B.C. (Figure 8).Staller: La EmerencianaThe 2000 B.C. beginning date for Machalillawasbased upon a radiocarbon date (4050 :!:200B.P. [W..630), uncalibrated) from Valdivialayers thought to have Machalilla trade waresherds (Meggersand Evans 1962:191;Meggerset al. 1965:172). The chronological range forMachalilla was initially established by radiocar..bon dates from Valdivia C and D deposits thatcontained presumed Machalilla trade sherds,aswell as by an obsidian hydration date of 1500B.C., thought to mark the upper limit of thecultural sequence (Meggersetal. 1965). In theirconclusions, Meggers et al. (ibid.:148: figure 93)used additional radiocarbon dates forValdiviaCand three radiocarbon dates from site 0..159 toplace Machalilla at 2100 to 1050 B.C. ThreeMachalilla radiocarbon dates from the siteof LaCabuya extended the temporal range to 800B.C., but were ignored because they were out ofalignment with the rest of the evidence'(ibid.:149..152). However, reported evidencecontradicted these conclusions, because allthree Machalill~ da.tes are center~d on yearslater than 1400 B.C. (ibid.:149; Willey 1971:353). Meggers (1966: 25, figure3) later revisedthe Machalillachronology to 2000to 1600B.C.,placing a question mark beside the terminaldate, but givingno explanation for the revision.The ceramic attributes at the sites of BuenaVista and La Cabuya suggested to Meggersetal.(1965:173..178;Meggers 1966:47..51)thatMachalilla was a diffusion from an undeter..mined region beyond the Ecuadorian coast andcoeval with, and later than, Valdivia. Thismodel was reinforced by the stirrup..spoutfrag..ments and slip..bandedsherds on the surfaceandin the uppermost layers at the Valdivia typesite(Estrada 1958:figure2; Meggersetal. 1965:110..146). In this highly controversial model,Machalilla was seen as a site..unit intrusiondistinct fromValdivia, and despite an overlapof600 to 700years,there wasa seemingabsenceofstylistic or technological similarities in thepottery to suggest any acculturation (Meggersand Evans 1962:191;Meggersetal. 1965:147..148). Several archaeologists presented a similarreconstruction for the Chorrera Phase (Coe

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)1960:368~369;Evans and Meggers 1957:243;Meggers and Evans 1962:125; Lathrap 1960:126; 1963:74~75.)The chronological overlap hypothesis wasimmediately challenged. Many archaeologistssuggested that there was mixing or invertedstratigraphy in the Cut 1 excavations at BuenaVista (Bischof1967:219, 1975:50;Collier 1968:271; Hill 1972~74:19;Lanning 1968:47; La~thrap 1967:98;Paulsen and McDougle1974:4~5, 1981:13~14). Lanning (1968:46~50)wasdubious that two cultures existingtogether forseveral hundreds of years in the same regionwould have no evidence of acculturation intheir pottery. In a survey report, Lanning pre~sented three radiocarbon dates fromMachalillalayers at La Cabuya ranging from 1370to 880B.C. Although there was continuity in sitelocation between Valdivia and Machalillaoccupations in these regions, the",Machalillalevels were usuallybetween 5 and'25 'cm thickand often separated by a thiri sterilelayer fromunderlyingValdivialevels (Lippi.i983:322,344~345; Paulsen and -McDougle 1974:6). ThepossiblemixingofMachalilla andValdivialayersmay have been related in part to the shallowMachalilla layers typical of the Santa ElenaPeninsula and coastal Ouayas (Estrada1958:55;Lanning 1968). The Cut 1 excavations atBuena Vista were dug on a slopingriver terraceat the base of a hill, and of the 9,800 sherdsrecovered from below 80 em, only 21 wereMachalilla diagnostic ceramics (Hill 1972~74:19,20; Lathrap 1967: 98; Meggers et al.1965:18,21). The Machalilla deposits werepresumably buried below some Valdivia slope,wash, so the context was disturbed and thelayers probably inverted (Lathrap 1967:98).Therefore, rather than being a site,unit intru,sion, Machalillawasthought to have succeededValdiviain the culture sequence (Bischof1967:217; Hill 1972,74: 19; Lanning' 1967:9,1968:47~50; Lathrap 1967: 98, 1971:84,85;Lathrap et al. 1975:33;Staller 1994:39,41, 54,55).Inverted stratigraphy is difficult to verifyatBuenaVista because the greyash middenhasnovisible natural stratigraphy and was dug inarbitrary 10 cm increments (Meggers et al.1965:15,20). However, there is evidence thatsome levelsat Cut 1were disturbed. There alsoare reasons to suspect mixingat La Cabuyabecause the radiocarbon dates suggesta reversesequence. Significandy,all of the EarlyMacha, .lilla dates are derived from Buena Vista(ibid.:149~152).The End of the Valdivia Culture SequenceEarly estimates for the end of the Valdiviaculture sequence were based upon severalMachalilla radiocarbon dates, as well as someChorrera dates (Meggers et al. 1965:149,152,156; Meggers 1966: figure 4). However, therewere no radiocarbon dates to document the endof Valdivia. An increasing number of archaeol,ogistsaccepted Estrada'sinitial conclusions thatMachalilla followed Valaivia chronologically,adding that Machalilla was an evolutionaryoutgrowth of the Valdivia pottery tradition(Bischof1967:217,1975; Lanning 1967:9,1968:39, 41'42; Lathrap 1971:84,85; Lathrap et al.1975:16, 33,34; Lathrap et al. 1977:6; Pearsall1979:6). The conse~sus placed theValdivia/Machalilla chronological dividinglinesomewhere around 1500 :t 200 B.C. and theend of the Machalilla Phase at about 1000B.C.(Willey 1971:353). This date is in accord withmy analysis suggesting an end to Valdivia be,tween 1650 and 1450 B.C. (see above).Henning Bischof (1975b:51) excavated atPalmar 3 (0,88) in 1960. One goalof Bischof'sexcavation was to define EarlyMachalilladiag~nostic traits. Another was to examine thepossibility of a link to Valdivia (ibid.:54,55).The Early Machalilla component of Palmar 3wasdistinguishedstratigraphically,but a separa,tion between Late Valdivia layersand overlyingEarly Machalilla layers made the results incon,clusive (ibid.) The isolationofan earlyPhase2component at Palmar wasattributed to excava,tion by natural stratigraphic levels. In his con,

Staller:La Emerencianaclusions,Bischof (ibid.:51)subdividedthe com..plex into five subphases (Figure8). Using thesame information as Meggers et al. (1965),Bischofcounted backwards from the 2900 B.P.Machalilla date at La Cabuya, and estimated atotal of five 150 to 200 year periods, with aninitial date for Phase 2 at about 3750 :t 200B.P. (2000..1600B.C.) (Bishof1975b). BecauseMachalilla diagnostic sherds pertaining to theearliest and final portions of the sequence(Phases 1 and 5) were absent from the exca..vated samples, these parts of the sequence wereleft forfuture investigations (ibid.).On the basisofceramicanalysis,Bischof(ibid.)outlined whatthe transitional diagnostic traits would be.Bischof'spredictions have proved prescient inthe light of JeUPhase pottery.Paulsen and McDougle (1974, 1981) alsouncovered a stratigraphic separa'tion be~eenLate Valdivia and Early Machalltra'deposits inexcavations at two sites .on the' Santa 'Elenapeninsula. They concluded that 1v1acha~illa wasdistinct from, and later than, .Valdivia, andsubdivided MachaJilla into fivesubphases (Fig..ure 8). ranging between 1300 and 900 B.C.(Paulsen and McDougle 1974:1..14). Theyfollowed Lanmng (1968) and others (Bischofand ViteriGamboa 1972:549;Lathrap 1967:97)in contending that Valdiviaand Machalillawerenot coeval. They argued that the possibilityofmixed deposits at Buena Vista and La Cabuyahad misleadresearchers(Meggerset al. (1965:149..153),prompting them to assert that theseFormative cultures were contemporaneous(Paulsen and McDougle 1981).,.,:PaulsenandMcDougle's assessment is support~dby.the tworecent dates for late Valdivia fromLa Emeren..ciana.Archaeological investigationsofthe Macha..Jilla Phase by Lippi (1982, 1983) were carriedout in coastal Guayas at La Ponga and at Rio. Perdido (G..20), a small locality on the lowerVerde River in coastal Guayas. The site of RioPerdido is one of 29 MachaJillasites identifiedoutside the lower Verde and Zapotal drainagesas'surveyed by Zeidler (1977). The La Pongadates were from stratified deposits, and rangedfrom 1200 to 800 B.C. (Lippi 1983). A strati..graphic separation between Machalilla and theunderlying Valdivia layers at Rio Perdido sug..gested to Lippi (ibid.:39)that Machalilla sue..ceeded Valdivia chronologically and was an insitUand unrelated coastal development repre..senting the Middle Formative Period. Lippisuggested (ibid.:354) that MachaJilla sites insouthern Manab{ and coastal Guayas spannedthe timebetween 1400and 900 B.C. ~ with .Paulsen and McDougle's assessment, Lippi'sinitial date for Machalilla is in line with myterminal dates for Valdivia from La Emeren..ciana. Lippi introduced a revised seriationsubdividing the Machalilla pottery sequenceinto eight phases averaging 50 years each (Fig..ure 8).The locations of Valdivia and Machalillamiddens along the coast clarify,to some extent,the chronology of these cultures (see Damp1984a; Lanning 1968; Raymond 1989; Willey1971:274;Zeidler 1977). Around the villagesofValdivia and Machalilla, Valdivia sites arelocated on lagoonal inlets or on the present..daysalt flats near mangrove settings, while Macha..lilla sites are on high cliffs overlooking sandybeaches (Estrada 1958:8; Evans and Meggers1958:177; Lanning 1968; Meggers et al., 1965:figure 2). The differences in site locationssuggests that Machalilla occupations occurredafter geomorphic changes had taken place, andthat theywerethereforelater in time (Dampetal.: 1990;Willey 1971:274).Lathrap (1970:67) argued on the basis ofpottery diagnostic traits that Machalilla wasoftropical origin, and he cited stylistic affinitiesbetween Machalilla and late Tutishcainyo andSanindine pottery in the Ucayali Valley, andalso sherds from the earlier levels at the site ofCerro Namo in the southern highlands ofEcuador. Lathrap stated that Valdivia andMachalilla are both diffusions of flood plainagriculturalists from the tropical forests east ofthe Andes. The tropical forest model was aprovocative alternative to traditional ways of.'

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) "thinking about culture change, but, at the sametime, it was diffusionist (Lathrap 1970:28, 68~179, 1971, 1973, 1974). This line of reasoningwas based upon a primary assumption thatceramic technology was the result of a Forma~"tivesedentary agricultural adaptation (Lathrap1963:239~240,1970:58, 67, 107, 1973:170).Most early models regarding Valdivia andMachalilla origins were ensconced in such acultural~historical diffusionist framework thatsawsignificantdegreesof similaritiesamong thevarious Formative ceramic complexes(Hoopes1994).A change in setdement patterns, from the"large nucleated village sites such as PuntaConcepci6n, Real Alto, and LornaAlta, to aseasonally dispersed pattern during LateValdivia, is characteristic of coastal Guayas.The absence of mound sites in this region inLate Valdivia times mirrors an apparent declineof Valdivia societies in these regions. Thisseeming reduction of Valdivia habitation sitesto a few small, specialized shell middens andsmall inland sites reflects a cultural dedine inthe final epochs of ~heEarly Formative Period.An absenceofLate Valdiviaceremonialmoundsin the Santa Elena Peninsula and southernManab{supports the contention that this regionexperienced changes in population density. Incontrast, large Valdivia ceremonial sites arepresent in southern EIOro, the Gulfof Guaya~quil, the GuayasBasin,and in northern Manab{.The largeValdiviaVIIIcivicceremonialcentersin former frontier regions suggestfundamentalchanges in the locus of sociopoliticaldevelop~ment during Valdivia VII~VIII timesor around1950to 1450B.C. (Figure9).3 "3 There are regional differencesin the Valdivia#to#Machalilla seq'uence. In southern El "Oro Province,Valdivia becomes Machalilla after 1650 B.C. In northernManab{ Province a volcanic event terminates the Valdiviasequence. This event greatly reduced population densityin Manab{ and seems to have caused an absence ofMachalilla occupation. See Figure 6.~ 126Reduction in size of inland riverine setde~ments in Guayas was probably related to agreater overallreliance upon agriculture than inprevious times (Pearsall and Piperno 1990).The regionsof cultural fluorescenceduringLateValdivia timesare also those areas that aremoreenvironmentally suitable foryear~roundcultiva#tion (ibid.).The current evidence fromarchaeo~logical surveys iridicates that throughout Val~diviatimes,there wasan increaseofspecialized,sites in coastal settings with direct access tomaritime and estuarine resources (Estrada1956;Meggerset al. 1965;Hill1972~74). However,itshould not be seen as contradictory that thereare contemporaneous Valdivia sites along thecoastal streams.The Valdivia settlement patterns suggestthat the earliest development of the cultureoccurred along coastal Guayas and the SantaElena Peninsula. This region essentiallyrepre~sented the nucleus of cultural development forEarly Valdivia society (Figure 7). A reductionof ancient mangroves on the Santa ElenaPenii1~sula and the rest of coastal Guayas (Ferdon1981),possiblyin response to tectonic processes,resulted in the gradualabandonment ofValdiviaceremonial centers and coastal sites after PhaseV (ca. 2300 B.C.). It has been noted byarchae~ologists that Late Valdivia (Phases VII~VIII)sites are not as well represented as those fromearlier periods in coastal Guayas, including theSanta ElenaPeninsula, and in southern Manab{,the regions in which most of the EarlyValdiviasites were identified (Lanning 1968; Staller1994: figures 5, 55; Zeidler 1987). In fact,coastal Guayas shows a decrease in both LateValdivia site size and number, and such siteshave no evidence of large civic ceremonialcenters, with the exception of San LorenzodelMate in the Gulf of Guayaquilregion (Figure9).The excavations at La Emerenciana addresstheissueof a radiation of Late Valdivia culture intopreviouslyperipheral areas of the coast, andhowsuch sociocultural developments affect ourunderstanding of the developmental relation~ships of Valdivia and Machalil1a. .

127~Staller: La EmerendanaExcavations at the Valdivia CeremonialCenter of La Emerenciana (OOSrSr..42)La Emerenciana is a Valdivia ceremonialcenter on the landward side of the intertidal saltflats directly adjacent to the Buenavista River(Figure 10). Excavation strategy~t LaEmeren~ciana involvedboth area excavationand trench~ing, the former to uncover livingfloors,and thelatter to obtain a site chronologyderived fromthe stratigraphic sequence of occupation layers(Staller1994:202~204).Areconstructionofthearchaeologicalrecord wasaccomplishedthroughthe identificationof prehistoricfeatures and .analysisof pattern variability in the .prehistoricremains (Binford1968,1980). The excavationsat La Emerenciana were dug by natural strati~graphic layers as discerned both.vertically andhorizontally. Stratigraphic layersweredelimitedby the physical properties of. the str~ta and"f! ." ._ ~followed the interfaces and contours of.sedi~ments. In portions of the site where'a 4b~50cmsub~Iayerof shell midden depositSoverlies theoccupation floor, arbitrary incien;i.ents6f.20 cmwere used, because the smallestnatural'unit ofanalysis (i.e.,shell layer) was toolarge to detectchanges in the vertical distributionof shellsandartifacts (Staller 1994:206). ~.' .:The overall site dimensions of still~intactmidden are 200 m (N~S) by 150 m (E~W).However, systematic survey of exposedprofilesand artifact distributions across disturbed por,tions of the midden suggestthat before modifi~cation it had an overall extent of roughly530 m(N~S)by 240 m (E~2) or 12.72hectares,.makingit the largest Valdiviasite reponed thus.farfromcoastal Ecuador (Staller 1994:209..210). Theexcavation strategy was designed to generatestratigraphic and chronological..infoqnationabout the prehistoric occupations..,A series offour trenches (Trenches A~D)were dug tosterile and 331 m2 of a buried Valdivia VIIIpaleosol (Stratum 5 also called Living.Floor 2)were exposed in a platform mound in the south~west sector of the site (Figure 11). In order togain a greater understanding of stratigraphicvariability across different parts of the site, atotal of 5 m2units, and a 1by 2 m pit (Cuts 1~6)were excavated to sterile. A 29 m verticalsection (profile A) was exposed in the north~eastern portion of the excavations as an addi~tional source of information in reconstructingthe arChaeologicaland geologicalsignificanceofthe various stratigraphic units. Color referencesare based upon designations given by the 1975edition of the Munsell Soil Color Charts.The vertical sections were drawn usingameter grid of 10cm squares. The sections weredrawn at the end of the field season and everyvisible sherd, shell, stone, and bone or piece ofcharcoal larger than one cm was illustrated(Staller 1994:216,223~224). The boundariesofthe various stratigraphic layersweredividedandseparated on the basis of differences in matrixcolor and texture.The six layers were continuous across allexposed and excavated portions of the site. Theexcavations iD.dicatedthat three stratigraphiclayers contained prehlstoric artifacts and shellspertaining to the Valdivia Phase (Table 2). Thestratigraphic layers at La Emerenciana are A~Bw/Btn,Bk horizon sequences characteristic ofwell~drained,semi~aridconditions (GascheandTunca 1983:528; Siemens 1987:figure3,1989;Staller 1994:216). .The uppermost layer at La Emerenciana isadark brown silt (Stratum 6) extending between10 cm to 55 em in thickness across the north~western portion of the site (Staller 1994:221,table 14). The surface of Stratum 6 wascoveredby artifacts consisting of ancient shells andsherds diagnostic of the final portion of theValdiviasequence (Table 2). Although thesub~layerwas deposited during a brief final occupa~tion, the surface remains were, for the mostpart, disturbed or secondary deposits related tobioturbation through plant root action or recentagricultural ac~vities (ibid.).Analysisof sherds from Stratum 6 suggestedthat they are, in most cases, the same kinds ofsherds found in Stra~ 5, except that there

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)were greater frequencies of Machalilla attrib~utes. The similarity in the pottery from theuppermost layer and near the top"of Stratum 5suggeststhat the site was reoccupied after onlya verybrief period of abandonment (1994:table11). There was a significant reduction in thenumber and sizeof oyster shells found in Stra,tum 6, reflecting changes in the aquatichabitatsand barrier reef during the period of abandon,ment and the finalprehistoricreoccupation. .Table 2: Artifacts by StratigraphicLayer(OOSrSr,42) (See Figure 12)Stratum Artifcu:tType Temporal AssociationStratUm 6brown siltQ-ivingFloor 3)StratUm5greyash(UvingFloor2)StratUm4white dune sandStratUm3pinksand(UvingFloor1)StratUm2yellow sandStratum1olivesandceramics, shells,litbicsceramics. shells.litbics, cane impresseddaub[none found]ceramics. shells[none found][none found]Source: Stalkr 1994: table 22.Valdivia.PhaseVlII (ca. 1450B~C.)' .:..: I ,~. .V~ldivia'PhasesVII-VIII.(1900.1450'B.C)[~terile !ayer] . .Valdivia PhaseV-VI (ca. 2000B.C.)[sterile layer]{sterile layer]A fine grey ashy loam (Stratum 5), extend,ing between 10 cm to just under.one me'ter indepth, underlies the brown silt layer over thenorthwestern portion of the site' (Figtire 13).Stratum 5, floor 2 is a Phase VII,VIII Valdivialivingsurface, and the vast majorityof artifactsrecovered in the excavations were from theuppermost levels of this layer (Figures12, 13).The lower interface of Stratum 5 had extensiveevidence ofdisconformitiescorrespondingto pitand post features (Figure 13). Archaeologicalfeatures associated with floor 2 included two.\,128oval or elliptically shaped daub platforms (Fig,ure 14), four Valdivia burials, a number oflinedpits, and variouspost impressions (Staller 1994).The Jell Phase diagnostic pottery in Stratum 5suggeststhis layerrepresents a 350,year occupa,tion (ibid.). ..In summary, La Emerenciana was firstsettled during Valdivia Phases V,VI (ca. 2000'B.C.). Floor 1 (Stratum 3) corresponds to thisoccupation. This wasfollowedbysite abandon,ment and dune encroachment. A reoccupationoccurred sometime during Valdivia PhasesVII,VIII (ca. 1950,1450 B.C.) and this occupationcorresponds to floor 2 (Stratum 5). Artifactsonthe surface of Stratum 6 represent LivingFloor3, the final Valdivia occupation at this site,dated to ca. 1450B.C. (Figure12).There are two elliptical, asymmetricalearthen mounds about 1.5m high on the north,western and southern portions of LaEmerencia,na as measured from the datum point (Figure10j Staller 1994:319). The northwest moundwasexcavated and found to measure 74by47mat the base, with evidenceof resurfacingand .rebuilding episodes, and two oval daub plat,formson the summit (Figure 14). A total of 139archaeological features were found associatedwith this platform mound, and they includednumerous clay,lined pits containing faunalremains and smashed pottery, post impressions,four human burials, and artificial, preparedfloors. The large disturbed area nearest theBuena Vista River (Figure 10) is a sand dunewhich had been mined for glassmaking.Jell Phase Pottery at La EmerencianaA sample of32,069 sherds from excavationsat the site of La Emerenciana were analyzedtocreate the following ceramic reconstructions.The collections included a subsample of 1,863rims, representing 5.8% of the total. The rimsherds were essential to gathering informationabout vessel shape, orifice size, and relatedstylistic and morphological attributes, and onlyrims preserving more than 10% of the total

129~Staller: La Emerencianadiameter are included in the morphologicalreconstructions. The major subdivisionsofpotteryvesselshapesin this analysisare takenfromvarioussources(Rice1987:figure7.2~7.5;Shepard1976:figure18~25).The goalof theceramicanalysiswas reconstructionof vesselmorphologyand the discernment.of relatedstylistic attributes. The 15 formal classes identi~fied are a compilation of vessel forms and stylis,tic modes derived in the course of analysis(Staller 1994:figures38,54). Bodysherds fromdifferent portions of whole vessels were alsostudied for functional, morphological, andstylistic attributes. The sherds were sortedaccording to formal and stylisticattributes, andmany hours and months were spent in. thelaboratory attempting to find conjpipsor directfitsfor vesselreconstructions. These sherds arefrom units excavated by naturaiIstratigraphic'."layers,were screened through 3.mm mesh, andwerebrought to the fieldlaboratoryin Arenillas,where they were washed and numbered accord,ing to unit and layer provenience I. or feature .association. Wall thickness measurementsreferto maximum and,minimum widtIiS:' '1. .I classified the Late Valdivia'potterY fromStratum 5 at La Emerenciana as tQ:eJeU'Phase.Similardiagnostic ceramicswerefoundin surveyindicating an estimated geographicdistributionbetween the Buenavista River and the Peruvianborder, representing. the southernmost expres,sion of the Valdivia ceramic tradition (Staller1994). The formal classes presented here de,scribethe range of formaland stylisticvariabilityfrom the study of sherds recovered from bothsurface survey and excavations. Although thetotality of the diagnostic features of the Jel!Phase ceramics is somewhat different from LateValdivia pottery diagnostics identified in otherregions of coastal Ecuador, Jel( Phase attributesare within the range of variability knownfor theceramic tradition as a whole. . .c.The followingis an analytical;as opposed toa taxonomic classification, in which attiibutesare used to differentiate. modes (Rouse1960:313~315). Modes arestylis~cand techni,cal attributes that reflect the standards or cus,toms governing the manufacture of potteryvessels,and two different kinds are recognized,conceptual modes which refer to stylistic andformal attributes, and procedural modes whichare related to techniques used in the manufac~ture ofthe pottery (ibid.). This analysisprimar,ily concerns conceptual modes.Jel! Phase diagnostic attributes and vesselforms have been identified in Late Valdiviapottery from other regions of the Ecuadorian. coast. Theywerefoundin the potteryfromSanLorenzo del Mate (Marcos 1989).Included area variety of bottle forms, bowls with pedestaland annular bases, as well as composite formsincluding restricted bowls and neckless jars orollas (Marcos 1989:19; Staller 1994:figure55).The pottery from Stratum 3 is diagnostic ofValdivia Phases V~VI. However, the majorportion of the sherd collections is from Strata 5and 6. These are diagnostic of Phases VII,VIII,the final portion of the Valdivia culture se,quence,or ca. 1900~1450B.C. .The 15 reconstructed formal classes pre'sented in this study are those formsand stylisticattributes most common it).the collections. Theonly exceptions are ceramic bottles found insmall numbers in the excavation and survey.These are included because of their significanceto the study of the originsof such vesselsin .western South America.The following descriptions represent. thereconstructed vessel forms and conceptualmodes diagnostic or characteristic of Jel( Phasepottery from the northwest platform mound atLa Emerenciana. Rim diameters refer to themaximum distance measured from the interioredge of the lip. The percentages in parenthesesbeside rim diameter measurements are theportion of the total rim obtained in the recon,struction ofvesselmorphology. The surprisinglyhigh overall percentages of total rim diametersare related to the activities carried out at theplatform mound, activities that would include

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)~ 130smashing pottery vessels in place and leavingthem as offerings in pits. The archaeologicalevidence of the ritual nature ofsuch pit featuresat La Emerenciana is indicated by the orienta~tionofpatamula(Anadaragrandis)shellsontheapertures of some pits, oriented to the cardinaldirections, and hard~packed clay lining theinteriors of the pits, or sometimes mixed withthe contents of the pits. The hard claymatrix isdistinct in color and texture fromthe surround.ing layers (Staller 1994: figures44~54). Suchritual practices have been reported in earlierperiods at the mounds at Real Alto and from anumber of other Valdivia sites; and are anintegral part of Valdivia ceremoni~l practices(Damp 1984b; Lathrap et al. 1977;:Marcos1988a:35~36,49, 54~55,68~69, 71~72; Marcosand Norton 1981; Marcos et al. '1976;Norton1972,1977;Raymond1993). " . ~FormalClass1'f; \ I' ,~ .i.The body has carelesslyappliedwhite (5YR8/1) pigment, or red slip, laid o~~.as to to 35mm widebands. Somebodies are,shell~scraped,carelessly smoothed and wiped, or covered inthin angular or parallel gashed finet appliquestrips. Some rim exteriors have ri4g~so,fclayon.:.1, 'the lip made when forming the rim while theclay was still damp. The interior collar isvertical~to~concavein shape, and constricted,suggesting such vessels may have had lids(Marcos 1989:115~16;Zeidler and Sutliff1994:113). The majority of rim diameters measure10cm, but collar width is variable. Replicationexperiments showed that the impressions can beduplicated using mangrove clam (Anadara,simiIus),the conchaprieta. Decorations includeshell impressions made while the clay is stilldamp. In some areas of the coast, rim exteriors .are decorated with fineline incisions (PorrasGarces 1973: figure 28~3; Zeidler and Sutliff1994: figure 7.1e). Sherds of this formal classare present at all known Late Valdivia sites inthe region, and are found in great numbers inexcavations (HillI972~74: figure67; LathrapetaL 1975: artifacts 47, 50; Marcos 1988b: arti~facts 364, 365; 1989:15;Meggerset al. 1965:figures 26~5,41~9,43~3).1Cambered jars with direct or'rblirided rimsand rim diameters ranging from'9 i6' i 1. cmF0TTl1l11 Class 2(100%) and wall $icknesses of 10 min (rim),and 6 to 8 mm (body).make up F~pp.alClass 1(Figure 15). The interiors are burnished fromthe edge of the rim down to the neck, or have amatte, ahd semi~transparent,post~firedslip3 to5 cm from the outer edge of the lip. The lowerbody is usually shell~scraped, $mootl}ed, orwiped. The exterior rim is vertica~lythickenedor cambered. These vessels are manufacturedby coiling, and plastic techniques involve theapplication of an extra coil on the collar of thevessel that is shell~impressedat a 45° anglewhen the clay is still damp. A few-examples areimpressed with the edge of a sharp, flat instru~ment. The shell~impressedmotif (made usingCarinated jars with rounded or everted rimsranging from 8 to 11cm (95%) in diameter, andwith wallthicknessesbetWeen8 to 11mm (rim)and 4 to 7 mm (body) make up Formal Class2(Figure 16a). The interior neck and collar areoften red~slipped(2.5YR5/6). The lowerbodyis shell~scrapedor wiped, smoothed, or simplyleft untreated. The exterior collars are usuallyred~slipped (2.5YR5/6), and with fine~lineincisions made when the paste is leather,hard.Most examples have an encircling fine,lineincision just below the rim and the zonedpunctation at the bottom of the carination. Thedecorative motifs include semicircular, rectan~gular, free~formdesignsoutlined byincisionandAnadarasimilusor thecloselyrelate4A. tubercu~ . filledwith smallpunctations. Bodyand basallosa)ishighlyvariable.sherds indicate a rounded bottom. The tech~nique of manufacture is coiling, and sherds ofthis class are found in Strata 3 and 5, pertainingto Valdivia VI~VIII. The form is diagnosticforPhase V, and probably is multi~functionalbe~cause it continues in later periods in southern EIOro, and is commonly encountered in excava~tions (Hill 1972~74:17~18,figures 57~59;La~, ~. '.

131..thrap et al. 1975: artifact 44; Marcos 1988b:artifacts 303, 344; 1989:17a; M~ggers et al.1965: figures 35..6, 39..1; Porras Garces 1973:figure 35..9; Zeidler and Sutliff J994: figure7.1d).Formal Class 3Open, or slightly constricted bowls withdirect, or rounded rims ranging from 13 to 17cm (25%) in diameter and wall pucknesses ofbetween 8 to 11 mm (rim) and 7 to 11 mm(body) make up Formal Class 3 (Figure 16b). .The interior edge of the lip has a reddish brown(2;5YR4/4) slip or burnishing extending 16 to20 mm. The rim exterior and wallshave a red(2.5YR4/6) to reddish brown slip,.~moothed,burnished, or polished througho~t. Plastictechniques include excision, fin~ei#il, in).pres..sion, and broad line incisions'made while thevesselis leather..hard. There is usuallyan endr..cling fine or broad line incision just below therim. The technique of manufacture is

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)broad line incisions set against each other andplaced at variousangles. The backgroundof theshoulder is left untreated, and the matte finishcontrasts with the smoothed or burnishedlowerbody. Some vessels have undecorated shoulders,and lower body sherds have carelesslyappliedbands of a thick white pigmentor kaolinpaint set against a smoothed, shell-scraped;oruntreated background. The external rim angleis formed when the clay is still moistand some..times has a slight ridge of clayon the end pointof the lip. The lowerbody sherdssuggestsuchvessels have rounded bases and evidence ofsooting and fire clouding. Broadline incisionsand punctations appeared to be executed witha beveled-edged instrument, or the edge of abivalve. Plastic decoration was almost alwayscarried out when the claywasstilldamp. Techniquesof manufacturing include coiling andmodeling. The upper and lowerportion of thevesselare usuallyjoined byan interiorcoilat thecorner point, and, as a result, breakagegenerallyoccurs at the neck. Constricted bowlsare fo~ndin the excavations and surfaces of all knownLate Valdivia sites in the region. Sherds of thisclass are found in Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII-VIII contexts, but are diagnostic of ValdiviaPhase VII in other parts of the coastsuch as SanLorenzo °delMate and EI Encanto, and havesimilaritiesto Ayangue Incised bowls (Lathrapeta!. 1975:artifact49j Marcos 1989;MeggersetaL 1965:figure 73-9i PorrasGarces 1973:figure25-11).Formal Class 6Constricted jars with everted or direct rimsmake up Formal Class 6 (Figure 18b). Suchvessels have rim diameters ranging from 13-14cm (55%), and a wall thickness of 7 to 8 mm(rim) and 6 to 8 mm (body). The interiorsurface is wiped, smoothed, slipped, and bur..nished, while the neck is slipped,pattern burnished,or polished. The interior lower bodysherds are generally left untreated, shellscraped,or smoothed. The exterior surface isred or light red (2.5YR5/6-2.5YRr6/6) slipped,wiped, or smoothed. The interior lower body..132sherds are generally left untreated, shellscraped,or smoothed. The exterior lowerbodysherds are polished or treated with a thin postfiredfugitive slip that leaves a matte finish.Plastic techniques restricted to the neck andshoulder of the vessel include parallel rows ofpunctations or fingernail impressionsexecutedwhen the clay was still damp. The broad lineincisions were executed while the clay wasdry ,or leather-hard, and the field of decoration isbordered by red slip bands extending over thelip to just below the rim, and at the corner pointcovering the lower body. The background onthe decorated neck is untreated, with a mattefinishcontrasting with the slipped,burnished,orpolished lowerbody. Exceptions include vesselswith broad line incised or excised geometricmotifs. The background of these motifs areslipped,polished,or burnished, and the geometricdesigns are. carefully executed, and essentiallyidentical to those on carinated-spoutbottles. Lower body sherds indicate that theseare globular or rounded' vessels with concavebases. Broad line incisions and punctationsappear in some instances to be executed withbird bones. The technique of manufacture iscoiling,with the upper and lowerportionsofthevessel usually joined by an interior coil at thecomer point, where most of the breaks occur.Constricted jars are diagnostic of the JeUPhase,and are found in the excavations and surfacesofall Late Valdivia sites in the region. Sherds ofthis class are from Strata 5 and 6 in PhasesVII-VIII contexts, and diagnostic of this periodthroughout the coast (Meggers et al. 1965: figure44-11j Porras Garces 1973: figure 21-5).Formal Class 7Simple bowlswith direct, or rounded thickenedrims and a rim diameter of 10 to 14 cm(100%) and wall thicknesses of8 rom (rim)and8 to 9 mm (body) constitute Formal Class 7(Figure 19a). The interior end point or edgeofthe lip has a thin red (2.5YR 5/8) fugitive orpost-fired slip, and some are polished andsmoothed throughout and others left untreated.Upper walls are pattern-burnished and slipped.

133..The exterior surfaCesare shell..scraped,brushed,or combed when the clay is moist. Some areuntreated or red..slippedwhen, the - clay isleather..hard, or the slip is done ~ a post..firedapplication. Bowlsare shell..scraped,combed,orbrushed, and have plastic decorations on theirbottoms and walls.These decorativetechniqueswere executed while the claywasdamp. Some..times part of the original surface treatment hasbeen obliterated by subsequent smoothing orwiping. Manufacturing techniquesincludebothcoilingand modeling. Such formsappearduringthe middle of the sequence, and constituteeveryday serving vessels. The sherds come from-Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII..VIIIcontexts.However, this formal class is not a sensitivetemporal marker because it occurs frQm'PhasesVI through VIII in other parts of die coaSt (Hill1972..74: figure 68; Meggerset at. i905: 'figures22..5, 24.-4, 26..6, 31..2, 41..11; Porras'Garces1973: figures 33..3, 34..2; zeidleran{l'Sutliff1994:figure7.1a). ./', ;~.,.Formal Class 8"''C'. !......' "Vertical open bowls with direct or roundedrims ranging from'14 to 24 cm (100%)and wallthicknesses of7 to 11rom (rim)and 8 to 11mm(body) make up Formal Class 8 (Figure 19b).The end point or edge of the interior lip is red..(2.5YR5/8) or yellow..(10YR5/8) slipped, orsmoothed throughout, with pattern burnishingor polishingon the upper wall. However, somelips are smoothed and left untreated. Theexterior walls have broad or fineline incisions,or excisionsin geometric motifsborderingzonedpunctation, executed while the clay.wasdry..to..leather hard with incisions or excisions filledwith a white or red post..firedpigment,with verystandardized motifsalmost identical to those oncarinated..spoutbottles (FormalClass 13). Thewallsare vertical to slightlyincurvingand aver..age about 6 to 9 cm high, with flat bottoms androunded comers. The manufacturing tech..niques include coilingand modeling. Sherds arefrom Strata 5 and 6, diagnostic pf Phase VII,and have similarities to Machalilla AyangueInCisedcarinated bowls (Hill 1972.. 74:figure69;," .' "Staller: La EmerencianaLathrap et al. 1975: artifacts 52,58; Meggers etal. 1965: figures 38..3, 73..4; Porras Garces 1973:figures 33..1, 33..2;).Formal Class 9Everted jars or ollas with tapered or exter..nallyevertedrims,about 13to 14cm (40%)indiameter and with wall thicknesses rangingbetween 7 to 9 rom (rim) and 6 to 10 mm(body) make up Formal Class 9 (Figure 20a).The interior lip to the base of the neck is red..slipped (2.5YR4/8) or pattern burnished, whilesome examples are untreated except forpatternburnishing to the base of the neck, or they areonly slipped on the rim. Geometric fine lineincisions on the collars were made when theclay was leather..hard, and the lower body iswiped, smoothed, or shell scraped, with evi..dence of fire clouding. Rims usuallyhave slightexterior ridges of clay made when the claywasstilldamp. Lowerbodysherds suggestthat thesevesselsrepresent plain wares, primarilyglobularoUas,with evidence offireclouding, sooting,andpitting. The manufacturing technique iscoiling,with the upper and lower portions of the vesselcontinuous. The everted jars or ollasare similarto the plain pottery reported from Punta Are..nas. Sherds of this classcome from Strata 5 and6 in Phases VII..VIII contexts, diagnostic of theend of the sequence (Lathrap etal. 1975:artifact65; Marcos 1988b:artifacts 354, 355; Meggersetal. 1965:figure 22..2).FormalClass 10Shallowopen bowlswith inverted or round..ed rims and a rim diameter of 19 to 22 cm(100%), and wall thicknesses of 10 mm (rim)and 8 to 9 rom (body) make up Formal Class10(Figure 20b). The interior surface is eitherslipped, pattern burnished, or polished. Theexterior surface of a Class 10 vessel is treatedwith a red, brown, or buff slip with thickenedrims with a row of punctations executed whilethe clay was leather..hard. Plastic techniquesare restricted to the base and bottom of Class10vessels, and include carving, broad line inci..I".-..'"

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)sions, fine line incisions, and punctations whenthe clay was slipped, burnished,'and'leather..hard. The rim is sometimes tapered or thick..ened just belowthe lip,and the wallsare patternburnished or polished throughout. Decorationsinclude half crescents surrounding a singlepunctation bordered by fine line incision on apattern burnished surface, and fine and broadline incision in various arrangements. Themanufacturing technique is coiling, and theupper and lower portions of the vessels arejoined at the comer point. Sherds of this class.are from Stratum 5 in PhasesVII..VIIIcontexts,and are diagnostic of Valdivia Phase VIII (Hill1972..74: figure69;Marcos 1988b:artifacts456,457,1989; Meggersetal. 1965:figure~25..8,27..3; Porras Garces 1973:figure34..5);,,.Fonnal Class 11. I";. ~.", .Globular everted jars with diied:;'orevertedrims and a rim diameter of 105'cnr'(100%), 8cm (necks) and a wall thickness ot7l6 9 mm(rim) and 6 to 8 rom (body) m~e up ForinalClass 11 (Figure 21). The interior edge of thelip is slippedor pattern-burnished to the base ofthe neck. The neck interior is covered with ared (2.5YR4/6) slip and is pattern burnished tothe base iJfthe orifice. The lowerbodyiswiped,smoothed, or shell scraped. The exterior upperbody and shoulder are red.. 2.5 YR 4/6..2.5YR6/6) slipped, patterned burnished''throughout,and globular in shape. Decorative attributesinclude carefullyexecuted excisions,broad lineincisions,or punctations in geometricdesignsonthe collarmade when the claywasl~ather..hard.There is usually a single row of large ..(8mm)punctations on the shoulder of.the ve~el justbelow the throat. The geomerQ.cdesigns aresimilar to motifs on carinated~~pout.bottles(FormalClass 13). The lowerbodyhas wide (2..3 cm) pattern burnished or slipped bands ex..tending vertically, which contrast with thematte, untreated surface that coversmost of thelower vessel. Such forms are oniyfound in theJell Phase, and only in excavations.' Unde..corated everted jars are reported for Machalilla(Lathrap et at 1975: artifact 222), but the Jell..134Phase jars are larger and include geometricmotifs on the collar similar to those found onthe carinated..spoutbottles. The manufacturingtechnique is coiling. The upper and lower, portions of Class 11 vessels are continuous, andwear on the interior neck suggests they mayhave had a lid (Marcos 1989: 15). Sherds comefrom Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII..VIIIcontextsand are diagnostic of Phase VIII.Fonnal Class 12, Formal Class 12 consists of long..neckcylindrical..spoutbottles with rounded, or directrims, rim diameters of2 to 3 cm (100%),3 cmatthe neck, and a wall thickness ranging from4 to6 mm (rim), 2.5 mm (neck), and 5 to 7 mm(body) (Figures22a..b,23a..f).The interior bodysherds are untreated, wiped, smoothed, or shell..scraped. The exterior upper bodyand shouldersare siippeda dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4)orpolished throughout. Cylindrical..spoutshapesare slightly everted with .plastic techniques onthe neck consisting of carefully executed broadline incisions,fingernail impressions,and punc..tations made when the clay is dry. The manu..facturing technique is coiling. The cylindrical..spout is joined to the neck by an additional coil. on the interior of the throat suggestingthat thebody and spout are constructed separately.Long..neckcylindrical..spoutbottles are rare inthe excavations and have only been identifiedelsewhere at San Lorenzo del Mate in PhasesVII..VIIIcontexts (Marcos 1989).Fonnal Class 13Carinated..spout bottles with rounded ortapered rims and a rim diameter of 3 cm(100%),2 cm (neck) and a wall thickness of8rom (rim), and 7 to 8 mm (body) make upFormal Class 13 (Figures22c, 24..26). Interiorsare wipedor smoothed, while the exterior upperbodies and necks are slippeddark reddishbrown(2.5YR 3/4) or red (2.5YR 4/6), and polished.The carinated..spout is decorated with plastictechniques consisting of carefully executedbroad line or fine line incised geometric motifs" " "

135..on the collar of the spout (Figure 26). Thebroad or fine line incisions are made when theclayis pattern burnished and leather..hard,andthe geometric designs all appear verysimilar toone another (Figure 26). The manufacturingtechnique is coiling, the carinated..spout isjoined to the lowerbodybya coillocated on theneck interior. Sherds from carinated..spoutbottles are encountered in excavation and alsoon the surfaces of a number of sites in the re..gion. Such bottles have also been reported atValdiviasites in the GuayasBasinat San Loren..zo del Mate and around Milagro (Felipe Cruz,personal communication, 1991;,Gonzalez deMerino 1984:34,97; Marcos 1989:figure 17d).These bottle forms are no doubt for tbe con..sumption of fermented beverages'(Ghtcba),andare from Strata 5 and 6 and are diagnostic ofValdiviaPhaseVIII. .I ", " ., .;...,..... : ~ ", ! ... .Formal Class 14, ."1.:. ".Stirrup..spoutbottles with rounaed rimsandrim diameters of 3..4cm (10%)an

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)contexts.VIII.They are diagnostic of Valdivia PhaseJeUPhase Diagnostic Features and theValdiviaPottery Sequence .Despite some regional differences in theLate Valdivia pottery from southern EI Oro, theJel{Phase pottery is clearly similar in technologicaland stylistic attributes to Valdivia PhasesVII-VIII diagnostic vesselsfound at sites to thenorth and northwest in the Gulf6f Guayaquilregion. Some Jell Phase pottery diagnosticceramicsare alsofound in coastalGuayasand insouthern Manab{province. The clear stylisticand formal similarities among these potterycomplexes indicate that they are re~onal expressionsofthe same cultural phase.. . The regional variabilityof Late Valdiviapottery from the Ecuadorian coast is consistentwith the variability for early coastal potteryassemblagesthroughout westernSbuth Americaduring this time (Hoopes 1994; Lanning1967:85-87). The variability hi .forms andmodes at La Emeninciana is greaterthan that ofLate Valdivia pottery from other.parts. of theEcuadorian coast. The increased variabilityofformal and functional vessel categories is notonly related to considerations of use or activities,but is also related to specializationof productionand level of sociocultural complexity(Rice 1987:171, 188-91,201,204).The platform mound construction and 'increased variability of formal functional vesselcategories at La Emerenciana and huge sitesfound elsewhere in its region d~te'.i:o~hefinalportion of the Valdivia Phase. These datasuggest that these coastal societies,occupyingsuch sites as San Isidro and San Lorenzo delMate had developed complex levels of socialorganization. Such developme£ltalprocesseshave been recorded at Phase VIIIsites in otherregions of the Ecuadorian coast. :.Moreover,similarsociopolitical developments'wereoccurringsimultaneouslyin the Quito Valley atC6tocollaoand in the regionsto the south.-136The pottery found during excavation primarilyrepresents ritual offerings and includesforms and attributes which have heretofore notbeen reported for Valdivia. However, with theexception of the ceramicbottle forms,almostallof the classes described for Jell Phase potteryhave been reported from Valdivia ceramiccomplexes in other parts of the coast. Whatdistinguishes the Jel{ Phase component from,pottery of the earlier periods is the increase inspecialized forms particularly composite formsand bottles.The Valdivia ceramic tradition consistsprimarilyof smallopen bowls,jars, and cookingpots that have a similarity,yet show sophisticationin manufacturing skill (Estrada 1956,1958:figure 8; Meggers et ai. 1965:42-43, figure54;Raymond et al. 1994; Willey 1971:275). Ahallmark of Valdivia pottery is a dichotomy inthe' decorative motifs on cooking pots withclearly demarcated necks and vessels withrestricted openings, and those on small bowls(Lathrap et al. 1975:29). The dichotomyholdsin the Jell Phase where demarcated, neckedforms have decorations that were carried outwhen the clay was moist, and which are associatedwith a red or maroon slip. Most open bowlformshave broad and fine line geometricmotifsmade when the vessel was leather-hard and areassociated with a dark brown slip (Staller 1995).Another trait of Valdivia pottery first noted byLathrap et al. (1975:30) is a tendency for potsand bowls to have slightlyconcave wallswith aridge or angle between the side and bottom ofvessels. .Machalillapottery shares somefeatureswithValdivia, but is distinguished in a number ofways. Vessel walls are thinner in cross section,and made with finer paste (Meggers et al.1965:142, 145-146). The most commonMachalilla plastic techniques are similar tothose used in middle and late Valdivia pottery,but distinct in that incisions are predominantlyfine line, and are executed after the vessel isleather-hard (ibid.1965;Lathrapetal. 1975:29).Another Machalilla trait is the application of

137..thick red slip bands set in p~lel geometricarrangements on the bodyof the vessel(Estrada1958: 45, 58..59; Meggers and Evans, 1962).Previously, the maroon or red sJipbands hadonly been identified on Machalilla sherds fromsites in coastal Guayas or southern Manab{(Estrada 1958:45,58,59; Lippi1983:figures75..76, 78..82;Meggers et al. 1965: 134, 136, 146;Meggers and Evans 1962), but they are alsopresent in modified form on Jell Phase pottery.A variant of the thick slip bands found on JellPhase pottery incorporates pattern burnishedbands or thin red.. or white..slippedbands thatare wider, and usually placed vertically on thebody of the vessel, while parallel bands onMachalilla pottery are thick..slipped,narrower,and usually highly polished. An importanttextural difference is that parallel~lipbands canbe easily felt when rubbing tbe surface ofMachalilla pottery, while this -is,not 'the casewithJel{Phasepottery. ",The ceramic analysissuggestS£hat some ofthe neckless bowls and constricted jars func..tioned as.cooking pots (ollas). It has long beenassumedthat necklessollas or tecomateformswere not present in the Valdiviaceramic tradi..tion (Ford 1969;Hoopes 1994),in p~t becauseearlier analyses concentrated primarily onplastictechniques in classifyingand distinguish..ing the various types rather than whole vessels(Meggers et al. 1965). Moreover, functionalcategories were not a primary focus in thedescriptions, which mislead later' scholars at..tempting to make correlations between LateValdivia pottery and the earliest ceramics ofwhat isnow coastal and northern highland Peru.These latter assemblagesalmostalwaysincludedneckless ollas in the early assemblages(Hoopes1994; Kaulike 1981; Lanning 1967). Cerami..cists working with Valdivia pottery collectionshave at times remarked to me on this problemand contended, on the basis of use wear oncomplete vessels,and on lowerbodysherds, thatnecklessollaforms,are,in fact, present through..out the Valdivia sequence (Damp 1979:figures23..26;Marcos 1988a: figure 14). Such formsessentiallyreplicate cut gourds (Lanning 1967).Staller:La EmerencianaThe stylistic elements or modes that distin..guishJel!Phase pottery include a preoccupationwith contrasting matte, untreated, and treated(polished,slipped, or burnished) surfaces. Suchstylisticpatterns are a hallmark of the ChorreraPhase and early Chavfn..related assemblages.This pattern is particularly apparent in the JellPhase bythe use of burnished and slippedband..ing, and the application of thick white kaolinpigment against a matte shell..combedor un..treated surface. The bands are often created bysimplyburnishing the lower body, rubbing thepolishing stone in a single direction. The useofparallel bands as a field of decoration is charac..teristic of the Machalilla Phase, and alsopresentas painted bands in early highland pottery(Collier and Murra 1943:plates 16..23;Meggersetal. 1965:figures 73..3,73..4,73..5,73..7,73..8,74..1,77;Villalba 1988:figure 105). The useofcontrasting surface finishes is characteristic ofpottery from later periods. Techniques such asnegative resist and iridescent painting in LateFormative and Regional Developmental Periodpottery are the ultimate expression of thisstylistic trend along the coast (Evans andMeggers 1957;Lathrapetal. 1975:artifacts334,335,337,353).The Jel! Phase vesse~ include a number offorms treated with a translucent, post..fued,fugitive slip. Such techniques are a develop..mental antecedent to the use ofpaint in decora..tion on later Machalilla and Chorrera Phasepottery. Modeling in the manufacture of somevessels has affinities to pottery techniques inregions to the south, in northern Peru. JellPhase necked jars are almost alwaysslippedandburnished in the interior to the base of the neck,usually extending to the exterior edge of therim. The plastic techniques on cambered andcarinated jar forms were almost alwaysappliedwhen the clay was still moist, with the back..ground usuallyleft untreated. Open bowlswereoften slippedand polished or burnished on bothsides, with carefully executed btoad or finelineincision, often of geometric motifs, made whenthe surface was leather..hard. The carefullyexecuted geometric motifs on bowls are consis..

ANDEAN l'AST 0 \.lWUJ.. J.JOtent with the Valdivia tradition. Exceptionsareconstrictedbowls. "The shell..impressed cambered jars haverims that consistently average around 9..10cmin diameter. The standardized diameters andoverall rim shape suggestthese vesselSprobablyhad lids or were regularly stacked. The extracoil with shell impressionswasdecorated whenthe claywasdamp and is highlycharacteristicofthe Jell Phase complex, distinguishing it fromsimilar cambered jars in other Valdivia assem..blages that employ different plastic techniqueson the exterior camber (Hill 1972..74:figure67;Marcos 1988b: 171;Meggersetal. 1965:figures26..5, 41..9, 48..3; Lathrap et al. 1975: artifact50). "The ceramic bottles and stirrup..spoutsprovide a clear linkage to Machalilla (Figures23..28). The variability in cylindrical..spoutshapesreflectsexperimentation in the manufac..ture of such forms. The shape and restrictedorifices indicate that they were designed forcarryingand primarilyfunctioned"tohold liquidsand prevent spilling. The standardizedgeometricmotifs on carinated..spout bottles suggestthey had a ritual importance andmayhave beenused to consume beer (chicha) during rituals,althoug\l the reconstrUctedbottles and stirrup..spouts hold no more than a liter ofliquid.The bottle formsat LaEmerencianaincludevarious kinds of long..neck cylindrical-spoutbottles, carinated..spoutbottles (picosftilicos),and globulareverted jarswith elaborategeometricmotifs (Figure21). Cylindrical..spoutbottleswere thought to originate with Machalilla (Ford1969:119..120;Lathrap et aI. 1975: figure 33;Meggers et aI. 1965: figure 88..11). For manyyears it was believed that stirrup..spouts alsooriginated with the Machalilla culture (Coe1963; Estrada 1958: figure 55; Ford 1969:117-118; Lathrap 1963; Meggers and Evans 1962;Meggerset aI. 1965:137..139). In the Jell Phasepottery, the earlier association of stirrup..spoutbottles and jars occurs at several Late Valdiviasites in regional survey and in excavated con..texts at La Emerenciana. Forms such as carl- "nated bowls, pedestal bowls, stirrup..handledjars, cylindrical..spoutbottles, and stirrup..spoutspreviously differentiated Machalilla from Val..diviapottery (Lathrapet aI. 1975:33..34; Meg..gers et at. 1965:110..146). However, any ofthese reconstructed formsand diagnosticattrib..utes link the Late Valdivia Jell Phase pottery toearly Machalilla (Staller 1994).Origins and AssociationsMost earlystudies were primarilyconcernedwith establishing"a pottery sequence, and secondarilywithunderstanding the originsof thesecultural components; The early conclusionswere drawn from excavations at deep multicom..ponent sites with long continuous occupations(Lathrap 1960, 1963, 1966; Lathrap et al.1977:2..6;Meggers and Evans 1962;Meggersetat. 1965:110..146). Since almost all these exca..vations were dug by arbitrary levels there wassome mixing of layers. Original interpretationsof the evolutionary relationship between Valdi..via and Machalilla were also influenced by"coastalgeography,because research wascarriedout in portions of the coast with relativelysmalland restricted Late Valdivia occupations, andfew studies isolated single phase components.Complicating the issue were thin layers ofMachalilla refuse at almost all the known LateValdivia occupations south of"the ValdiviaRiver and north of the Verde River (seeFigure1) (Bischof 1975b; Lippi 1982, 1983:322,344..345; Paulsen and McDougle 1981; Zeidler1977).The evidence presented in this ceramicanalysis suggests that forms which previouslywere thought to distinguish Valdivia fromMachalilla such as carinated jars, ceramic bot..tles, and pedestal bowls are present in LateValdivia sites in southern EI Oro Province.Decorative techniques such as red slipbandingand post..fued decoration, generallyconsideredMachalilla attributes, are alsopresent in the JellPhase complex. The previouslyoutlined stylisticand technological trends in the pottery complex

Stilller: LAEmerencianaare developmental antecedents to attributeswhich later characterized Machalilla, and, forthat matter, Chorrera phase diagnosticceramicsin the Guayas Basin.. These. provide directevidence of developmental continuity. The JellPhase diagnostic pottery supports the conten~tion that Machalilla was a developmental out~growthof the Valdiviatradition (Bischof1975bjCruz and Holm 1982; Feldman and Moseley1983: 156j Jadan 1986; Lathrap 1971:84~85jLathrap et al. 1975: 33).Comparative analysis of the ceramics showsthat the Jel! Phase complex from southern EI .Oro has stylistic affinities to Formative (1500~500 B.C.) pottery at Cotocollao in the ValleyofQuito in the northern higWands.of Ecuador(Meyers1976jVillalba 1988:figures83,88,92,100, 111, 118), as well as the southern high~lands at Cerro Narrlo in Azuay Province nearpresent day Cuenca (Collier and'Murra 1943:plates 18, 19 [1~lO],20 [l~4], 14,18,22,23, pp.35~36,map 3, figures 5~9). Jell Phase potterycan also be very closely linked to early potteryalong the Chot~no River in the northern high~lands of Cajamarca, at Pandanche, and also atthe site ofMachaipungo (Kaulicke1981:figures6~10jRosas and Shady 1970). In far northernPeru,.on the nearby Chira coast, sherds recov~ered at the Casita 2 site (Ford 1969:160;Lan~ning 1963: figure 21a~aa),and San Juan Phasepottery from around the Tumbes River (Ford1969:159~160;Izumi and Terada 1966a: plate25a) also have strong affinities to Jell Phasediagnosticpottery fromsouthern coastalEIOro.Early Cupisnique Phase pottery horn the shellmounds at Anc6n on the central coast of Peru(Burger 1992:90~96;Larco Hoyle 1941, 1946jWilleyand Corbett 1954:figures6a, 6b, 6h~I,7j,7k, 8c, 8e) have formal and stylisticattributessimilar to Jell Phase pottery and pottery fromSan Lorenzo del Mate, as does earlypottery atKotosh in the Peruvian montana {Ford1969:162~165;Izumiand Sono 1963:plates 55b,64a, 67b, 71; Izumi and Terada 1966b). Thesesimilaritiesprobablyreflect changesin form andstructure of long~distance interaction linkingLate Preceramic and Initial Period cultures onthe North Coast of Peru, the Ecuadorian high..lands, the northern highlands of Peru, and thetropical forest.The archaeological evidence suggeststhat,far from being the recipient of technologicalinnovations, the prehispanic cultures of coastalEcuador introduced a number of innovations tocoastal and highland Peru as wellas to highlandEcuador. The regional differences in LateValdivia pottery from the northern and south~em frontiers represent astylisticand technologi~cal break from the earlier portion of the ceramicsequence, and are probably a reflection of re~gionalsociocultural differencesbetween coastalpeoples and inland farmers in the final portionof the cultural sequence. Despite an apparentincreased dependence upon agriculture duringthe final portion of the sequence (PhasesVII~VIII), sites continued to be found in coastalsettings in the Santa Elena Peninsula and inareas rich in mangrove resources. In the GulfofGuayaquilregioneastof the present~daytownof .Playas,there is a concentration of Late Valdiviamiddens located at the mouth of coastal estuar.,.ies such as Punta Arenas, Posorja, Ayalan, EIEncanto, and at San Lorenzo del Mate (Cruzand Holm 1982;Lubensky 1980,2000:372~373jMarcos 1989; Porras Garces 1973:17, 23, 25;Spath 1980:69~71).Alate Valdiviaoccupationwasalso recorded in the uppermost layersof theValdivia type site (Estrada 1956; Staller 1994).Sherds from these sites essentiallyform the basisfor the diagnostic criteria of the final portion ofthe cultural sequence, and their regional distri~butions reflect the expansion of Late Valdiviasites proposed in this analysis (Figure 7).Estrada (1956) first recognized stylisticaffinitiesbetween Late Valdiviapottery fromtheGuayas Basin and the Valdivia type site andEarly Initial Period pottery from coastal Peru. .These ceramic affinities suggest that culturalinfluences emanating from the south and thehighlands of Ecuador and Peru were somehowinvolved in the development of complex socialorganization in the northern and southernfrontiers. It is increasinglyapparent that during

the finalportion of the cultural seque~ce,Valdi..via society was involved in long..distanceex..change with societies beyond the coast andexperienced a cultural fluorescence. Archaeo..logical research in northern Manabi Provinceindicates rapid Valdivia VIII colonizationto atleast the Jama River (Zeidler 1988, 1994:71,87). The location of a Valdivia VIII PiquiguaPhase occupation at San Isidro reenforces thenotion that inland site locations,inmuch wettersubtropicalenvironmentalsettings,werefavoredlate in the sequence (Pearsalland Zeidler 1994:207, 211; Staller 1994:393..394, figure 55;Zeidler 1992). The archaeologicaldata suggestthat similarValdivia VIII settlements of greaterscale are also known in the Guayas Basinaround Playas, and in coastal EI Oro. Thesesites were along the coastline following theancient mangrove forest at least as far south asthe Tumbes River in far northern Peru.The problem of documenti~g' a ceramicdevelopment from Valdivia to Machalilla ishistoric and regional in nature, and is in part abyproduct of assumptions about the natu~e ofculture change and the spread of technologicalinnovations. The geographic areas where ar..chaeological research occurred, and the meth..ods used in carrying it out, created a data basethat didnot contain the total rangeofvariabiqtyin the' pottery or settlement distributions.Becauseall of the archaeologistsworkingon theValdivia and Machalilla cultures concentratedsolelyon the Guayascoast and southe~ Mana..bi, there was, until recently, an incompleterecord of coastal lowlandValdiviaprehistory. Itis also apparent that the absenceof evidence ofa transition led to a number oferroneousmodelsof the nature of these Formative'cultures, andthe relationship between them. The mostrecent ceramic evidence indicates substantialregional diversity in early pottery technologythroughout the New World (Hoopes 1994).The current data suggest that Late Valdiviasocieties in the northern and southern areas ofthe coast had culture histories distinct fromthose of coastal Guayas. As more Late Valdiviaassemblages are identified, the nature of thedevelopmental relationshipswillbe clarifiedandthe significanceof the ancient ceramic complexto ceramic innovation beyond coastal Ecuadorwillbe more clearly understood.AcknowledgmentsArchaeologicalsurveyand excavationsin south..ern coastal EI Oro Province were funded by aFulbright..Hays Doctoral Dissertation ResearchAbroad Grant and were conducted under th~auspices of the MuseoAntropol6gico del BancoCentral del Ecuador, Guayaquil. Bruce D.Smith (Smithsonian Institution) providedfundsfor running AMS dates. I express my deepestgratitude to the late Olaf Holm, DirectOrof theMuseo Antropol6gico for his enthusiastic sup..port of this research. My sincerest appreciationalsogoesto the former head of collectionsat themuseum, Felipe Cruz Mancilla (UniversidaddeGuayaquil) for his insights, and for the manymonths he spent teaching me about the pre..Columbian ceramicsof coastal Ecuador. Specialthanks also go to Raymond Brod (UniversityofIllinois..Chicago)for drafting Figures 1..13.

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ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)COASTAL PROVINCESOF ECUADORNorthPacificOcean~N. ...."Equator. [jJQUltO@ OotoooliaoGulfofGuayaqull(J)Wo~«SouthPacificOcean'9 fr .. .- - ......*.[i]o Kilometers 100 200Figure 1.Coastal provinces and streamsmentioned in text.

147.. Staller:La EmerencianaGENERAL MAP OFESTERN ECUADOR~COLOMBIPacificOceanEquator.'\I100...... ' ~ , ~

ENVIRONMENTALZONESIg0\-N o~oKilometers5:14a::I,.'~..~10 15 20 25 30 35Figure 3. Distribution of major environmental zones in southern coastal EI Oro province.......~ 00

:EL OROPROVINCEi PuenoPampa DB(' HualtacoCayanca.,... \",., ., -'.,, ,. .,Ị18 ...-- Huaquillas\\~ Pampa d.1os SerranosLos'.~.."'11.t NPERUPampaDe CeJbUIoSa/eros). ~:,.#'I. .,. .~~ :. . I". '.....Puerto~.J ...~PuertoPltahaya. r.. Jeff. Arenillas :'. EIChaco -..~~ ,. .. "., River,' f: :.. Pampa a De I ·Jumt i) Pllahaya ... I. t ! "LagunaJ . (1~;1 · '\ i Totoral: &rntaMaria ( . LafIorI~Bemc.~ 1 ~ .ta.:, 0DeLa "Cc.a, ~\,' . . \",. ., La ".6\San .hic:intoSan~" '-, \. ' LaFlorida · lciuca Lagunade C81'ias' ..SanAugustin .. ....-.. .La Pega PegaB Jobo 'I.'ArenlIIasSanAntonIo ..~ .t. 8 (The LowerArenillas .. TembladeraSurveyArea. ...'....,':.;::.',.I ...[1-..a::..\0\CORO\LLERA30 35 t ~ri.~UIN~ ... ...\o Kilometers 510 15 20 25Figure 4. Southern El Oro showing survey zone (dotted line)nand modem place names.~

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..150. "..'-", ,, .." I,.~..-..., ., ..,, . .. ,, .İ ,,'''':-':'''''''J''' ... . .\''''-'',( /~-. 20 ....--.... '".130'/ (........,: JI" j :Poza San Antonio\~,-30-....!. ArchaeologicalSiteA CeremonialCenterContours in meters5 10Figure5.EarlyFormativePeriodValdiviasitesidentifiedin setdement survey. Ceremonialcentersaredistinguishedbythe presenceofartificialearthen mounds. LaEmerenciana= OOSrSr42.'

Chronology of Coastal Ecuador and Far North PeruCOastal RegionGeographicSub-Areas--_.. .Esme Manabi Guayas Guayas EIOro Far NorthPeIUBasin Province Coast BasIn ProvinceNorth South North South Tumbes--..--- .. -ChlraIPiura- 1;5MilaglO --------------------------Chlm6 ChInn)Integf8tlonJamaOMilaglO QuevedoMantel\o ManteI'iO QuevedO PluraPeriod Herradura BaJao CUaque1.0? -------------IIPlura?A1I.5ARegional A F1DevelopmentalLateTolftaGuangaiaGarbanzaI -PerIod ClassIc Tollta TIaoneCUaque Guayaqull 0J ear-----4-------4'Early 1-oIltaISechuraLata"I Chorrera (Engoroy)4Chorrera ------------- 1 1 .5i1cmnera 1'1 Chonera'1 1'C Middle Chorrera 1 1I)1.0Do -------------------------------------- MachaDlla MachalllIa PechIche PaIta co§!.------------- Ula'1'01;ValcflVia-t:IE-----------1.5c::Valdiviacott. I------1-----SanJuanEarly J2.0ValdiviaValdivia ? -.- ...'11Honda 2.5VaJdIvla '1 '1 (preceramlc)'13.0I'1 I1t3.5.....Ut.....LataPre- '1Ceramic! SIches 4.0PerIodsI (Preceramic)114.5Las egas (based upon uncorrected dates)V,)SWt:Figure 6.Chronological chart of cOastalEcuador and far northern Peru. For "uncorrected dates" read."uncalibrated dates". For"Damp 1984"read "Damp 1984b".r~.~

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..152DISTRIBUTION OFEARLY AND LATEVALDIVIAOCCUPATIONNorthPacificOceanfNLaPlata(7IslandLoma Altaenẕ

.ValdiviaElOroMachaliliaA B. C. D. Province800- .57Citations- I1000 .- ---------E. F. G. H. I5 --------. . .. ..4 4 4.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) .FORMATIVE SITES INCOASTAL ECUADOREquatorSan IsidoroA....154Prehistoric Site'-City or Town300metercontourBahiadeCaraquez~ChacrasLocatormap...tNLa Plata Q. Island ECUADORSouthPacificOcean....,'~6. ... ..:. ".' . 100J.:: ,~..:;: ~ ..;. , .Figure9.Distributionof knownFormativesiteswith ValdiviaPhase VII-IIIoccupationsand stylisticaffinities to Jell Phase pottery.

155- Staller:La Emerenciana2.2oLmetersFigure10. Topographicmapof LaEmerenciana(OOSrSr-42).Note triangulardatumpoint.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) .t NwCO

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)wCO

157~ Staller:La EmerencianaIDEALIZED PROFILE OFSTRATIGRAPHIC LAYERS ATLA EMERENCIANA (OOSrSr-42)6Brown SiltFloor 3 (ca.1450 B.C.)5Grey AshFloor 2(1900-1450 B.C.).' ~ ~)¥.: )" 4:.. "':';.)0"+ ...,t .I' +~.~-.I.' ,':., !.AI~':' ~ ,.,~..,,~...:.. +00-' , ' ~ A'~'" "'"". . .".~4.;~; ~~;?J;'; ;;.;;t:;~;~;;.~ .~~:;.~~~~ ~~~~;,::;: ::~.~!~:::: : : :.-:-:-::.::'; ::.: .; ; . :.;..~.:.~ ..!....-

N5Zvr117.6ig0\-No-9N166.1~136.7Section3N44W113N52W117.6 N53.6W120.6 N56.7W124.5 N59.2W128.4 N62.4W13Z.1I I I I I ISection 1SectionZN66.1W136.7ISection3LA EMERENCIANA (OOSRSR-42)ProfileAI I I Io meters 10 20 30 5oImeters .(Figure 13.Vertical section of stratigraphic layers. Note shell, daub, and artifacts concentrated in uppermost levels of Stratum5 and surface of Stratum 6. Shading and numbering are as in Figure 12.\1-4Vi00

~ ...-I.A\().~.~'f,If.\\'"" '1ft1'"..,1 ',"/1(~ 'I'"~~"'~~~,:1 ~-:~"I'"~ tI.: ~~ ~ v.'.'_:;t"'-~~~'~"""""'''-:I. ....;rIf I" "":""""" '#" .." ;It" """ ~"" ''''\\\\\ ,\\""\\\\\\\,,,,'"'''' ~~,~~~~;;~, '" ,,, I, ~" ~~... ~ ,,,"'t fet,""'" ,,,\\,\,\\,,,,,\,,,,,,\\,,\,,,~,\,,:\~ ~''11,.",,,~,\,,,,\,,,,\"""\""""'~,,\'\''\\'" ~~ "1,' ", I,.:; 'U ~"1"1' 1"11\""'''\'''''\\\\''\'\,\\\\'' d}~,,,\.~~~~ ~~~ ~ . ~r.~)..1 -~II~I~,., ,,,on".'''''..~ 1:3' :.; . .." ....:;1 ~~\\" ~"It'"~ ",~,,'II\,..1''''''I i 'f.t J:~ &~~tr;;Figure14. Idealized reconstruction of the platform mounds at La Emerenciana (OOSrSr,42) looking east.f~.~

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -160(a.)115 em.(b.)i.....,.'~.~.'. .'",.'.Figure15.JeUPhaseFormalClass1.

161.. Staller:La Emerenciana2l I I10 em.(n.)3(b.)Figure16. a. Jel!PhaseFormalClass2j b. JelfPhaseFormalClass3.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ,16210 em.(a.)(b.)Figure17. Jell:PhaseFormalClass4.

163,Staller:La Emerenciana(a.)S em.(b.)Figure18. a. JellPhaseFormalClass5; b. JellPhaseFormalClass6..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -164(a.)5 em.8(b.)Figure 19; a. Jel{Phase Formal Class7i b. Jel{Phase Formal Class 8.

Staller:La Emerenciana9-(a.)fS em.J(b.)Figure 20. a. Jell Phase Formal Class9; b. Jell Phase Fotmal Class 10.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..166n5 em.Figure 21. Jell Phase Formal Class 11.

167.. Staller:La Emerenciana(b.)l5 em.(c.)Figure22. a,b.JellPhaseFormalClass12;c. JellPhaseFormalClass13.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)~ 168-(a.).(b.) .L..L-L.Jem.-I(d.)..(c.)(e.)(f.)Figure23. Jell Phase everted long#neckbottles (FormalClass 12); a#c. everted bottle rims; b. strap handlewith incisions; e#f.everted bottle rims.

Staller: LA Emerenciana13I5 em.(a.)13Figure 24. Jell Phase Formal Class 13.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..170- -(a.)(b.)Figure 25.a-b. Jell Phase carinated short-neck bottle (picofalico)Formal Class 13 (scale in cm).

171.. Staller:La Emerenciana(a.):t~~}~~i~~_~;~~}.{(;~;~~~;;: ~:.¥;; ~~'~~

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..17214(a.)J. ~ J(b.)(e.)14Figure 27.Jel! Phase Formal Class 14:a. stirrup..spoutwith bulbous stirrups; b. stirrup..spoutwith parallelstirrups and two tier upperbody; c. bowl with hollow stirrup handles.

173.. Staller:La Emerenciana(it.)L.L-L..Jem.(c.)Figure28.Jel!Phase stirrup,spout sherds (FormalClass 14): a. bulbous spout; b. (upper right) stirrup,spoutfrom a jar; c. bulbous spout; d. (lower right) parallel spout.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..174em.Figure 29.Jell Phase Formal Class 15 (scalein em).

DEFINING CERAMIC CHANGE AND CULTURAL INTERACTION:.REsULTS OF TYPOLOGICAL, CHRONOLOGICAL, AND TEcHNOLOGICAL ANALYSES OFGUANGALA PHASE CERAMlCSMaria A. MasucciDrew UniversityIntroductionThe period between 500 B.C. and A.D. 500was a time of dramatic changes in societalorganizationthroughout the Intermediate Area(the Northern Andes). The rise of localizedhierarchical systemsduring this periodexempli,fiesthe great range of possiblesocialstructureswhich are commonly classified as "chiefdoms"(Drennan and Uribe 1987). For what is nowEcuador, the corresponding temporal divisionhas been labeled the Regional DevelopmentalPeriod, generally dated from 300 B.C. to A.D.600/800. It has been defined by its originalpresenters (Evans and Meggers1960,'1961; .Meggers1966) as a time of increasingcomplex,ity,differentiationin sociopoliticalorganization,expanding trade and interregional contact, andflorescence in local art styleswhich may repre,sent regional chiefdoms. Very little is actuallyknown, however, of the sequence of develop,ments in Ecuador during this period.In particu,lar, little attention has been paid to the Guan,galaPhase, whichis our name forthese localizedcultures or art stylesofthe southwestcoast.Research on the Guangala Phase of the EIAzt1carValley (Figures 1,2) demonstrates thatalthough the region'speoplesmaynot have beenthe source of complexity, they participated in adense web of interactions. This gave themaccess to highland raw materials and finishedgoods,marine resources, foreignpottery vessels,and certain decorative attributes (Masucci1992; Reitz 1986, 1990a, 1990bj Masucci andMacfarlane 1997). Therefore, the EI Azt1carValleyoffers an opportunity to reconstruct theinteractions which appear to have played a rolein developments throughoutcoastal zone.the southwestA fundamental element missing in ourknowledgeof the Guangala Phase and hinderingresearch has been a detailed 'ceramic typologyand chronology. However, one based primarilyon modal changes in decorated finewareceram,ics has been available (Paulsen 1970), alongwith a detailed study of the early portion of thephase (Stothert 1993a). My survey and exca,vations in the EI Azucar Valley, approximately25kmfromthe present coastline, revealed deep,stratified midden deposits with large, well,pre,served pottery samples of the Guangala Phase.These samples provide the opportunity for aceramic analysis which tests previous studiesand gives us a picture of complete assemblagesfrom a wider span of the phase (Masucci 1992).I followed a combination of a type,variety andmodal analysis (Robertson 1980, 1991;Demarest 1986). This paper outlines thechronological sequence resulting from theseanalyses. In it I present a set of temporallyandspatially significant attributes of coarse,pastewares. This sequence of utilitarian wares allowssites to be placed into a series of complexes,even iffine, paste decorated waresare absent,ortoo eroded for identification.This typologicaland chronologicalstudyhasbeen further expanded through a technologicalanalysis and sourcing study, utilizing methodsborrowed from the geological sciences;particu,larlypetrographic thin section analysisofpotteryand regional clay and rock samples. Throughexamination of a complete assemblage,includ,ingboth finewaresand utilitarian wares,and useANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 175,208.

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)of an expanded methodology (type..variety..modal analysis)combined with a technologicalanalysis,shiftspreviouslydocumented in Guan..gala finewares were supported and found tocoincide with changes in form, surface treat..ment, and paste composition in utilitarianwares. These changes also appear to correlatewith changes in settlement.Ceramic change is an issuewhich has beenexamined by many authors, and their work,whether ethnoarchaeological or archaeological,has demonstrated the variability and complex..ity of the relationship between ceramic changeand changes in other elements ofasocioculturalsystem (Rice 1984,1987). Particularlycomplexis how contact with outside styles or symbolsaffectsaceramicvocabulary. Differentvariablesof an assemblage,such as style,form,and tech..nology,exhibit distinct levelsofsusceptibilitytochange. In general, technologyandformare themost resistant to change, with stylevaryingthemostreadily (Rice1984:239..245).This assump..tion leads to an emphasison stylisticchange forbuilding chronologies. Style is taken here tomean surface attributes commonlycalled deco..rative elements or modes. These can includeshape attributes. Form refers to shape, specifi..cally to size and other attributes of rims, lips,necks, bases, etc. It should be understood thatthese terms define related variableswhich, inturn, relate to paste characteristicsas aspects oftechnical choices. As Rice hasrecentlystressed,however, technical choices are not simplyresponsesto desiredperformance,but rather aremade in a "rich context of tradition, values,alternatives, and compromises" (1996:140).They demand an analysis that goesbeyond theuse of hypothesized functions to explain thecauses of ceramic change.In the EI Azucar case, changes in paste,forms, and surface. treatment are useful forbuilding a chronology because these variablesare all seen to change, although at differenttimes, rates, and to different degrees. TheGuangala ceramic assemblage is diverse andcomplex and appears to encompass various-176trajectories of change, each of which may beattributable to different causal factors. Further..more, identification of local and non..localpottery permits an assessment of possiblecon..tact between Guangala people and other neigh..boring groups. Such contact may have contrib..uted to some of the changes. The majority ofGuangala ceramics appear to have been madelocally. However, transfer of stylisticmodesand.exchange of ceramic vesselsare likely. Trade oftempering material is possible. The new bodyof data presented in this article leads to ques..tions of production and function. It poses arange of questions about Guangala society andsocioeconomic patterns.Geographic and Cultural SettingThe temporal focus of this study is theGuangala Phase (300 B.C. to A.D. 800) (Paul..sen 1970; Masucci 1992). This phase is identi..fied as the localizedart styleor cultural manifes..tation of the RegionalDeyelopmental Periodforsouthwest coastal Ecuador. Features typicalofthis phase include polychromefinewares, finepaste ceramic flutes, whistles, and figurines,andwhite..on..red painted pottery, including largethick..walledpedestalplates calledcompoteras.These features have been recorded over anestimated 8,000 square kilometers stretchingalong the Ecuadorian coast from Punta Arenasin the south to Machalilla in the north, andinla~d to the Guayas Basin (Figure 1; Bushnell1951;Estrada 1957b, 1962;Meggers1966;Paul..sen 1970; Lippi 1983; Stothert 1984; Norton1984).The majority of ceramic and raw materialsamples considered in this study came fromexcavations in the EI Azucar River Valley,approximately 25 km up the Zapotal Riverfromthe port of Chanduy (Figure 1). The EIAzucarValley lies in an ecotone between the lowlandand upland zones on the western edge of theSanta Elena Peninsula. This region spans thetransition from semi..arid zone dominated byxerophytic vegetation to dry tropical forest.Physiographically, the Santa Elena Peninsula

177..liesto the west of the Andean Chain, the Gulfof Guayaquil, and the Guayas Basin, and isseparated from the wetter tropical areas to thenorth and east by the Chong6n..Colonche hillrange.The Guangala Phase has alwaysbeen as..sumedto have been a time when agriculturalistsoccupied nucleated settlements along thecoastalmargin, and more dispersedsettlementsthroughout inland valleys (Meggers 1966).Charred remains of com, beans, and squashwereidentified in a macrobotanicalsamplefromtheEIAzucarexcavations(Pearsall1990). My .survey in the EI Azucar Valley (Figure 2;Masucci1992)supports the picture ofGuangalasettlement patterns outlined by previous re..search (Lanning 1967; Paulsen 1970). Duringthe early portion of this phase there was aneXpansioninto inland valleys, with an increasein site size and number compared with thepreviousoccupation of the valleys(ca. 100B.C.to A.D. 100; Paulsen 1970; Stothert 1993a;Masucci 1992). Settlement expansion contin..ued, reaching a climax in the middleportion ofthe phase (A.D. 100 to 600; Paulsen 1970;Masucci 1992). A form of mutualismbetweencoastaland inland settlements mayhave playeda part in this expansion, with marine resourcesa component in the economic system thatsupported it (Reitz 1990b). Evidence of themanufacture of marine shell beads and otherornaments is common at these sites (Masucci1995),particularly at occupations dating to themiddle portion of the Guangala Phase. TheEarlyand Middle Guangala sitesin the EIAzu..car Valley followa generally dispersedpattern.The majority of sites are on the first terracesabove the flood plains. Most sites (86%, or 30out of 35 Guangala sites) represent single farm..steads, to judge from the shallownessand lim..ited areal and chronological range of deposits.More extensive sites with dense, deep middendepositsrepresenting longer and moreintensiveoccupation, or at least multiple households, arealsopresent (9%,or 3 out of 35 Guangala sites;Figure2). Two sites are shallowhilltop scatterswhich appear to date to the final portion of theMasucci: Guangala PhLlseCeramicsGuangala phase. Three of the shallow middensites also contain a late component.The final portion of the phase (ca.A.D. 600to 800; Paulsen 1970) represents a change insettlement pattern and type. Site location shiftsto higher hills with access to wide expanses offlood plain. There is a drop in artifact density,an absence of a number of artifact typessuch asobsidian, and evidence of craft activitiessuch asmarine shellornament production. Both marineshells and obsidian are nonlocal goods. Acharacteristic feature at these sites is an ovalfoundation (1.5 to 2.0 m diameter) formed byupright sandstone slabs and burnt clay floorsand walls. Largegrinding basins and fragmentsof large, thick..walled, coarse paste jars aretypically associated with the features (Masucci1992). Similar features have been reportedsince the 1930sand have been dated to the LateGuangala Phase or to the Manteiio Phase (Ze..vallos Menenez 1937; Stothert 1981, 1993b;Masucci 1992, 1996;Alvarez Litben and GardaCaputi 1995).CeramicsArchaeologists in southwest Ecuador rarelyhave difficultyidentifying ceramicsof the Guan..gala.Phase. The ubiquitous sherds with dark"finger..paint" decoration are an easily recog..nizedmarker..These sherdsare assumed,how..ever, to be chronologically insensitive beyondmarking the phase. Only a few studies includedescriptions of coarse paste or utilitarian vessels(Bischof 1982; Marcos 1970, 1982; Stothert1993a). Instead, chronological and descriptivework has concentrated on decorated fine pasteceramics (Paulsen 1970; Simmons 1970). Thelack of descriptions of the abundant plainwaresand coarse paste utilitarian wares is particularlyfrustrating to archaeologists working at smallrural sites where fine wares comprise a smallpercentage of the ceramic assemblage (Lippi1980, 1983; Masucci 1992). In fact even atlarger sites, decorated wares commonly repre..sent less than five percent of an assemblage.Because of this emphasis on a limited portion of

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)the Guangala ceramic assemblage, trajectories ofchange have been well known for the finedecorated wares for some time, without a test ofpossible changes over time in coarse wares.The terms utilitarian or coarsewares, asused here, follow definitions by Rice (1987: 203~204) and refer to the bulk of GuangalaPhaseceramicswhich are ofmoderate to coarsepastes,and appear to be of low value and high con~sumption. This pottery contrasts withfinepasteceramics which are of lower frequency in theGuangala Phase collections. These are believedto have had high production cost,lowconsump~tion,and thus highervalue (Ibid.:203~204).MethodologyTypologicaland ChronologicalMetlwdsMany pages have been devoted to discussionof typological studies and the appropriateness ofcompeting methods. The most reasonablestatement made In this long.:standingdebate isthat a single method or typologicalsystem maynot be appropriate-to every research situation.The most important -factor in the choice ofmethods is to find one appropriate to the ques~dons b~ing asked and the material at hand(Brew1946). The arena of Andean studies hasits own particular controversy over the use ofceramic analytical methods (Rowe 1959;Lathrap 1962; Aleto 1988; Raymond 1995).Also, although reports concentrating on "cul~tural historical" questions such as building oflocal ceramic sequences are currently out offavor, there are still many Andean regions inwhich such basic studies remain to be com~pleted. Therefore, because a single methodacceptable to all analysts has not been pre..sented, the questions of typologicaland chrono~logicalmethods are still with us. One approachhas been to choose of a combinationof methodssuch as the call fora type~variety~modalanalysis(Gifford1976;Sabloff1975)put into practice instudies in Mesoamerica by Demarest (1986),Robertson (1980, 1991), and Chase and Chase(1987) and with Mississippian ceramics by-178Steponaitis (1983). Ceramic analysts in Ecua~dor are also now productively adapting andreworking original definitions of modal analysisto fit particular collections. and goals (Raymond1995;Beckwith 1996). .A combination of Type..Variety,a typologi~caVtaxonomic hierarchical system of classifica~tion, and a Modal, or analytical classification,waschosen for this study as an approachwell'suited to its goals, the nature of Guangala ce~ramies, and the El Azucar sample specifically.This combination was selected to provide themost information on coarse paste wares whichare a substantial portion of GUangala assem~blages and were particularly well preserved inthe EI Azucar collection, while also providingcomparative information to be used in conjunc~tion with paSt stiIdiesusing versions of modalanalysis. A brief discussion of the definitionsand possible strengths and weaknesses of type~variety and modal systems of classificationarehelpful for background on, the selection ofmethods and results.The type~variety~modalsystem as appliedhere to the El Azucar sample is adapted fromaseriesofrecent studies (Demarest 1986;Robert~son 1980, 1991; Steponaitis 1983) and originalformulations of the methods such as Rouse(1939,1953,1960), Smith etal. (1960) andSab~loff and Smith (1969). In simple terms, thetype~variety system aims at the creation ofsimilarity classes,of sherds and vessels to con~struct descriptive typologies, but more impor~tandy, to delineate spatially and temporallysignificant units for defining intrasite and intraand interregional relationships and chronology.The goal is to define widely comparablehistorical~indexclassificatoryunits (Rice 1982:48, 1987:282).Type~varietyprovides a viewoflarge scale change as well as description of anentire collection and estimates of wholevessels.The concept of mode has a longer historythan the type~varietyconcept (Phillips 1970).Rouse's (1939) pioneering work is most com~monly cited for the definition and discussionof

179..Masucci: Guangala Phase Ceramicsmodes in ceramic analysis. Rowe (1959) andLathrap (1962) became very strong proponentsof the use of modes or features, proposingto doaway with pottery types altogether (phillips1970). This tradition has been continuedwithinSouth American ceramicstudies (Menzel1964, 1968;Paulsen 1970;Raymondetal. 1975;Isbell 1977; Mohr..Chavez 1977; Tolstoy andDeBoer 1989). Modes as defined by Rouse(1939, 1953, 1960) and contrasted to typewerepartitive; i.e.,a mode is an attribute or cluster ofattributes that displays significancein its ownright. Rouse (1960) shows in his definitionsthat mode and attribute are distinct but can bethe same in practice. A mode consisted of asingledesign or technique used in the manufac..ture of artifacts, or else some specification (e.g.,hardness) (Rouse 1939:11). However,noteveryattribute indicated modes. Someare individualidiosyncrasies and modes are those attributeswith historical significance. Modes, then, areattributes, or a seriesof attributes, with histori..calsignificance'which are sharedbycorrespond..ing parts of a series of artifacts (Rouse 1939,1953:63, 1960). .. Raymond'smore recent applicationof thissystemwhich he terms a "Structural AnalysiS",does not appear to differ from fundamentaldefinitions of modes as "values ranged alongdimensions of variability, . . . assumed to beminimal units of formal variation which affectmeaning" (1995:229). Modes, according toRaymond (lbid.:229..230) may be defined as"discreteattributes (forexample,an everted rimor a vertical rim), or as values along a continu..ousscale (suchas mouth diameters)". However,Raymond also adds an explicit consideration ofwhole vesselcategories. In describingthe stepsin a structural analysis he emphasizesthat the"units that exhibit structure" are whole vessels.The unit of analysisisthe completevesselratherthan the sherd (Ibid.:229..230).Raymondstatesthat potsherds must be analyzedasparts of pots.This constant reference back to whole vesselscan provide a meeting ground forthe two meth..ods.Therefore, in this study an attempt is madeto use the systems as complementary ratherthan contradictory.On the other hand, for the earlytypologists,types, as opposed to modes, were seen as morecomplex phenomena, difficult to duplicate anduseful for broad..scale reconstruction (Rouse1939:138..141). This view gave rise to a centralcriticismof type..basedsystemswhich continut;stoday, with proponents of modal or featureanalysisseeingtheir method as superiorforfine..grained' chronological analysis. Its followersstress the abilityof the modal method to define. short periods of time, or more discrete phasedivisions, by considering the appearance anddisappearance of individual attributes. Useof acomposite entity or a groupingof a largenumberof attributes is considered counterproductive forfine..grainedchronological analysis. Type..vari..ety combines attributes into types with longlifespans, creating chronologies of relatively few,verybroad periods (Lippi1980:131;TolstoyandDeBoer 1989:299; Aleto 1988:106).The actual validity of such statements inpractice cannot be argued. In the case of thespecific cultural phase of interest here, Guan..gala, an eight phase chronology was presentedby Paulsen (1970) using a variation of a featureanalysis rather than. a 'type or type..varietymethod. The general scheme of that chronol..ogy is supported by the present study, i.e., thatplain solid polypods appear earlier than deco..rated ones. However, as this study shows, theappearance and decline of these variousfeaturesor modes is very complex, do not appear tooccur all at once, often overlap for portions ofthe sequence, and therefore are difficult to usefor dating sites with the precision that theypromise. A classification system of types andvarieties willnot, however, do any better, but itdoes not promise that, noting the complexityofceramic change.Seen in the light of the above discussion,thetwo systems need not be competitive. Theyhave both commonalities and fundamentaldifferences, strengths, and weaknesses. Ulti..

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)-180mately, an analyst must apply the analyticalstructure best suited to the goals of the studyand the natUre and limits of a collection. T01,stoyand DeBoer (1989:299)assertthat formsofmodal analysis are best suited to. relativelyelaborate material and short,lived attributes,and can (with luck) extract chronologicalinformation from very small amounts of mate,rial. In addition, when working with erodedsherds, type,variety can be verytimeconsumingwith limited results (Sabloff 1975). A modalstUdycan more easily deal with the attributespreserved in the sample. In addition, one majoradvantage of a modal analysis as defined andcarried out by Raymond as a structural analysisis its predictive ability. With the understandinggained of the design elements and the "genera'tive rules" of design one can predict whichdesigns are "grammaticallycorrect" (Raymond1995:231). Therefore, it should be possibletorecognize foreign pots, as well as copies andimitations of a style. Such sherdsor vesselsmayhave ended up hidden in a varietal descriptionor in a box of "specials"or unknown sherds in atype,variety analysis. Although I didnot followRaymond's method specificallyin this analysis,information on modes served a similarpurpose,helping to highlight particular changes in theassemblage.The Type,Variety method was thereforemost applicable to the EI Azucar Guangalaceramics,but it did not serve wellforall aspectsof the collection. An attempt wasthus made toapplya basic modal or attribute analysisfollow,ing originaldefiners of the systemsuch as Rouse(1939, 1953, 1960) and analysts who havecombined the methods (Robertson 1980,1991;Demarest 1986). In practice this meant exam,ining the collection for attributes or series ofattributes which either cross,cut the types andvarieties (wholevesselcategories)definedin theanalysis,or were subsumedwithina typeor werethe defining characteristic for a variety. Notsurprisingly,the modal analysiswasmost usefulfor the fine paste decorated waresand for dem,ing a seriesof modes related to other contempo,rary cultural phases. However,it wasnot parti,cularlyrevealing for coarse wares.The resultingtype,variety classification offers a picture ofbroad changes over time in coarse ware surfacetreatment, form, and paste not previouslydelin,eated. The addition of a thin section analysisofpastes allows these pottery type descriptions toaccurately define what is meant by a "coarse".vs.a "fine"textUredware. It also permits consider,ation of the relationshipthroughtime ofstyle,,form, and technology.Ceramic SampleExcavations of stratified midden depositsattWoEIAzucar Guangala Phase sites providetheprimaryceramic data base for the analyses.Theceramic sample is drawn from three trenchexcavations totaling 18 cubic meters. Two ofthe trenches are from one site (Figure 2, Site47) with a third from a site 1 kIn distant (Site30). Both sites contained, only Guangala Phasematerial both on the surface and in excavateddeposits. Excavations followed natural levelswhen present, and arbitrary levels of 10 cmwhen no natural divisionswere visible.Depositsat Site 47 ranged from 160,180 cm in depth,. and from50,60 cm at site 30. One trenchatSite 47 was enlarged by a 3 x 4 m areal excava,tion to offer a greater vie~ of the artifact pat,terning within the site. Although the ceramicsare not included in the analysespresented here,they were analyzed and followed the samepatterns described in this article.The wellpreserved state of the ceramics,theconcentrations ofarticulated fishand deerbone,and the high number of partial vesselsand sherdrefits over short, primarily horizontal distancessuggest minimal disturbance of the deposits.The density of material and the nature of theartifacts, such as the range of ceramic forms,vertebrate and invertebrate faunal, macro,botanical, and lithic remains, both tools andmanufactUring debris, as well as wattle,and,daub, metal artifacts, debris from shell working,pyrolizedplant remains including cotton (Pear,sallI990), spindlewhorls, a livingfloor,hearths,and ash throws,possiblyfrom hearth sweepings,

181..Masucci:Guangala PhaseCeramicsall support an assessment of the deposits asdomestic midden from a sedentary farminghomestead. The size,density, and extent of themidden deposits at the two sites suggest trashfrom multiple households. Occupation alsoappears to have been continuous because nosterilelayerswereobserveddividingthe midden.Five Guangala sites recorded in the El Az11..car surveycontained ceramic typesnot found atany other Guangala sites in the Valley. These.fivesites were identified as Guangala based onthe presence of pedestal plates (compoteras),whichare markers of the phase, and of finewarejarswith vertical necks, lipflanges,and appliquedecoration associated in other studieswith thefinal portion of the Guangala Phase (Paulsen1970). The ceramic assemblageswere domi..nated by sherds from two types of large, thick..walled,coarse paste jars which also are associ..ated in previous studies with the Late Guangalaor Manteiio Phases (Bushnell 1951; Estrada1957a, 1962; Simmons 1970:385..388; Lippi1980:70; Mester 1990:148..150;Stothert 1981,1993b). The utilitarian ware ceramics fromthese.sites were used to define two types mark..ing the final portion of the phase (Masucci1992: 371..375, 1996).A total of 28,000 sherds from excavatedcontexts were analyzed. All excavated sherdsweresorted into typesfollowingthe type..varietysystem(Gifford1976;Robertson 1980;Smith etal. 1960). Types were defined primarily onattributes of surface treatment and decorationwithadditional consideration offormand visiblepaste characteristics. All sherds were thencodedformodespresent and entered as separatecasesinto a computer data basesothat temporalvariations in attributes which crosscut typescould be examined.fied temporal patterns of change in plainwaresand utilitarian pottery in other areas (Robertson1980). Through the type..variety system the"complete" assemblage:body sherds, as well asrims, and unslipped, as well as slipped anddecorated pottery, could be analyzed and de..scribed. A type is not valid unless allportions'ofa vessel are represented.Sixteen types and 31 varieties have beenestablished for this Guangala assemblage. Thetypes were examined for temporal and spatialsignificance through a relative frequency seria... tion in conjunction with stratigraphic analysisofthe midden deposits. Nonmetric multidimen..sional scaling wasused to examine the variabil..ity present in the collections and test the valid..ity of the seriation, as well as help suggestinter..digitation of the three trench samples andsubdivision of the resulting sequence (Masucci1992). .The modes examined were divided intoformal, painted, and plastic attribute combina..tions. These modes did not suggest either anindependent subdivision of the Guangala se..quence or a finer subdiv~ion than that proposedon the basis of type frequency seriation. Theresults instead offer a set of additional distin..guishing criteria for the chronological divisionswhich will be particularly useful to analystsworking with surface collections where typefrequencies cannot be calculated. This is aparticularly important point because type..vari..ety has been criticized for offering only large..scale historical units which assume gradualchange. The use of both typology and theresults of modal analysisdoes allowfiner tempo..ral assessmentof collections because sometypesoverlap in occurrence .and some show onlyminor changes throughout the entire sequence.The combination of methods was well..suited to the El Az11carsample and researchgoals.The large,well preserved sherdsfrom theEl Az11carsample included a high number ofpartial vessels, primarily plainwares, or coarsepaste wares. The type..varietysystemhas identi..TechnologicalAnalysisFollowingcompletion of the typologicalandchronological study a technological analysiswasundertaken to investigate possible changes invessel paste through time, and the correlation

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)between stylistic and formal attributes andtechnological attributes. The pastesused in anassemblagecan be analyzedbylookingsolelyatceramic artifacts. However, if there is an inter~est in the manipulation of raw materials and inquestions of provenance, the analystmust gainknowledgeoflocally availableresources. Prove~nance studies in particular require comparisonof ceramic artifacts with locally available rawmaterials.Two geologicalmapping and samplecollec~tion expeditions were conducted in Ecuadorfrom 1992 through 1993 (Masucci and Mac~farlane 1997). Analysisof the samplesprovidesdata on the local geologicalsetting and on theresources available. This informationserved asthe basis for provenance and technologicalanalysis. A total of 53 claysand 28rock sampleswere prepared as thin sections. Thin sectionswere also made of 180 Guangala pottery sherdsand three Early Mantefio sherds. Of the ce~ramic sample, 93 sherds are from the EI Azucarexcavated collections. The remainder of thesampleisfromsurface.collectionsmadein the EIAzucarValley,and at sitesoutsideit whichwereencountered during geologicalsurvey,or wereprovided from excavated or surfacecollectionsby other researchers working in southwestcoastal Ecuador (Figure 1). The ceramicswereselected to cover surfacetreatment and the formand composition groupingsnoted in typologicaland chronological analyses.Usingtechniques ofopticalpetrography (Pettijohn 1975jWhitbread1987, 1989j Folk 1974), observations wererecordedon attributes ofmicromass,microstruc,ture, composition, and textUre (Masucci 1995jMasucci and Macfarlane 1997)." Estimates ofquantitative variables were based on publishedgeological comparative charts (Folk 1974;Pettijohn 1975). Petrographic analysis treatspottery as a geologicalmaterial. tts techniquesare used to identify mineral and rockfragments,as well as to examine attributes of the claymatrix. On the basisof the recorded character,istics, the thin sections are grouped in fabricclasses. These groupsmust then be interpretedthrough comparison with typologicaland chro..-182nological orderings based on attributes of styleand form.Results: A New Local SequenceThe EIAzucar analysisrevealed patterns ofchange in fine paste ceramics which supportprevious work by other authors (Paulsen 1970;Simmons 1970; Stothert 1993a). In addition,the work revealed a series of changes in coarsewares not previously discussed. Results of theanalysis showed that not all Guangala Phasefinger..paintedvesselsare created equal andthatthey are, in fact, chronologically sensitive. Byconcentrating on attributes of surface treat..ment, paste composition, and form, a seriesofchronologicallyand spatiallysignificantutilitar,ian ceramic types has been defined. This pat~tern of changes has been used to subdividetheGuangala phase, as represented at EI Azllcar,into three ceramic complexes (ComplexesI..III)which correspond generally to the Early,Mid~dIe, and Late Guangala (Stothert 1993aj Paul..sen 1970). Only a summaryof the primarytypesand formsis presented below, and a summaryofformsisillustrated in Figure3. Detailed descrip..tions are available elsewhere (Masucci 1992).A series of corrected and uncalibratedradiocarbon dates from the primary trench ofSite 47 (XTrench) provide an absolute scaleforthe ceramic chronology (Masucci 1992:table10). Three radiocarbon dates from the depositsplace Complex I between 2030 :t 120 B.P.,1850:t 70 B.P., and 1750 :t 60 B.P. (Table 1).Only one radiocarbon assay is available forComplex II. It suggests a position on the con..tinuum between 1750 :t 60 B.P. and 1670:t 60B.P.with no ending date available. No dateablematerials are available for Complex III, but onthe basis of cross..dating with previous studies(Paulsen 1970), the types present correspondtowhat hasbeen labeled "LateGuangala"spanningthe period from 1350 to 1150 B.P.

183~Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramicsTable 1.BI AtUcar Site 47 radiocarbondatesPTOIIenienceCon-ected,calibratedLaboratory Samplematerial C13/C12 rationumberComplex1XTrench70-80cmb.s.105,110cmb.s.XTrench140.145 em b.s.ComplexnXTrench20-30cm b.s.280 :!:85AD. 1750:!:60B.P. SMU2461 Woodcharcoal 513/12C= ,25.3%0ISO:!: 90 AD. 1850:!: 70 B.P. SMU 2463 Wood charcoal 513/12C = ,25.4%060 :!:150B.C. 2030:!: 120B.P; SMU2462 Woodcharcoal 513/12C=,25%0370 :!:80AD. 1670:!:60B.P. SMU2460 Woodcharcoal 513/12C=,24.6%0Typological aild Chronologi~AnalysisComplexI. The earliest ceramicspresent inthe EI Azucar deposits (ComplexI) are domi~nated by two related vess~l types with "finger~painted" decoration (Figures3~6). Both typesconsistof thin to'moderately thin walledvessels(0.5~0.7 cm). One is characterized by anunslippedexterior and finger~paintdecoration,and the other by a thin, watery red~slippedexterior and finger~paintdecoration. Predomi~nant formsare round~bottomed,flaringcollaredjars with a sharp, defined throat angle and arange of rim and lip forms. Rim diameter rangeis 6.0~46.0cm. These two types together com~prise from forty to seventy percent of the potteryrecovered in the lowest levels of all deposits.Open forms of similar paste and wall thick~nessare primarilyflaringwalledbowlssupportedwith polypod legs and a range of rim.and lipforms. The lowestlevelsof the depositscontainonly plain, undecorated solid or hollow poly~pods, but solid pods with elaborate appliquedecoration depictinghuman figuresand animalsoccur during Complex I, although slightlylaterthan plain pods (Figure 8). Paulsen has pre~sented a chronology of changes in the featuresof these polypods (Paulsen 1970), but thesefeatures were found to overlap in the strati,graphic columns at EIAzucar.Primary modes are finger~painted decora~tion, Applique on bowl leg supports, and acombination of zoned incision, punctates, andapplique circles on the exterior shoulder of asmall number of jars. .This latter mode is veryrare in the EI Azucar assemblage and crosscutsforms and types of utilitarian wares (Figure9).The combination of decorative elements isdistinctive and described as typical of the Jam~belr Phase in southern Ecuador. . A pottery typewith thismodeislistedbyEstradaetal. (1964)as "JambeliPunctate." The occurrence of thismode is limited in the EIAzucar sample to theearliest levels of Complex I. Stothert has de~scribed the occurrence of the same suite ofdecorations on.vessels at Valdivia Village, anEarly Guangala component (1993a).Fine paste ceramics are dominated by thinwalled (0.2~0.7 cm)bowlsand dishesofcomplexshapes with thick, dark glossy slips and bur~nished line decoration occurring on matteunburnished areas on either the interior orbasalexterior portions of vessels (Figures4 and 10).Iridescent painting is also common on thesevesselsin a range of simple dot and band motifs(Figures 4 and 10). These vessels are welldocumented in literature on the GuangalaPhase(Willey 1971; Meggers 1966; Paulsen 1970;Simmons 1970; Stothert 1993a). A roundbottomed, carinated jar with outcurving rimand

a smoothed exterior surface. Neither typeshows evidence of burning.Fine paste, moderately thin walled (05-0.8cm), vertical necked jars with lip flanges andhighly polished exterior surfaces were alsopresent at these sites (Figures3, 13). This formis not present in the excavated samples and isfound in surface collections only at the fiveComplexIII sites of the EIAzucarsurvey. Thisformis similar to that listed in previousstudiesas "Frogware"because of the presence of appli..que claycircles on the jar shoulder arranged inthe fonn of a frog (paulsen 1970). Variations ofthis type are dated by Paulsen to the latterportion of the phase. A second form of redslipped,fine..paste jar often associated withManteftois present with what is referred to as a"bell-rim",a high, outflaring rim (Figure 13,Bushnell1951).Summary of Typological 'and ChronologicalAnalysisThree trajectories of change were discernedin the Guangala assemblage. These involvedfinew~res,utilitarian wares, and a third set ofvesselswith white.. and red.. slippeddecoration(Figure3). The dramatic shifts in the style offinewares have been presented in previousstudies (Paulsen 1970;Simmons 1970;Stothert1993a). Similar changes were observed at ElAzt1carand are illustrated in the left column ofFigure3. These types,based on fonnal and wallthickness changes, are identifiable even ineroded samples. Changes not previously out..lined also occur, in the style and form of utili..tarian wares. These correlate with changes inthe finewares.The changes are illustrated in theright column of Figure3. These can be dis..cemed in eroded samplesbytakinginto accountattributes of paste, fonn, and wallthickness.Frequency seriation of these types,particu..larly the utilitarian wares, and modal analysis,particularly of the finewares, were the basis fordelineation of three chronological groups,Complexes 1..111.The utilitarian wares wereMasucci: Guangala 'PhaseCeramicsmore useful in chronological studies usingfrequencyseriation because the finewaresrepre..sented such a small percentage of the overallsample, and changes in frequency were notstatisticallysignificant. Figure 7 (top) illustratesthe shift in frequencies of utilitarian waresandfinewares between Complex I and II in theprimary trench at Site 47.A third set of ceramic types with a distincttrajectory of change wasdiscerned in the assem..blage. These types are shown in the center. columnof Figure3. The typesencompassthe. large, thick-walledpedestal plates with whiteand red slip..painteddecoration and hemispheri..cal bowls as well as small pedestal plates whichshow strong stylistic affinitiesto cultural phasesto the south. The white..on..red bowls andplates have their primary occurrence in Com..plex I, but are also present in Complex II withno detectable changes in style or form. Largepedestalplates are present throughout the entiresequence with no detectable change, althoughthere is always a wide range of variability informs and surface decoration.Technological AnalysisComplexI. The utilitarian waresofComplexI group into a related fabric class. Based oncomparison and correlation with raw materialssampled within 10 km of the El Azt1carValley,the ceramics could be termed "local"products(Masucci and Macfarlane 1997).. Due to therare evidence of on-site pottery production andthe general uniformity of raw materials in theimmediate Santa Elena area, it is not clear,however, ifthe pottery was actually made at thefind sites. Therefore the term "local"pottery isused to signifyceramics made within the SantaElena area.A similar case for Valdivia pottery has beenreported by Marcos (personal communication1995). Ceramic pastes correlate with the Quaternaryvertisols found directly on or near thesurface throughout the area. Modern potters insuch villages as Rio Verde, Buena Fuente, and

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) .Juntas ~sesimilar deposits, and samplesof theirclaysmatch wellwith the utilitarian waresof EIAzucar Complex I.The fabrics of utilitarian vessels of ComplexI which bear designs matching those typical ofthe Jambel1Phase also fall into the fabric class ofthe other early utilitarian wares. Therefore,these vessels represent an incorporation ofdecorative attributes from neighboringculturalphases into locallymade Guangalapots. Thereare no other attributes of form or surface treat~ment which would place these vesselsoutsidethe range of typical Guangala wares.The finewares of Complex I group into ahomogenous fabricclasswhich, withtwoexcep~tions, matches local clays. First, the texture ofthe ceramic fabrics is distinct fromthat of localraw materials. Texture could be altered byrefining local materials such as through wet ordry sieving. Second, pumice fragments are apredominant non~plastic inclusion. This rocktype has not been found in' local clays, rockoutcrops, or drainage float materials. TheEcuadorian highlands have substantialdepositsof pumice that are mined today and sent to thecoast. Although not listed on geologicalmaps,there maybe depositsin the Chong6n~Colonchehills,but these most likelywouldbe of tephra, amix ofpyroclastic materials fromvolcanic erup~tions. The inclusions in the ElAzucarceramicsare pumice only.Vesselswith white~and red~slippeddecora~tion are unusual in their mineralogy,texture,and technologycompared to localmaterials andthe remainder of the EI Azucar sample. Thewhite~on~red hemispherical bowls and ring~basedplates form a separate pottery classand donot relate closely to any of the raw materialssampled thus far in the area. Furthermore, thevessels show a strong preferred orientation ofvoids..This patterningmaybe associatedwithforming methods {Whitbread 1987, 1989;Woods 1984~1985).The pattern was not ob~served in any other types, even when a similarform waspresent.-186Compoteravessels also are unique, but withthe exception of pumice temper, the mineralogyreflects that of local materials. The samplesformed, however, a very heterogeneous classwith a wide range of variation in non~plasticinclusions, particularly tempers such as grog(ground pottery) and pumice. Basedon miner~alogy, these could be local products, but eachmay have been made at a different productionsite, or by a different potter.ComplexII. The utilitarianwaresofComplexII also form a closely related group on thebasis of mineralogy and texture, but one whichisvery distinct from that of Complexes I and III.Texture is characterized by a bi~modaldistribu~tion of inclusions. The smaller size mode iscomprisedof finesand-sizedgrainsofquartzandfeldspar, similar to those observed in the localclays. The larger sizemode is also comprisedoflocally available material, coarse to very coarsesand-sizedsub-rounded chert and tufffragmentscommonly found in the local drainages. Thissuggests the use of local clays with temperselected from local river sands. Therefore, thesevesselsare likelylocal products, but technologicallythey are distinct from Complex I typeswhich appear to have been formed from localclays with little manipulation or tempering.Finewares and white and red vessels show nochange from Complex 1.ComplexIII. Type 1 of Complex III utilitar~ian wares, in contrast to those of ComplexI andII, does not appear to be a local product. Thefabricsof these vesselsare dominated by coarsesand-to~granule-sizedgrains of eroded coarsegrainedigneous rocks. This class of materialorgranodiorite is not available in the immediatearea of EI Azucar or the Santa Elena Area.Smalloutcrops occur in the northeastern Chon~g6n~Colonchehillsnorth ofGuayaquil,approxi~mately 70 km from EI Azucar. In 1996 theserock formations were examined, and thin sec~tions of samples analyied (Masucci 1996). Acommon identity was confirmed, but chemicalanalyses are necessary to confirm a commonsource. Type 2, on the other hand, is similarin

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)rounded or pointed lip is also present with thissame suite of decoration.Simple contour, moderately thin directwalled (0.4~0.6cm), hemispherical bowls andring~basedplates with red slipand often fugitivewhite paint are also present (Figures3,4, and9). Previouswork listed these vesselsasmarkersofEarlyGuangala (Paulsen 1970). AtEIAzucarthey are found primarily in Complex I, but docontinue during Complex II. These vessels,along with thick~walled (1.0~2.0 cm) plates(comporeras)on high pedestals with thick redslipsand white painted decorations, are seen asimportant markers for the Regional Develop~mental Period (Figure 3). At EI Azucar thecomporerasare found in low frequenciesthroughoutthe phase. Compoteras beararangeof decorative modes including applique balls,cutouts, and incisions, but these"often appearonly once in the assemblageon a singlevessel.Strikinglysimilar vessels to both of these typeswith white and red slip decoration have beennoted from as far south as the TumbesValleyinnorthern coastal .Peru (Izumi and Terrada1966).ComplexII. Coincidingwith the firstappear~ance of bichrome and polychrome fine pasteceramics (Figure 3) is a new set of types incoarse paste wares. These typesappear initiallyin lowfrequencies at the same time that vesselsof Complex I show a decrease in frequency(Figure 7). The new set of coarse ware typescomes to replace Complex I utilitarian vesselscompletely,and together comprisesfrom45% to65% of the pottery recovered in upper levels ofall deposits. The Complex II ceramics aredominated by large, thick~walled(O.7~1.0cm)jars bearing either a thick, dark red slip withfinger~paint decoration or an unburnished,watery exterior slip with coarse wiping marksand occasional finger~paintdecoration (Figures4, 5, 11). These types exhibit an easilydistin~guishable new range of forms dominated byround~bottomedjarswith outcurvingnecks andcurved throat angles and a range of rim and lipforms.-184Polypod vessels are still present. However,the dominant open forms are flaring walledbowls and large, round~bottomed bowls withslightlyincurving sides, thick red~slippedinte~rior surfaces, and very rough exteriors. Finger~painting on these vessels commonly appearsover the red slip (Figure 11).Finewares are marked by geometric designs .in dark broWnor red paint over a light~coloredslip, producing either two,colored (Figure.12)or three~colored wares (Figure 12), commonlyreferred to as bichromes or polychromes. Thesevessels are thin walled (0.2,0.6 cm) shoulderbowls with simple contours, almost vertical~sided, with slight carinations, direct rims, androunded lips. A wide range of motifshave beendescribedfor coastal sites,including zoomorphicdesigns. Most notable is a pelican motif (Bush~nell.l951j Paulsen 1970). Zoomorphic designswere absent at the inland EIAzucar sites.Complex III. Based' on radiocarbon datesand comparisons with previous work (paulsen1970) the excavated midden deposits analyzedin this study do not encompass the entire Guan~gala phase. However, surface collections at fiveEI Azucar sites suggest a third complex. Sitecollections contain sherds identifiable as Guan,gala, but the assemblages' are dominated byunslipped, undecorated sherds fromlargecoarsepaste jarsnot observedin the excavated samples.(Figure 13).Recent surveys in the Rlo Grande Valleyimmediately to the northeast of the EI AzucarValley have provided larger and better pre~served samples of the coarse ware types typicalof these sites (Masucci 1996). Two types arepresent. Type 1 is a thick walled jar (O.7~1.7cm; Figures 3, 13) with large, extremely thick,exterior folded or rolled rims (38~46cm diame~ter) and unslipped, roughly finished exteriorsurfaceswith deep pits caused bydragginglargecoarse inclusions across the vessel surface(Masucci 1992:371~375).Type 2 alsohas thickwalls (1.0~2.0cm) with high, flaring, direct orslightlyincurved rims (40,54 cm diameter) and

187~Masucci:Guangala PhaseCeramicspaste, although different in form, from earlierComplex I utilitarian wares, utilizing localmaterials with little alteration. Finewares andcompoterasshowno changefromComplexesIand II.Summary of Technological AnalysisTechnological analysesrevealeda variety ofrelationships between stylistic and typologicalanalysesand pastecharacteristics.Forutilitar~.ian wares, there is a strong correlation betweensurfacetreatment and shape withpaste. Specifi~cally, the shifts in style definingComplex I andComplex II types correspond to a shift in paste.. Incontrast,pastecharacteristicsoffinewaresdid not change throughout the Guangala Phaseeven though significant changes occurred instyle. In the case of compoteras,a type wasdefined on the basis of common form, althoughthere is a wide range of variation in decoration,and technological analysisshowedheterogenouspastes. Vessel types with white and red decora~tion remained stable.in all attributes across thephas~.The utilitarian wares of ComplexesI and IIappear to be local products, although made ofdifferent raw materials. Complex II types con~tain local tempers used to produce vessels verydistinct in wall thickness, form, and surfacetreatment fromComplex I. ComplexIIIutilitar~ian wares,however, are both localand nonlocal.One type contains rock fragments which havenot been found in the ElAzucar or Santa Elenaareas. Throughout the phase finewaresappearto have been made of locally available,refinedclaystempered bynon~locallyavailablepumice.The picture isdistinct forvesselswith white~and red~slipped decoration (Figures 3, 9).Although these are commonly viewed as keyGuangala markers, they are likely non~localproducts. In an early study of Guangala ceram~icsBushnell (1951) suggestedthatthewhite~on~red hemispherical bowlswereimportedfrom theSouth. He based this idea on the visible mica~ceous inclusions extruding onto the surfacesofthe vessels. Bushnell did not believe that thistypeof mineral waspresent as a natural resourcein the area, or occurred in other vessel pastes.We now know, from analysisof local clays,thatboth muscovite and biotite are present in rawmaterials in the region, but are rare mlneraltypes occurring as fine~sizedinclusions (-

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)The largepedestaledplatevesselsorcompo,terashave proven to be an enigma in terms oftechnological attributes. These vesselsshow aremarkable diversity in traits, with no twosamples alike. The samples do not, however,fall into any other fabric group. The character..istics observed in these samplesappear to be amix of all the Guangala types. Technologicaldiversity could be used as a basisfor suggestinga range of proveniences for these vessels. Thewide range of attributes which characterizethese pastes are allwithin the Guangalaproduc..tion repertoire, and thus these vessels couldsimply represent an attempt to temper withwhatever is commonly used or available toachieve the thick walls typicalof these vessels.It is also useful to note, however, the evidenceforceramicproduction foundbyStothen at sitesin the Las Balsas region north of El .Azt1car.Survey at sites there also indicated a high per..centage of compoterasherds (Stothert 1993b).Thin sections of stylisticallysimilar sherds.from other Guangala sites in the southwestcoastal region were compared with the samplesfrom El Azt1car. These additional samplesexhibited characteristics which stronglycorre,lated with the fabric classesdiscerned in the ElAzt1carsample. Therefore, these technologicalclasses appear to be consistent throughout theSanta Elena area (Masucci and Macfarlane1997).DiscussionCorrelation of the results of the typological,modal, and technological analysesdistinguishesmain classesof ceramics in the Guangalaassem,blage with three distinct trajectories of change(Figure 3). Ceramic typological studies canmask such diversity, emphasizing commonpatterns of change across ceramicclassesusefulfor subdividing cultural periods. The mainadvance from the combination ofmethods usedhere is that it moves analysisbeyond documen..tation of artifact variability. It providesdata onwhat changed. It is proposed thatthe nature ofthe variabilityissignificantand usefulforpursu..-188ing an explanation for the changes. The follow..ingdiscussionisorganizedbythese three classes.Furthermore, the results suggesta necessaryquestioning of the temporal..spatial "culturephase" divisions we have created and continueto use. As this research emphasizes,"Guangala"ceramics exhibit major changes in all aspectsof.the assemblage.. in the decoration and formoffinewares, as well as in the surface treatments,forms,and pastes of coarse paste wares. Changein finewaresisvery abrupt, with only technologyretained from earlier wares. What holds the"phase"together, then, is only a general levelofsimilarity, including finger..painted decoration,"red" globular cooking jars, pattern burnishdecoration, and the continued occurrence ofpedestal plates and white,on..red bowls andplates. These two latter types may, however,acttially be special function ritual vesselswithwhite,on,red vessels imported.FinePasteWaresNew stylistic traditions were incorporatedinto this class of wares during the GuangalaPhase, although there is continuity in rawmaterial use and technology. Therefore, finepaste wares exhibit stylistic change alongsidetechnological stability. Also, within each com,plex, there is a narrow range of stylistic andtechnological variation. These vesselsappeartobe local products but contain pumice temper, anon..locallyavailable material. Importation ofthis material during the Guangala Phase wouldadd to evidence of movement of goods,such asobsidian, from the highlands to the coast (Bur,ger et al. 1994). The compositional similaritybetween finewarevesselsin each complexraisesthe possibility of centralized or specializedproduction of these wares, but this is difficulttoaddress with petrography alone. Chemicalanalyses have been performed to address thisissue. Preliminary results do not support amodel of centralized production. Further, thelikely source of production for individual sam,pIes did not alwayscorrespond with their arch,aeology provenience, suggesting groups may

Masucci:GuangalaPhaseCeramicshave exchanged individualvessels(MasucciandNeff1997). .It is not surprising that the technologicalattributes formanufacture ofGuangalafinewarepastes would remain stable throughout thephase,because,whether applyingaburnished orpainted decoration, the desire for a thin,walledvesselwith well,fired, dense paste wasconstant.What was affected in the finewareswere thevisiblefeatures, assumed to be the symbolicallysignificant or ideologically loaded elementswhich may have signaled something aboutGuangala shared identity. The source of thisnew decorative style is still not known, but themulti,colored painted decoration whichappearsin Complex II is a break with the previousfinewaremodes which were related to a stylisticvocabulary with roots in the Late Formative.Ledergerber (1980) also has shown similaritiesin design elements between Guangala patternburnishing and that on sherds from the NascaPhase at the site of Cahuachi,in Peru's NazcaValley. The form changes which occur db notalter the likelyfunction of the finewarevesselsas serving or presentation pieces. Therefore, itseemsprobable that, on one level, the functionof these vessels did not change. The message,or its destination may, however, have changed.In addition, any social processesresponsibleforthe shiftofComplex Iblack,burnished finewaresto polychrome,painted finewaresof Complex IIdid not affect the availabilityof the raw materi,als, specificallypumice, which were part of thefinewareproduction tradition.Another issue regarding these wares is theuse of the label "elite wares", based mainly onestimated greater effort required for manufac,tUre (Stothert 1984). Could these wares indi,cate the presence of elites or socialhierarchiesduring. the Guangala Phase? The vessels dohave higher production costs because of theirdecoration and the control offiringnecessarytoproduce multiple colors. The creation of high,status goods,or the control ofluxuryitems as anaspect of competitive hierarchical societies inthe Intermediate Area is well documented(Drennan and Uribe 1987; Helms 1987).Ethnohistoric evidence fromEcuadoralsoshowsan association of finely decorated vessels withnative nobles (Salomon 1986:124). Contempo,rary groups in the Eastern lowlands of Ecuador,however, have a polychrome tradition associ,ated with ritual and gift giving, rather thandisplay of elite status (Kelley and Orr 1976;Whitten 1975). Also, in the case of th~Sarayacu Quichua, similar painting techniquesare used, but each potter has a distinctive styleofdecorativedesigns(KelleyandOrr 1976:17).These few examples indicate that both the. degreeofstandardizationin decoration,aswellas context, .are key evidence for examining theproduction, function, and use of such vessels.Contextual data from EI Azucar indicate thatthe vesselsare widelyavailable, and not limitedto certain site .tYPesor sizes. Not all motifs,however, may be present at all sites. The oftenpictured zoomorphic designs (paulsen 1970)from pottery found at large coastal sites, such asLa Libertad, were absent from the EI Azucarinland valleysites. Detailed design analysishasnot been performed for these. wares beyondPaulsen's (1970) attempt to document evolutionof the style for chronological purposes. Muchmore detailed contextual data, information ondistribution of motifs, and delineation of pro,duction organization is needed before the ques,tion of the significance and function of thesewares can be addressed.Coarse Paste WaresCoarse paste wares were. essentially rein,vented during both Complexes II and III, em,ployingnew technical choices to produce differ,ent shapes and styles. Complex I utilitarianwares show strong affinities to Late Formativeceramics, as do the finewares. The changes inComplex II show a preference for a vesselpro'duced with larger and different inclusions,thicker walls, and more friable paste. Thischange requires the addition ofproduction stepsin the use of a local raw material for tempering,and in the application of exterior thick red slip.There is alsoan increase in the sizeand depth of

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)bowl forms in Complex II. The shift:seen inComplex III utilitarian wares suggestsa muchmore complete break with the earlyand middletypes because one type of vessel is most likelynot made oflocallyavailablematerials.Changesin utilitarian wares in both ComplexesII and IIIalso occur within a context of settlementchange. Settlement expansion and populationincrease through Complex II have been pro~posed. Complex III or Late Guangalahas beenseen as a time of settlement disruption andpossibleabandonment (Lanning1967).The shiftsin utilitarian wareswouldseem tosuggest changes in function, particularlywhencorrelated with the changes in settlement. Notall form characteristics, however,are related touse. Many can be stylistic (Crown 1981).Porosity tests following Rice (1984:350~354)also show that all typescover the same range of20~30%porosity even though paste, wall thick~ness, and surface treatment varies. Bum pat~terns, on the other. hand, do vary betweenComplexes I and II, and Complex III vesselshave no. evidence of burning. The sample ofComplex III sherds is, however, still very lim..ited. This suggests the possibilityof change incooking methods, for example,suspensionovera fire versus pots set into a hearth. Such differ~ent cookingmethods have been shownto resultin different bum patterns on vessel surfaces(Robertson 1980;Hally 1983, 1986). Analysisof vesselsize,volume, and bum patterns on theEIAzucar samplescontinues iriorder to confirmthese possiblecorrelations. The function of theaddition of a slip, increased wallthickness, andother attributes to counteract thermal shockand other problems should be addressed.Changes in paste could have been forced byexhaustion of local materials. This does notseem likely,however, because vesselsof pastestypical of Complex I continue in very low fre~quencies throughout the sequence, and fine..wares are likely produced of similar, althoughmore refined, materials. Also, the pastes ofType 2 of Complex III are related to those ofComplex I. Results of chemical analysesshould-190be particularly useful for explaining changesseen in Complex III coarse wares. Basedon thesimilarity to mineral types available to the eastin the GuayasBasin (Masucci 1996), it ispossi~ble that the changes in ceramics and settlementrelate to events or peoples in that area. Cur~'rently only a correlation ofraw material typehasbeen es.tablished,a common source must stillbedemonstrated. Relationships with the GuayasBasin would not be a surprise and have longbeen assumed (Estrada 1957b), but demonstra~tion through sourcing studies would be usefulfor better defining these interactions.Finally, the uniqueness of the pastes ofvessels with white~on~red painted decorationsuggests a special case (Figures 4, 9). Thesetypesare present in low to moderate frequenciesand show few, or only subtle changes in styleorpaste throughout the entire phase. Based oncomposition, the pedestaled campoteravesselscould have been made locally, but show a re~markable diversity in technology and decora~tion, with each vessel seeming unique. Theform of these vesselsand their similarityto laterstone seats, has led to an inference of use asseats, or display receptacles for offerings(Bushnell 1951). In contrast, white~on"redhemispherical bowls and ring..based platesappear to be nonlocal and possibly related togroups to the south. The likelihood of suchinteraction with southerly groups is strength..ened by the identification of Jambel1modes onlocal Complex I Guangala vessels.The particular forms and styles of thesevesselsdate to the Late Formative and arefoundfrom northern Peru through southern highlandand coastalEcuador.Marcos(1986:37..38) hasoffereda scenario for the spread ofthese charac~teristic Regional Developmental Period traits(e.g.,clayseats, white~on~redpaint decoration).His model is based on trade, competition, and.conflict. According to Marcos, the appearanceof the cultural phases of the period is attributedto a net ofexchangebasedin trafficofSpondylus

191..sp.which served to create a seriesofjefaturasyclanes(chiefdomsand kin groups/clans). Thesegroupsor cultural phases werein competition tocontrol or expand control of a sphere of influ..ence in the net of long distance trade centeredon the exchangeof Spondylushell. Changeswrought are due to incursions into the coastalarea by mercerderes(merchants) from CerroNarrlo in the southern Ecuadorian highlandslooking to expand and gain greater control inredistribution of the precious Spondylusshell.This model does not specificallydiscussthe useof these vessels or why they would have beenimported or their stylesadopted.The possible non..local production of thewhite..on..redvesselscouldbe seenassupportingMarcos'model. However, the v.esselsand otherEarlyGuangala traits appear to be more closelyrelated to southern coastal Ecua~or,and north..em Peru, than to the southern' }:lighlandsof. "Ecuador. The general hypothesis that theappearance of thes~ vessels relates to interre..gionalcontact is'verylikely,however,given theresultspresented here.The new information providedthrough thisstudy on the white..on..red decorated vesselsraisesmore specificissuesof the use and signifi..cance of this class of vessels, the meaning ofstyle, the origin of changes which we labelGuangala,and finally,the particularrelationshipof the Guangala people with their neighbors insouthern Ecuador and northern Peru. Thetechnological analysis, in particular, indicatesthat the two types of vesselshave verydifferentproduction histories and thereforemaynot havemoved or worked as a unit. Although, if,white..on..redvessels were imported fromthe south tobe usedat sites,and campoterasweremadeat anumber of sites and then circulated, both typeswouldseem to have had a related importance interms of inter.. as wellas intra..regionalrelation..ships. ' .ConclusionMasucci: Guangala PhaseCeramicsThe research reported here demonstratesthe potential of examining complete assem..blages and employinga range of analytic meth..ods. Through this combination of analyticalmethods and the inclusion of rarely studiedcoarse, utilitarian wares, new information ~nchronology, production, and ceramic sourcingfor the Guangala Phase of Southwest Ecuador(ca. 100 B.C. to A.D. 800) was obtained. Spe..cifically,a combination of type..variety,modal,and petrographic thin section analysesresultedin not only the definition of chronologicallysignificant ceramic attributes, but also revealedthe complexity of ceramic change during thisperiod. Changes occurred at different rates andin different attribute classes and at timescorre..lated with changes in settlement. Radiocarbondates provide absolute time markers for thechanges.The study has methodological significancefor ceramic analysts due to the combination ofoften..competing analytical approaches withtechnological analyses,aswellas cultural signifi..cance for the opportunity to reconstruct thecomplexwebofinteractions whichmovedgoodsand ideas through the Andean area. This webwas likely both a source and result of socio..political change during this period. This workrepresents an initial move beyond simplydocu..menting ceramic change, to buildinghypothesesto explain change and define the relationshipbetween ceramic change and culture change.Also, as new information on settlements, sitefunctions, and artifact contexts becomes avail..able for Guangala and its contemporaneouscultures, we Willbe better able to employ thedetailed ceramic data presented here to under..stand technological choices, intra.. and inter..group interaction, and culture change.AcknowledgmentsFieldwork and analysisfor this researchwasmade possible through support from the Na..tional Science Foundation, the Institute forthe

ANDEANPAst 6 (2000)Study of Earth and Man and the Department ofAnthropology at Southern Methodist Univer..sity,ElMuseoAntropol6gico del BancoCentraldel Ecuador, Guayaquil, and the H. John Heinz,III Charitable Trust Grant Program for LatinAmerican Archaeology. Technologicalstudieswere carried out and supported by the Centerfor Materials Research in Archaeology andEthnology,Massachusetts InstitUteofTechnoI..ogy. Permission to conduct fieldwork at ElAzucar was granted by the InstitUtoNacionaldel Patrimonio Cultural del Ecuador (INPC).Jose Chancay of the INPC also made availablecomparative samples of ceramicsfrom El Oro.Field operations were aided by the use of thefacilities of the Ministerio de AgricultUra,Guayaquil, Ecuador. Radiocarbon assayswereperformedbythe Radiocarbon LaboratoryoftheInstitute for the Study of Earth and Man,Southern Methodist University.Many individuals have participated in andbeen instrumental jp.the phasesofthisresearch,both in the field and in the ceramic studiesbeginning with Anthony Marks,David Freidel,Robin Robertson, and Madelon Tusenius.Karen Stothert has provided invaluablehelp inall aspects of the research since the first fieldseasons. Technological analyses were madepossibleby the support and trainingprovidedbyProfessorsHeather Lechtman, Dorothy Hosler,and Ian Whitbread at MIT. AllisonMacfarlanehas offered time and invaluable expertise andcollaborationwhichhas madethe recent geolog..kal sourcing work possible. As always, finalthanks must go to the comuiieros ofEI Azucar.References CitedAleto,ThomasF. .1988 TheGuay04Uil PhaseCeramic~pleX: The lAteFomuztitle Periodin the Gulf of Guayaquil,Ecuador.Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois atUrbana-Champaign. Ann Arbor, Michigan:University Microfilms. (Now a division of Bell&Howell Company.)Alvarez Litben, R. and M. Garda Caputi1995 Emblema territorial mantefio-huancavilcas en lasesttibaciones de la cordillera Chong6n-Colonche:Los agricultores de montafia, Revista 1.-192Guayaquil, Ecuador: Museo Municipal deGuayaquil,Direcci6nde Educaci6ny CulturaMunicipaLBeckwith, Laurie A.1996 lAte Formative Period Ceramics from SouthwesternEcuador. Ph.D. dissertation, The University ofCalgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada.Bischof, Henning1982 LaFaseEngoroy- Perlodos, Cronolog{ay Rela- 'dones. In Primer Simposio de CorrelacionesAntropo16gicas Andino-Mesoamericano, Salinas(1971), edited by Jorge G. Marcos and PresleyNorton, pp. 135-17y. Guayaquil, Ecuador: EscuelaSuperior Polit6cnica del LitoraLBrew, John O.1946 The Use and Abuse of Taxonomy. In TheArchaeologyof Alkali Ridge.Papersof the PeabodyMuseum 21:44-66.Burger, Richard L., Frank Asaro, Helen V. Michel, FredH. Stross, and Ernesto Salazar1994 An Initial Consideration of Obsidian Procurementand Exchange in Prehispanic Ecuador.lAan AmericanAntiquity5:228-255.Bushnell, GeoffreyH. S.1951 The Archaeologyof theSantaElenaPeninsulainSouthwest Ecuador. .Occasional Papers of theCambridge University Museum of Archaeologyand Ethnology 1. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress.Chase, Arlen F. and Diane Z. Chase1987 PuttingTogether the Pieces:MayaPotteryofNorthern Belize and Central Pet~n, Guatemala.In Maya Ceramics: Papersfrom the 1985 MayaCeramic Conference,Part i, edited by PrudenceM. Rice and Robert S. Sharer, pp. 47-72. BAR,International Series 345 (i).Crown, Patricia1981 Variability in Ceramic Manufacture at the ChodistaasSite,East-CentralArkona.Ph.D.dissertation,Department of Anthropology, University ofArizona, Tucson. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UniversityMicrofilms. (Now a division of Bell &Howell Company.)Demarest, Arthur A1986 TheArchaeologyof SantaLeticiaandtheRiseofMaya Civilkation. Midd(eAmericanResearchInstitUte Publication 52. New Orleans: TulaneUniversity.Drennan, Robert D. and Carlos A Uribe.(editors)1987 Chiefdomsin theAmericas.Lanham, Maryland:University Press of America.Estrada, Victor Emilio1957a LosHuancatlilcas:Ultirnascivi/izacionespre-hist6ricasdela costadel Guayas. Publicaci6ndelMuseo Victor EmilioEstrada 3.1957b PrehistoriadeManabt. Publicaci6ndel MuseoVfctor EmilioEstrada 4.

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ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)-196,.~la PlataIslandSANESaUnuPEN I1.0k mG U L F 0 FGUAYAQ.UILFigure1.SouthwestEcuador. Openblackcirclesmarkrawmaterialsamplinglocations. The EIAzucarValleyliesnorth ofthe coastaltownofChanduy (afterMasucci1992).

197- Masucci: GuangalaPhaseCeramics$ S;1t

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)-FIN E .PASTECERAMICSAC 800COARSE PASTECERAMICS-198Figure 3. SummaryChronology of Guangala pottery typesby complex (after Masucci 1994).

199 .. Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramicsFigure4.Coarseand fineware sherdsfrom ComplexesI and II. Complex I typespictured include jar withfinger..paint decoration (top row, left); finewares with iridescent paint and pattern burnishdecoration (top row, center and right); and sherd with white..on..red decoration (secondrow,left). Complex II typespictured arecoarsewarejar rim with finger..paint decoration (bottom row,left); bichrome fineware (bottom row, center); and polychrome fineware (bottom row, right).Types spanning ComplexesI and II are a greystriped sherd (secondrow, center top), an incisedbowl (secondrow, center), a red striped ware (secondrow right of center), and a decoratedleg.from a multiple..leggedbowl (second row, right).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -200Figure 5.Coarse wares from ComplexI (top row), Complex II (center), and Complex III (bottom row).Note the thinner wallsof Complex I jars and the rough, pitted exterior surface of .complex IIIvessels.

201.. Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics205cm20~~=::Qj~-,,,,_~,I...,.~. ,.,;.6...'_~.~ ~.,;,'"~9. .d e fFigure6. Examplesof Complex I forms with flgure..paint decoration (after Masucci 1992).Color and decorativesymbolsfor ceramicillustrations:white/cream (a)j black/dark brown (b)j red(c); iridescent paint (d)j dark nnger..paint (e)j streaky burnish (t).

ANDEAN PAST ,6 (2000) -202'.',",.......' 'I'~'" -.-:.:, .'141 13 12 11 10 9 8 .., 6 S 4 3 2Exc:aw.tlonLot1] 109&J1UtlJi1adan==1'!Da____Bumbh8lll__Come Peste '!)pesBichmma 8XI4Pohmme PixiePU18 SbeIds.: :; -:;:.;:. ;:.;:;: :;-:;:::::: ....,. .'.... ...... .....:::::';::H .....:.:.: ".....,',.:-:.:::=::.:.:. .:.:. ..... ........... HHH :.:.: .....'....... :::::'..... -".... ::::::::::: ........... ,I..........,'. .',' " ....... ::::: :::::: .'. ..... " :::=:: ,,",'.. ::=:::I::::"..... ..... .I.' 'I ,'"...I,I,.:.:.=::E:. :::::: :::::: ::::::.,:.:.:............. ::::;...... .:.:. :::::: ...... :::::: ...... :::::: ,'.'.'-Hm ..... ...... ..,..' ::::::...... ..,'.' "....",',' ..'.. .41'..:.:.:::.HjH1mm jjm HHi:':::::. ...... ...... ...... '.','. ...... .....'. ...... .......:::::: :::::: :::::: :::::::E::: ...... .....::::;. ...... ::=:=: .:.:. :.:.: :::::: :::::: ..'... :;:::: ....... ::::::....... ...'. ::::: ...... ....4.......::::: .......::;::: ..'.'. ...... ...... ..... ..... ...... ..... :::::: :::::: :::::: :::::.,::::: .:.:. ::H::::: ...... .,'.., ...... '. ..... :.:.:. :.:.: .,.... '.' .'. :.:.: ...... ...... ...... ......:=:::. ..... ::::: ..... ...... ...... :::::'. :::::: :::::: ::=:=:HH::...... ...... '.. ...... ...... .' .....:=:::. :::::. :.:.:. ...... :::::: ...... :::::: ...... :::::: ...... :::::: ...... ;:..... .......'... :::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::'.:.:.:..... ....... ......:.:.:. :::::: ::::.:: :::::: :::::: :.::::: ...... .'... ..... ....,. ::::: ...... .:.:. ..... ...... '..... .'.:.;.: ..... -. .:.......:.:.. :.:.: '. '.' :.:.: ...... ...... .. :........:.:.: .,'.'. '..... .:. =. ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ..'.' ::=:=: :::::: :::::: :::::: :::::: ..... :.:.:. ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... .'14 13 12 11 10 9 8 .., 6 S 4 3 2 1BxcaV8:UonLot.Comp]ex CompJex nI UtiJi1arfan'1)peaUUJ1taIimTypesFigure 7,Summary of seriation of El Azucar Site 47 primary trench ceranuc assemblage (after Masucci1992). .

203 ~Masucci:Guangala PhaseCeramicsa(~,::::)I\ .1I~ I iI, Ij: ~ " "I \LJbJ-~'~fj keo5cmFigure8.Polypodleg supportS. Plainhollow and solidpolypodsare the earliest (a,c, f) followedat the endof Complex I by the appearance of appliqu~decoration (d,e, g,l) (fromMasucci 1992).

ANDEAN PAST 6 "(2000)-20416: b -.5cm,f..............-------_.c24eFigure 9.Decorative modes appearingin Complex 1. White,on,red bowl and plate forms that continuethrough Complex II (a,f). Combination of applique pellets, zoned incision, finger,paintdecoration, and punctates applied to the exterior upper body of a Guangala coarseware vesselwith painted stripes (g) (after Masucci 1992).

205..Masucci:Guangala PhaseCeramicsb24o&5cm.c12fFigure 10.Examplesof Complex I fineware forms and decorative modes: interior pattern burnishing (d..h)jexterior pattern burnishing (c)j interior iridescent paint (a"c)j and exterior iridescent paintdecoration (H). Note the complexityof wall form in contrast to the finewareformsof ComplexII pictured in Figure 12 (after Masucci 1992).

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000) -20612 26'-W-vrW1_.&~II!~ .'-" -30265cm ,Figure 11.Examples of Complex II coarse wares. Note continued presen.ce of finger-paint decorationalongside formal changes. These vesselsalso bear a thick red slip (after Masucci 1992).

Masucci:Guangala PhaseCeramicsoa ~ .t~. (~ {~W(-~ (~~ ( "oa . 20 !lfSJ~.'Qh .f~ I5cm(i.~=-;~,:.~ (~.- -oa 18fk£16. 0II10 .., '\~( ~r{JJlLs1.4\vwFigure 12.Two#colored (bichrome) decorated finewares (a#n) and three#colored (polychrome) decoratedfinewares (o#w)ofComp[ex II (after Masucci 1992).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -208o I5cmjFigure 13.Form examples from Complex III: fineware jar rim forms (a~b);Type 1coarse ware jar forms (c~e);Type 2 coarse ware jar forms (f~h).

THE MANY FACETS OF MULLU:MORE mANJUST A SPONDYLUS SHELL, David BlowerUni~ersity of CalgaryIntroductionThe use of muUu as a term for shells andartifacts made' of Spondylus implies that bothterms are synonymous. However, close exami..nation of Spanish chronicles and indigenousAndean accounts indicates a more complexdefinition for muUu. Archaeological investiga..tion treats Spondylusshell, an extremelyimpor..tant ritual and trade object in its ownright, as aquantifiableartifact to exemplifypatterns of useand distribution over space and time (Blower1995).However, in the chroniclesmuUuemer..ges as an enigmatic concept that encompassesmanymore meanings than simplyan indigenousterm for Spondylus. .Examining references to mulluwithout thepreconceived notion that all mulluis Spondylusshell, it becomes clear that although SpondylusismuUu,not allmulluisSpondylus.In this articleI argue that muUuis a complex concept, notsimplya Quechua word for Spondylus,and thatuse of the two terms as completelysynonymousis confusing and inappropriate. The term muUuencompassesa semantic field that includesbothphysieal and ideological attributes. Mulluappears in different geographicregions,variousritual contexts, and in conjunction with otherwords.Confusion over the use ofthese terms beganwith the interpretation ofmuUubychroniclersasa sea shell used by the natives to make red andwhite beads, as observed during initial contactbyBartolome Ruf'z(Slimano 1967[1527..1528]:66). This i~terpretation of the term failed torecognize the complex of concepts behind theword, treating the shell itself as mulluinstead.ofthe fullrange, functions and meanings that it re..presented. It is understandable that this confu..sion occurred because, while the chroniclerswere learning Quechua vocabulary, the use andsignificanceof mulluand Spondyluswere declin..ing. However, decreased value and extirpationof native religions could not completely eradi..cate mullu use, and such use and its associatedconcepts survives to the present (Bandelier,1969 [1910]:97; Tello 1967:22;Bolin 1998:39..-41). BecauseSpondylusis the primary materialidentified as muUu,it is logicalto start an explo..ration of meaning with a consideration of thatshell. Unquestionably it held a high ritUalvalueand this value was a significant determinant intrade relationships. An incipient monetaryvalue appears in the chronicles as beads (chaqui..ra) of Spondylusthat were traded for othergoods. However, the true worth ofmullu cannotbe measured monetarily. In the end it is itscosmologicalvalue that must be defined, sothatwe can understand how Andean peoplesviewedit.The Role of SpondylusThere is no doubt that Spondyluswasa formof muUu,possiblythe most important type. Assuch it should still be recognized as a valuablesource of muUu..relatedinformation. MuUuinthe form of Spondylusheld a multifaceted posi..tion in the ideology of the Andes during manytime periods and over a vast geographical re..gion. A symbol of sexuality, agricultUralandhuman fertility, and rain, it was offered as asacrifice to the springs and rivers that broughtwater (Murra1975;Marcos 1986:197jDavidsonANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 209..228.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)1981:80), and it was interred within structuresused to contain water (Stothert 1995:144).During ceremonies it was sacrificedwith chi!..dren, animals, and items such as gold, silver,chieha [com beer], coca, and feathers (Molina1989 [1575]:121; Murua 1987 [1590]:420;GuamanPomadeAyala 1980[1615]:238[240]..239[241],p. 213; 247[249], p. 221;251[253],p.225; 265[267], p. 239). At times, the sacrificeof muUuwas made as an offeringforgoodhealth(Molina 1989 [1575]:133). It is unclear if themuUugiven was a form of Spondylusor someother sort of muUu. On some occasionsgroundshell and beads were thrown into fields to pro..mote agricultural fertility.1 At other timescrushed Spondylushell was scatteredon theground in front oflords as they walked (CabelloValboa 1951 [1586]:327). Grouhd mullu wasmixed with com flour and the blood of sacci..ficed animals,2added to chiehaas a drink offer..ing (Acosta 1962 [1590:248; Murua 1987[1590]:422; Carri6n Cachot 1955:38),3 andused whole as dedicatory offe.ringsin the post..holes and floors of ceremonial buildings. Ofcourse, the mythologicalpositionofSpondylusas'food of ~e gods' (Taylor 1987:147..155; Salo..mon and Urioste 1991:67..8,116)should not beoverlooked.1The highlyacidicnature ofmanyAndean fieldsmayhave been ameliorated by the addition of significantamounts of ground sea shell added over a long period oftime. However, the quantity of shell required may havemade such a mitigation unlikely. WhethermuUuwasusedsolely as an offering, as food for the gods,or also functionedas a general fertilizer,is unclear.2 The use of muUu mixed with llama blood wasrecorded in "alawsuit initiated in 1558by the Chacclaethnic group against the Canta peopleover ownership ofcoca lands near Quivi in the Chill6n Valley, Peru(Rostworowski1988:123).The ceremonymentionedinthis document dealing with the delineationof landownership is known as capacocha (capaccocha).3 ". . . Usan de estas conchas cuasi en todas lasmaneras de sacrificios,y aun el dfa de hoy echan algunosel mo1l9molido en la chicha por superstici6n (Acosta1962 [1590]:248)." colonial..210In archaeologicalcontexts Spondylus appearsin both worked and unworked forms (Figures1..3) and is often found as burial accompanimentsor dedicatory offerings. Its appearance in burialsas pendants or necklaces may indicate anotherfunction of the shell as a status marker oftenassociated, although not exclusively, with fe...male skeletons. Taking all these examplesintoaccount, we see that the problem with identify..ing universal characteristics of Spondylususe isthat such use varied chronologically and geo..graphically (Blower1995).The importance of Spondylus as m~llu inAndean ritual is demonstrated by visual repre..sentations of the Spondylus shell itself. Fromdiving and the harvesting of Spondylusto itsrepresentation in design motifs, Spondylusshellappears as a recurring image in art ranging intime and space from Chavin (Cordy..Collins1978) and Carhua (Wallace 1991) to ChanChan (Davidson 1980; Pillsbury 1996) andbeyond. Cupisnique stirrup spout vesselsandChimu..Inca plates from the north coast (Carri..6n Cachot 1955:38; Perez Bonany 1975:141,178; Davidson 1980) all show variations of theSpondylusshell theme. These visualrepresenta..tions indicate the place of Spondylusin Andeanbelief systemsand its status as a valued object.The importance ofvisual imagesiscorroboratedbythe representationofSpondylusandStrombusidentified in the hands of the Smiling God atChav{n de Huantar. Just as the myths ofHuarochid exemplifySpondylusas foodofthegods, Chavin de Huantar's Smiling God con..vincingly illustrates the system of duality andcomplementary oppositions associated withSpondylusand Strombus (Cordy Collins 1978).Such oppositionsinclude upper/lower,rightlleft,and male/ female.Another important aspect of Spondylusresearch is its identification as an indicator oftrade or exchange, providing information thatallows us in infer networks. In the Spanishera a piece of Spondylusshell "smallerthan a fingernail"couldbe boughtforfourreaZes(Arria,ga 1968 [1621]:45). Why it held such

value was unknown to the Spanish. This initself indicates how litde some of the Spanishunderstood about the meaning of muUu. ThatSpondyluskeptitsvalueoveranextendedperiodof time can be explained by its role in sacrifice,accumulation of wealth, conversion to jewelry,and burial offerings,all of which took it out ofcirculation. This constant need fora consistentflow of new shells helped to maintain a systemof trade and manufactUre (Marcos 1986:201)that has been discussed in greater detail else..where.Blower:TheManyFacetsofMullu[1726]:589). If the coralmaterialwasactUallySpondylus,then the bracelets may have beenmadeof Spondylus, called muUu,but referredtoas coralesby the Spanish. This is an exampleofthe semantic problems that hinder the precise, definition of muUu. .In the chronicles, Spondylusis called (interchangeably) mullu, mollo, aridmullo. All three spellings appear.in toponyms, .phrases, and chronicles of Peru and Ecuador.The 'u' and '0' are variants of the same pho... neme, and as such refer to the same object orconcept.Mullu in the ChroniclesDefining muUu is more problematic thanidentifying Spondylus. MuUu'ssemantic fieldincludes a group of abstract concepts that varyaccording to.geographic location and usage. Byunderstanding. the full range of mullu'smean..ings, an understanding ot its place within thesocio..cultUralbelief systems and rituals of theAndes, and the trade networks that handled itsdistribution, can be developed. Earlydictionar..ies definedmuUuin a purelyphysicalway,refer..ring to sea shells of a white or coral color.Gon!falezHolguIn definesmullu as red shells ofthe sea,or coralofthe land (1952[1608]:249).4According to Santo Thomas (1951 [1560]),mollo (sic) also,refers to coral, or pearls. Thereference to pearls confirms an ambiguity ofdefinition that could include alternative seashellssuch as the Pinctadamazatlanticaor Pteriasterna,more commonly known as pearl oysters,taking their place alongside Spondylusas muUu(Mester 1990:21). The color of some parts ofthe Spondylusshell, when seen asfinishedbeads,. maybe responsiblefor the addition of coral.Confusion over the inclusion of coral mayhave been created by the use of the plural form"corales"whichalsoreferredtobraceletsofcoralmaterial (Spain, Real Academia Espanola 19764 "Concha colorada de la mar chaquira, 0 coral de lademit (Gon~alez Hol~ln (1952 [1608]:249). "Coloredsea shell bead, or coral of the land."The problem of spellingvariation in Spanishinterpretations of the Quechua languagemightbe explained by regional differencesin pronun..ciation, but the problem is complicated furtherwith the inconsistent use by researchers of thevarious spellings. In some cases the more re..cent, albeiterroneousspellingofmuyuformuUuis used when describing Spondylus (Rostwo..rowski 1977:176; Hyslop 1984:248).Bothnow,and in colonial times,muyu relates to the qualityof roundness or circularity and to the action ofwinding or circulating (Gon!falezHolguIn 1952[1608]: 254; Lastra 1968:91;Parker 1969:164).Problems of pronunciation, orthography,and literacywere experienced by the Spanishasthey attempted to put a written form to anunwrittenlanguage,runasimi. WrittenQuech..ua, filtered through a foreign linguistic system,reflected what the writers thought they heard,not the actual sounds (Mannheim 1991:127).Even the indigenous chroniclers facedproblemsin rendering their own meanings into anotherlanguage (Harrison 1982:68). One difficultyintranslating Quechua phrases arises from differ,..ences.in language patterns and word significa..tion based on pronunciation of similar spelledwords (Garcilasode la Vega 1609: BookII,Chapter v, folio 31 cited in Mannheim 1991:135). Byslighdy altering its sound it is possibleto change the meaning of a word. The issueisfurther complicated by the absence of a singleform of the Quechua language. Dialectic varia..tions of Quechua were a reflection of ethnicidentity and differedfrom valleyto valley(Cobo

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)1979 [1653]: Book I, Chapter 9, p. 39; Harrison1989:35; Mannheim 1991: 50).Things that are Mullu. The identificationofmuUuhasat timesbeenhampered by an uncertainty over its physicalcharacter. Spanish chroniclers may have re,ferred to the material as muUubased on itssimilarity in color and material to Spondylus.Perhaps there is a clue here to the identificationof other materials as muUu,not.just Spondylus.It is within reason to believe that objects calledmuUuby chroniclers may have been fabricatedout of other materials because it was the con,cept associated with an object, not its material,being identified as mullu.The confusionofSpondylusbeadswith boneisbased on muUu'searlyidentification asworkedfish bone material simplybecause it came fromthe sea (Olaf Holm, personal communication,1994). A description by Cieza de Le6n ofchaquira, commonly made of red and whiteSpondylusshell, described them as "longstrandsof fine .white and red bone beads" (Cieza deLe6n (1962 [1553]:99).5 Again; the mistakenidentifications included in historical accountsmakes the determination of material difficult.Was it bone, or wasit Spondylus?In either case,the finished product may have served as muUu.There are references to muUuin the form ofnecklacesor jewelrycalled mullo,made of pearlsand precious stones (Guaman Poma de Ayala1980 [1615]:332[334], p. 306). Because someof these objects have no Spondylusin them, it isdifficult to determine whether it is the jewelryand its use that is regarded as mullu,or if thealternate materials used in its manufacture canalso be considered as muUu. In Ecuador, small5 ".. . Traen atados grandes ramalesde cuentas dehueso menudas, blancas Vcoloradas, que llaman chaquira"(Cieza de Le6n 1962 (1553):99). "... Thev bring hanksof long strings of small white and red bone beads calledc1uiquira.", 212necklaces of green and gold colored material arecurrendy called mullu. Women in Otovalo,north of Quito, who wear necklaces of gold,plated glassbeads refer to them as korimullu,aname also found in Quitanian Spanish (MonicaBarnes, personal communication, 1998). InMajipamba, another Ecuadorian community,many girlsand women wrap long strings of tinyseed beads of various colors around their wrists..Theseornaments are called maki watana (liter,ally, ''hand wrap") ormullu (Meisch 1998:201).In Salasacared coral or multicolored glassbeadsworn at the neck are called mullu (Miller 1998:135). In Saraguro, tiny glass or plastic seedbeads are also called mullu (Meisch 1998:260).LuisCordero, in hisDiccionarioQuichua,espaiiol/espaiiol,quichua defines mullu as "chaquira.Cuentas de barro, vidrio, madera u otramateria"6(Cordero 1967 [1892]:60).In the Museo del Ban~o Central in Cuencaa miniature necklace made of green stone fromthe site of Pumapungo was listed as mullobyMax Uhle (vidi 1994). Discussing the site ofChinguilanchi, near Loja, Uhle drew a distinc,tio~ betweenSpondylushell,stonemuUu,andofferingsfilledwith green, red, and white inlaysin this way: "all of the subsoil of the floor con,tained numerousshellsof Spondylus(pictorum)offerings inlaid with green, red, and white"mullus"of stone and shell. In various parts ofthe subsoil we also found groups of differentclasses of unattached mullu; below the samealtar were piled a group of 40, more or less,Spondylusshells(Uhle 1922:208).76 "Bead. Beads of clav, glass, wood, or other material."7 ". : .Todo el subsuelo del piso contenfa numerosasconchas de Spondylus(pictoTUm)votivas rellenas conmullus verdes, colorados, blancos, de piedra Vconcha, yobjetos de otras clases. En varias partes del subsueloseencontraron tambien grupos de las diferentes clases demullus, en estado libre; debajo del altar mismo,un grupode,mas° menos,40conchasdeSpondylusamontonadas."

Uhle'suseofthe termmullu (mullo)may,ormay not, be based upon pre-Columbian indigenousidentificationsorEcuadorianusagecurrentin his day. The identification of red and whitemullucan be related to the red and white of theSpondylusshell,but the reference to green mullubringsa new dimension to mullu'sfulldefinition.Modem ethnographers have identified theimportance of the color green to Andean culturethrough its association with ancestors and .soulsof the dead (Isbell 1978:147jAllen 1988: .164). The problemof definingmulluincreaseswhen the question ofmullu materialiscombinedwith questions of color associations.The Color of MulluMullu color symbolism appears in severalhistoric records. That the shellshave differentnamesaccording to their color and were offeredfor different purposes, is indicated by Acosta(1962 [1590]: 247)8 and Cobo (1990 [1653]:BookI, chapter 22,p. 117).9 This differencein. shell type. and color classification was also notedby Crist6bal de Molina (1989 [1575]:68)whenhe described mullu as red and yellow sea shells. 10Martin de Murua (1987 [1590]:420) describedthe ground sea shells used in sacrificialofferingsas paucar mollo and yahuar mollo.u Mester8 It.. . [Conchas . . .lIamaban mollo]tienen diferentesnombres segUn el color, y as! sirven a diferentes efectos.""... [Shells... calIedmollo] have different names accordingto color, and thus serve for different effects."9 ". .. According to the color, the shellswere offeredfor different purposes, sometimes whole, other timesground into powder, other times broken into pieces, andin addition, some figurines wer~ made fromthe powder"[translation by Roland Hamilton].10". . . y conchas de la mar que llaman mullo, coloradoyamarillo, hechas a manera de ma£z.." "... and seashells which they call mullo, red, and yellow,made like. IImaIZe. . ..U".. . Otras veces ofreC£an polvos de almejas de lamar, molidas, que dicen paucar molIoyyahuar mollo. . ."". : . Other times they offer ground clam powers whichBlower: Th£Man, Facets ofMullu(1990:213) definespaucar as lighf and bright,although resplendent might be more appropriate,indicating that the yellowish shine ofmother-of-pearl is the paucar mullu, whileyahuar,or blood(y) refers to the deep red Spondylusshell. The association of yahuar to redSpondylusmay be apt, but Murua may haveassociated paucar mullu with the white part ofthe Spondylusshell when polished to a highgloss. This interpretation may be more appropriate,considering that Murua (1987 [1590]:420) was aware of chaquira of mullu that includedboth red and white beads of the shell. Ineither case, according to the definitions suppliedby Gon~alez HolguIn (1952 [1608]:281-282)that refer to paucar,a relationship to purity andexcellence of color can be made. Rather than asymbolic definition for types of mullu, perhapspaucar and yahuarw~re simplydesignationsforthe two different colors, white and red, and thequality of their lustre.Another possibility that should not beoverlooked is that yahuar mollo doesnot refersolely to the red shell,. but to the concoctionmade of sacrificialllama Qloodand ground shell.In the caseofthe capacocha ceremony (Rostworowski1988:123j Note 2, this article) yahuarmollo indicates the bloody mullu mixture, referringto its composition and not just its color.Certainly the color and material cannot beseparated, and possiblyneither can the purpose,or sacrificialobject,createdby the combinationof blood with mullu. To follow this reasoningone step further, then, raises the question ofwhat comparable combination ofmulluwouldbeindicated by paucarmollo in the absenceofblood.As the material and color associations ofmullu become clearer, its definition becomesbroader, to the point that objects are not justmullu, but mullu-like. Molina (1989 [1575]:133) describes a ceremony to bring about goodhealth where severalvarietiesand colorsofthey call paucar mollo and yahuar mollo. . ."

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)~ 214maize, including some with red and yellowstripes,12are gathered withcoloredmollomolloyellowrain onto his rival god Huallallo Caruin~cho. This rain was dammed up by one of Pariathat is known as ymaymanamollo,13and then Caca's alter egos, Llacsa Churapa, creating thegroundtogether and offeredto guacas.14The lakeknownas MulloCocha (Taylor1987:147~term ymaymanamollorefersto allkindsofmuUu,while the use of the reduplicative noun mollo155; Salomon and Urioste 1991:68). The rainsare the same colors as the types of com used inmollo connotes likeness or similarity to mollo sacrifice and the two types of shell.(Parker 1969: 100). It is obvious from this thatnot all muUu is made of Spondylus,nor is it all ofthe same color~ Cobo's (1990 [1653]: Book I,MuUucolor associationisfurther augmentedby the addition of bluish,green, or turquoise,16chapter 14, p. 69) list of shrines and guacas on to that of red and yellow, and green. The firstthe road to Antisuyu includes a guaca calledLampapuquiu to which were sacrificed "shells oftwo colors, yellow and red."15 The use of redand yellow colors within the context of ritual orpart ofLlacsa Churapa's name means the ''brightgreenish,blue color that blew from the mouth ofMaca Visa like smoke as he spoke" (Taylor1987:343;Salomon and Urioste 1991:115)aftersacrificial offerings has survived to the present the god ate mullu. The original Quechua termday. Modem ritual traditions in Peru include - usedin TheHuarochiriManuscnpt (Salomonandthe use ofmesas(charm bundles whose contentsare arranged in altar~like configurations) thatincorporate red and yellowmaize (GiffordandUrioste 1991:214) for describing this coloredsmoke is llac~a(llacsa),a term that alsoreferstosmelted or alloyed metal materials such asHoggarth 1976:64) for ceremonies like those copper or bronze (Gon~alez Holgum 1608mentioned above by Molina. In the myths of [1952]:207).The color1lacsais also definedasHuarochirl, the god Paria Caca sent red and a green powder or stone, like copper oxide(Arriaga 1968 [1621]:46), similar in color toturquoise. If llacsa.is a by~productof muUuconsumption, then the associationbetween tur~quoise,colored objects and mullu is streng~12"...y ma{z entre vetado de colorado y amarillo quellaman~una!;ara.""... and maizestreakedwithredandyellowwhichiscalled~Ta."13" . . . y otras conchas de la mar que llaman ellosmoUomoUo de todas las colores que pueden aver, queDamanymaymanamollo." ". . . and other seashellswhichthey call mollomollo,of all the colors that one can have,that are called ymaymanamollo."14". . . A todas !as guacas y uilcasquatro partidasdesta aerra, agiiellos y antepasados m{os,recevid estesacrificiodoquiera que estais y dadme salud." "... To allthe huacas and wilcas [shrines and the powerful spiritsembodied in them] of the four parts of this land, to mygrandparents and ancestors, receive this sacrifice whereveryou are and give me good health...15"[AN-9:1] la primera se deda,lampapuquiu, erauna fuente que estaua en [tachado: vndamarca] Vndamacha[Sicidebe decir Andamacha} sacrificauanle conchasde dos colores, amariUas, y coloradas" (Rowe 1979:38)."[AN-9:1] the first was caUed Lampapuquiu. It was afountain which was in [struck out: vndamarca} Undamacha[Sicishould be Andamacha]. They sacrificed shellsoHwo colors, yeUow and red, to it."thened. The ritUal value. and relationship ofllacsato muUuwas illustrated during sacrificialceremonies at which offerings of mullu and llacsawere required (Ibid.). The connection betweenllacsa and mullu forms a foundation for thesuggestion that the color green, or greenish,blue, is also associated with muUuin a strongsymbolicway. On the basisof color association,and the use of the word llacsato describeboththe color and materials, turquoise~coloredmaterial might also be associated with mullu.TheUacsandturquoiserelationshipmaybebased on color, or on the fact that turquoise, aphosphate of aluminum, includes traces of16Turquoise in this sense refers to the generic bluegreencolor that characterizes several different mineralssuch as true turquoise, lapis lazuli, and chrysocolla, thatoften occur with Spondylusin tombs and ritual deposits.

215..Blower: The Many Facets ofMullucopper that give it its bluish..greenhue (Clark1986:69;Grieder 1988:87). The materialcalledllacsawas important enoughin Inca timesforthe creation of a position known as the Uacsacamayoc,a person who worked turquoise andstones from the sea (Rostworowski1975:335).Copper is one source known to produce thepowderedoxidescalledllacsa,but isit the green..bluecolor, or a specificsubstance that isreferredto as llacsa?Bluish..greensmoke, bluish..greenturquoise,andbluish..greencopperoxideallcan .be defined as llacsa.Nevertheless, the association of turquoiseand mullu goes deeper than just the color ofexhaled mullu gas. Turquoise and Spondylusappear together in many archaeological con.. Food for the Gods, Food for the Peopletexts, suggesting a ritual connection. NearCusco, two collections, each containing fortyturquoise figurines, were found at Pikillacta incontextwithSpondylus princeps,Strombusshell,and a bronzebar (Cook 1992:344).17AtMarca..huamachuco, ttirquoise material carved in theshape of small Spondylus shells was found inassociation with real Spondylus(Topic andTopic 1989). This association appears again atHuacho,north of Chancay,wherea SpondylusAnother use formullu comes againfromthemythsofHuarochirl (Taylor 1987:147..155,347;Salomon and Urioste 1991:67..8, 116), wherethe idea that it was consumed by the godsappears. The meaning ofmuUuis translatedintoSpondylusas it refers to eating the thorny oystershell. When the Inca provided the god MacaUisa with food as payment for services, MacaUisa replied, "I am not. in the habit of eatingbivalvewas recovered with a smallgreen stone stuff like this. Bring me some thorny oysteridol and three small stones inside (Cook 1992:359). A direct association between copper andshells, [eating] them all at once, making themcrunch with a Cap Cap sound" (Taylor 1987:Spondylusappeared at Tucume where metal 347; Salomon and Urioste 1991:116). It isminiatures made of a copper..silveralloy wererecovered.from inside articulated Spondylusshells (Heyerdahl et al. 1995: 111).apparent from this passage that Maca Visa iseating the shell. No reference has been foundindicating that humans ever ate the unprocessedshell, although, as previously mentioned, it wasThe correlation between llacsaand mullu crushed and mixed with chicha.Spondylus fleshwould seem to indicate a relationship betweenobjects of a greenish..blue color and objectsmanufactured from Spondylus found in thearchaeological record. However, as it is thecopper oxides that take on the bluish color,then the appearance of copper objects at thetime of use or burial must be taken into consid..eration. Were the figuresintentionally oxidizedprior to burial, to achieve the bluish..greencolor,or were they interred with the knowledge thatthey would ch~nge color in time? .Chronicle color descriptions aside, thephysicalcharacteristicsof Spondylushell alsoinclude the colors orange (Spondylusprincepsprinceps)and purple (Spondyluscalcifer),which,when added to the above list of yellow, red,white, gold, and bluish..green,create the impres..sion that mullu can be a many..coloredthing.couldbeconsumedbyhumans,andstillis (vidi),but if there is a reference in the chronicles tohuman consumption of the meat, it is ambigu..ous.17The 'bronze' bars mentioned by Cook have beenidentified by Juan Larrea (1960:59..94, cited by Cook1992:358)as copper scepters known as'Jaun,the Quech..ua word for the Inca royal staff, or a long, thin object suchas a large needle (Lira 1944:1186). Yaun is also anAymara word for copper, and the presence of the staffpoSsiblyindicates royal status for the figurines.The suggestionthat Spondylus meat isharm..ful to humans at certain times of the year,capableof causingdeath (Davidson1981),isbased on the seasonal ingestion by the molluscof toxic dinofagellates commonly known asaguajesor red tides (Rojas de Mendiola 1978:183). This maycontribute to the view that it is

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)onlythe godswhoarecapableofeatingSpondy..Ius,but there is no indication in the Huarochmmyth that anything more than the shellisbeingused. Humans eat the sometimes poisonousmeat,18while the godssupposedlyeat the shel~.It is this point that appears to support the ideathat Spondyluscan only.be a foodof the gods,but an examination of historic records fails to. locate any sourcesother than the Huarochmmanuscript that specifically mention directmullu consumption by the gods. Such ritualingestion of Spondylusby the godsshould not beoverlooked, even if evidence for it is not wide..spread. However, there is no indication in theQuechua version that mullorefersspecificallytoSpondylus.19Rather, the god is simplyaskingformuZIo,an otherwise unidentified material, to bebrought. Likewise,there is no indication of thephysicalcharacter ofmuUuapart fromthe act ofcrunching, which implies toughness. In manycases,both modem researchers and chroniclershave restricted the definition of muUu to aspecificmeaning, Spondylusshell,andthushelppropagate the idea.that it is only this.Other references indicate that muUu, orhuacamullu,a herb used in cooking, was eatenbypeople, or, at the least, used as a condiment.The identification of huacamulluas a herb isconfirmed by Gon~alez Holguin (1952[1608]:165) who defined "huaccamullu"as..216"cierta yerba de comer",20but the type of plantis not identified. Can a herb be a type of muUu,although it is clearlynot Spondylushell?.Ifmullu can refer to objects not made from shell,then there must be a larger complex of associa..tions.In the Relaci6ny descripciOnde la ciudadde,Loxanear the southern border of Ecuador,JuanSalinas Loyola (1965 [1571]:296) describedtheuse of various vegetables and herbs, includingone called guacamollo that is eaten with orwithout vinegar and cooked with meat.21 Asimilar description by Sancho Paz Ponce deLe6n (1965 [1582]:238) in the Relaci6nydescripci6nde lospueblosdelpartidodeOtavaloconcerning the area north of Quito refersto theherb calledguaca..mullos.22 In both casesthereference is to an herb called guacamuUuorhuacamullo.In the Salinasde Loyolaaccount(1965 [1571]:296) it is described as green(verde)and preparedbyboiling.An alternativemeaningfor verdemightindicatethat the herbwas used when unripe and not be an indicationof its color (Smith et al. 1988:738), but therelationship betWeenmuUuand the color greencould be relevant in this case.A third reference isfound in Guaman Pomade Ayala's account (1980 [1615]:333[340], p.20 IIA certain edible herb. II18The seasonalbloom of toxic dinoflagellateswhichare ingestedby the molluscshave in recent centuries beenlinked to the deaths of fish, guano birds, and, in someinstances, humans (Rojasde Mendiola 1978:183).19The Quechua is "[299] chaysi micoy yaya OOpacarachiptina manam fiocaca cay ynacta micoccho canimullocta apamuy fiispas mafiarcan chaysi mulloctacopdncacap cap fiichispa tuilla micorcan ...II (Salomonand Urioste 1991:215). "... 'Father, eat! and [the Inca]had some food served to him, but Maca Visa replied witha demand: 'I am not in the habit of eating stufflike this.Bring me some thorny oyster shells.' ~ soon as the Incagave him thorny oyster shells, Maca Uisa ate them all atonce, making them crunch with a 'Cap cap' sound (Salo..mon and Urioste 1991:116).21 ".. . La verba que mas sirve alIa de hortaliza quetenia los naturales, llamaseguacamollo [huaccamullu];verde se come con vinagre y sin ello, y cocida, con came;es muy buena y para dras de cuaresma asimismo.II "...The herb which most often serves as a vegetable whichthe nativeshad iscalledguacamollo[huaccamuUUJiRaw,it is eaten with and without vinegar, and cooked, withmeat; it is very good, also, for Lent."22 ". . . Ya he dicho que en esta tierra 105indiosnaturales della se sirveny han servido para susustento delmaiz y frfoles y alttamuces y papas y camotes, que sonbatatas, y de unas yerbas que ellos llaman guaca-mullos.II". . . I have already said that in this land the Indians use,and have used, maize and beans, tarwi [a lupine], pota..toes, and camotewhich is sweet potatoes, and someherbstheycallguaca..mullos."

217-311).23 There huacamullois glossed by Murra,Adorno, and Urioste as "caracol ofrecido a !asdeidades" (conch offered to deities). Nevertheless,itscontext in a list of aquatic plants such aswatercresssuggeststhat it is another such plant.A more exact definition of the term guacamullufromthe information availableis difficult.Ethnobotanical records of modem and post-Spanishconquest Peru indicate severalpossibilities.One herb that mayhave been calledguacamulluisAmaranthus, also known as bledos,andmentioned byBernabe Cobo (Book4, chapter 2,p. 337, cited by Herrera and Yacovleff1935:84-85) and byJuan L6pezde Velasco (1971 [1574]:10). The green leaves ofbledos (cf.AmarantUspaniculatUS)wereeaten in boiledsaladsand usedas a condiment like chili pepper (Herrera andYacovleff1935:85). The red and white seeds(Towle 1961:37), also a source of food, soundsimilarto the red and white beadsofchaquiraofSpondylushell, although amaranthseeas areextremely tiny. perhaps these seeds representa form of pseudo-mullu due to their physicalresemblance to chaquira. The definition ofmulluas "small, round, seed-like objects" (OlafHolm;personalcommunication, 1994)describesboth CMquiraand bledosseeds. This identificationof bledosas guacamullucannot be provenbeyond doubt. More important to the discussionof mullu is that a term which incorporatesmullu relates to a herb or other food with nodirect physicallink to Spondylus.If the identificationrefers to plants from the sea, such aswatercress,seaweed, or sea moss (coralina)thatsometimesappear entangled in the Spondylus23 ''YIedauan... hasta dalle carneiros,mays,papas,agi, sal, lana, algod6n, pescado y camarones, chichejconejo. Hasta dalle uaca mullo, ooororo, cancaua,llullocha, murcota, llachoc, onquena. Estas cosas serotade tributo." "And they even gave him rams [that is, male(lamas],maize, potatoes, chili peppers,salt, wool, cotton,fish,and shrimp, chicha, rabbits [that is, guinea pigs], tothe point of giving him uacamullo, ocororo, ancaua,llullocha, murcoto, Ilachac onquena [aquatic plants].These things served as tribute."Blower: The Many Facetsof Mulluspines, then an indirect relationship may haveexisted.Given the possibility that mullu can representherbs and other food items, then the possibilityalso exists that ground mullu,when mixedwith chieha or blood (Note 3), may not pereferring to ground sea shell, unless shell isspecificallyindicated. While eating ground-upcalcium carbonate may have beneficial propertiesfor human health, it seemsjust as likelythatherbs (asmullu) were used in chiehafor medicinalpurposes.Water AssociationsThe associationbetween mullu,the sea,andsacrificialofferingsis related by several chroniclers.Acosta (1962 [1590]:247) described theofferingof "conchas de la mar", that the nativescalled mollo, to the .fountains and springS.24The shells were said by Acosta and Murua(1987 [1590]:422) to be daughters of the sea,Mamacocha, the mother of all the waters. Asimilar version of this theme is presented byBernabe Cobo (1990 [1653]: Book I, chapter22, p. 117), although he identified the springsand fountains as the daughters of the sea, notSpondylus.25 .Whether or not it is the shellsor the springsthat are the daughters of the sea is an interestingpoint. Spondyluscomesfrom the sea andcould be seen as its offspring. It may be that24". . . Iten tambi~n sacrificaban u ofreclan conchasde la mar, que llamaban mollo, y ofredanlas alas fuentesy manantiales, diciendo que las conchas eran hijas de lamar, madre de todas las aguas." "... Item: they alsosacrificed or offered sea shells which they called mollo,andoffered them to the fountains and springs, saying that theshells were daughters of the sea, the mother of all water."25 ". . . These Indians were also accustomedtosacrifice sea shells, especially when they made offerings tothe springs. They said that this was a very appropriatesacrifice because the springs are the daughters of the sea,which is the mother of all waters" (translation by RolandHamilton) .

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)both descriptions are appropriate because boththe shells and the springs are important to theprovision of water and as such could both bedaughters of the sea. The shellswouldcontainsome of the "water,power of the great ocean"(Karsten 1926:384) asdaughtersofthe sea, andas such could transfer some of the ability toalways supply water through their sacrifice tothe springs. The reasoning behind this assump'tion can be found in Cobo's (1990[1653]:BookI, chapter 13, p. 60) list of guacas. On theseventh cequeof the road to Chinchaysuyuwerea spring called Callancapuquiu, to which was"offeredshells so that it would alwaysflOW."26, 218that a relationship existSbetween women uri,nating and the creation of springs and otherwater sources (Silverblatt 1981:33; Reinhard1998:93). If women could create water sourcesthrough urination, and if muUuand the watersources are "daughters of the sea", then theassociation becomes stronger. An alternativeexplanation for the relationship between urina, ,tion and the creation of springsmight be that itis the amniotic fluid emitted prior to childbirth,and not urine, that is seen as causing the cre,ation of water sources Ooan Vastokas, personalcommunication, 1995). Women, water, andmullu are all related to each other.The suggestion that sacrificingmuUuto thegods could be responsible for the production ofwater appears in the myth of Paria Caca foundin the HuarochinManuscript (Salomon andUrioste 1991:66). In a batde betweenPariaCaca and HuallalloCaruincho,Paria Caca. defeatedHuallalloCaruincho'sfirebyfloodingthe area with red and yellowrain. The suddenrush of water was dammed by LlacsaChurapa,one of Paria Caca's alter egos,creating the lakeknown today as MulloCocha (Taylor1987:147,155;Salomon and Urioste 1991:68). It is likelythat the.name Mullo Cocha wasassociatedwiththis location either because the myth requiredthe presence ofmulluto account forthe sacrificeto the godwho produced rain, or that quantitiesof Spondylusshell had been sacrificed at thislocation. The color associations of this mythshould not be overlooked and have been pre'sented above in the context of the myth ofMaca Uisa (Taylor 1987:347; Salomon andUrioste 1991:114,116 ), son of Paria CacaoThe relationship between women, watersources, muUu,and the daughters of the sea ismade all the more complex by the suggestion26"[CH~7:6] la sesta se decia, caUancapuquiu,es elmanantial de Ticutica [sic;debe decir Ticatica), al qualofredan conchas por que siempre manase (Rowe1979:24). [CH~7:6) the sixth was called Callancapuquiu:it is the fountain ofTicutica [sic;shouldbeTicaticaJ,towlUch they offered shells so that it would always flow."A more direct association between waterand muUu,as represented bySpondylusshell,canbe found at the site of Achallan located on theSanta Elena Peninsula, south of La Libertad,Ecuador. Excavations of the albarrada atAchallan, an earth..walledconstruction used tocollect rainwater for larer use, revealed threeSpondylusshellsburied at the base of the struc,ture (Stothert 1995:144). The placement ofshellsin this wayindicates not onlythe relation,'shipof Spondylus/muUu with water, but alsotheritual importance of offering Spondylusto thegods to ensure the supply of water.Female Supernatural Beings and the VaginaDentataBy drawing together the morphologicalcharacteristics of Spondylus shell, chronicleinformation, and the metaphorical genderassociations of muUu,it is possible to identifyavisual representation of Spondylus/mullu in thearchaeologicalrecord.. The recognitionofthe. vaginadentata as an identifying feature of thefemale supernatural being (Lyon 1978), or staffgoddess, is important in itSown right, but whenviewed within the Context of muUuand Span,dylus, the vagina dentata takes on additionalsignificance.An entry in the dictionary of Gon~alezHolguin (1952 [1608]:249) lists the words"muUuysimipucaysimimuUuyvirpa",and trans,

219..Blower: The Many FacetsofMullulates them as "el de 105labios coloradoshermo..sos". The words hold similar meanings, allrelating to the mouth or lips that can be ren..dered into English as the person with beautifulred lips. Whether the words can be translateddirectly in this way is questionable, and it ispossiblethat the words refer to a more abstractconcept that is not yet clear.There is a similarity between the use ofmulluand its connection to red lipsand the redmargins that encircle the edges or lips of the. Spondylusshell. The physical appearance ofSpondylusas an object with red lipsis one ch~r..acteristic that relates it to femalegenitalia andthe labiain particular. The Spondylusshellhasbeen described as a representation of the femalegenitalia, representing a 'mythical' vulva thatwasprotected by its intertwined spines (Marcos1986:198). It should alsobe noted that almeja,27a contemporary Spanish word for 'clam', amollusk,is alsoa-derogatoryand vulgarterm forfemale genitalia. An understanding of all thedefinitions of mullu may be dependent uponunder$tanding the full range of gender relatedassociations.Gon~lez Holguin'sdefinitionmight refer toa female with unusually lovely lips, but it ispossiblethat it refers to the femalegenital area.As an important ritual object, the value ofmullumay be partially related to the visual resem..blance of Spondylusto a vulva and the associ..ated aspects of birth and the bringing of newlife,regeneration, and fertility. Clearly the useof the word mullu in these phrases does notrelate directly to Spondylus,but instead to aconceptual representation of the shell.The female metaphor continues with theappearance of Spondylusin the dyadicstructureofleft/right, female/male,and isbasedin part onthe physicalcharacteristics of the shell (Paulsen27Almeja nf (a) (zool)shellfish,cockle,clam (US) (b)(vagina) cunt; mojar la .. to have a screw (Smith et al1988:33).1974; Cordy..Collins1978; Burger and Salazar..Burger 1993). This duality is representedthrough the separation of left valve/right valveand the gender identification of the male valve/femalevalve, an assignment of gender attributesthat can still be found today among the DesanaIndians of the northwest Amazon (Reichel..Dolmatoff 1971:167..71). In the municipalmarketat Chiclayo,whereSporuIylusshellsmustbe bought in pairs with a "male"and a "female"valve necessaryto complete a set, this dualityisstillevident (Monica Barnes,personalcommuni..cation, 1998).The relationship of muUu to water, watersacrifice,and femalecharacteristics is an impor..tant one. These associations relate muUuto thefemalesymboliccharacteristics. Associatingthewoman with beautiful red lipswith the deepredlips of SpOndylus prinCeps and the belief thatSporuIylus represents a "mythicalvulva" (Marcos'1986: 198) presents a visual image, or physicalmanifestation, that is not difficult to locate inthe archaeological record. The bright red lipsofSpondyluswith its interlockingteeth appearinvisual representations as,a female figurewith a.,agina dentata.Such personages are the female staff god..desses on Carhua textiles. The prime identify..ing characteristic of these supernatural femalesis the vaginadentata(Lyon1978;Figure4). Thevaginadentatais not unique to the Andes,appearing in the mythologies of many cultures(Thompson 1955:833). However, its generalidentification can be made more specificwhenit is based upon particular indigenous beliefs.What is interesting about the vaginadentataandSpondylusis the similaritybetween the defini..tions and symbolic representations of the twoobjects. Both have lipswith interlocking spikedteeth.The vaginadentatamotif represents womenwho have teeth in their vaginas (Lyon1978:98),the significance of which is not known in thisinstance. Visualizing the spiny projections asteeth couldmakethe SporuIylusshellappearas

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..220 .a disassociatedvaginadentata. With the femaleassociations,ideologicalimplicationsand genitalreferences to muUualready discussed,Spondylusprincepsappearsasa livingrepresentationofthevaginadentata. Whether the vagina dentatasymbolismwasbased on the Spondylus shellandits metaphoric imagery,or whether the alreadygendered shell was imbued with the femalecharacteristics of rebirth and fertilitydue to itsphysical similarity to the vaginadentatais un..known.The use of vaginadentata,a Latin term, todescribe this mythological imagery does notindicate that Andean people were applying ageneral concept. It might be more appropriateto consider that vaginadentatais a useful termfor something that is similar by definition, butwhichismorecorrectlyreferredto.asaSpondy..lus vagiruz. I also suggest that the words mull..usimi,pucaysimi,and mulluyvirpaare referencesto this concept of a Spondylus.vaginaand repre..sent the verbalization of the image, and possiblythe concept, or eve~ a lewd action, in everydaylife. This connection is further strengthened bythe secondary imagery identified on staff god..desses of the breasts as eyes and the vagina den..tata as the lips and mouth. In this sense therelationship between a woman with beautifulred lipsand genitalia comesfull circle. What isunknown is the context and emphasis thatwould have been placed on the above wordsduring conversation. Vocal inflection wouldhave affected their meaning, creating either anoun for description, or a verb indicating anaction to be performed.Mullu Survival in the Colonial Period andBeyondWhile mullu did not disappear overnight inthe Colonial Period, its value as a trade com..modity decreased and its use was outlawed,subjecting native users to physicalpunishmentand legal action. During the period when theSpanish attempted to stamp out idolatry andnative beliefs, regulations were enacted whichmade it a crime to keep mullu or llaesa,amongother objects. Those caught breaking this rulereceived one hundred lashes, had their hair cutoff, and faced court proceedings (Arriaga 1968(1621): 171).28The importance of mullu and its ritualconnection wasnot completely eradicated afterthe Spanish conquest. Mullu appears in severalinstances as an item found in the tool kits ofshamans who were charged as sorcerers, and asan item of ritual importance to sacrifice.Around 1700A.D., in the southern highlandsofwhat is now Colombia, a known shaman wascharged with being a sorcerer. In his packageofmagical objects was a collection of pre..Colum..bian artifacts that included mullu and a specialconch trUmpetusedbymuUucouriers"(Salomon1983: 418). Later, in the mid..eighteenth cen..tury town ofAndagua, near Arequipa, SebastianTintaya was similarly charged with havingmagical abilities. His llama..skinpack includedmuUushell, coca, maize, and prehispanic statu..ettes (Salomon 1987:155). Bothinstancesshownot only the survival of the word mullubut alsoits continued connection to matters of ritUalsignificance.28"Item. From now on no Indian of either sex willkeep mullu,paria, or llaesa,or will make a sancuor teed,nor will he have an asto, nor keep the com they callhuanta'J, airigua, micsazara or collauzara, nor will they keepwith potatoes, ocas,camotes,or 'Jucas,and anyone whobreaks this rule willbe given one hundred lashes and hishair shorn, and proceedingswillbe scaned againsthimforhaving lapsed into idolatry" (Arriaga 1968 [1621]:171).Some of these cult objects are identifiable. A "paria"maybe a type of small bird (FerModez Chiti 1997:196,s.v.)."Sancu" is a ball of ground maize mixed with blood andused in religious rites (lbid. 1997:244, s.v.; Ludefiade laVega 1982:206». "Tecti" is thick chicha (Arriaga 1920[1621]:210, s.v.) "Asto" is plumes, or a bird fromwhichfeathers are procured (Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 176, s.v.)."Huantay" is a caUear of com (lbid.:179s.v.). Airigua"= "ayriwaki"or a double ear of com (AcademiaMayordela Lengua Quechua 1995:38 s.v.). "Micsazara"is possiblycom mixed wirh datura to make it hallucinogenic (Fer..m1.ndezChiti 1997: 171, "misha" [Datura] + "sara"[maize)) or the first com that ripened (michacasara)(Arriaga 1968 [1621}:181s.v.). "Collazara" = "QoUa..sara", or "medicine com", in rhe sense shared by NorthAmerican Indians (Fem:1.ndezChiti1997:224s.v., qolla).

221..An even later use of the word and conceptof muUu was recorded by Adolph Bandelier(1969 [1910]). In 1895,a ceremonyperformedby the Avmara on Titicaca Island prior to ar.. .chaeologicalexcavation required such .ritualitems as coca, uira..koa29 leaves, llama tallow,fetusesof a llama and a pig, a piece of the skinof a titi or wildcat, grape brandy, wine, and,especially,muUu(Ibid.1969[1910]:97).In thiscase the muUuwas an object in the form of asmallwhite amulet. Bandelier concluded that.mulluwasa fetishofwhite alabasterrepresentinga bull or cow, similar to those found in NewMexico, but also known on the Bolivian AIti..pIano. Today, among BolivianAymara speak..ers,muUuis a square, rectangular, or triangularalabasterplaque used to obtairigoodharvests orriches (van den Berg 1985:131). In Quechua,similarsmall stone figures are at times referredto as illas, enqas (Cook 1992:356) or kantas(Gose 1994:205), depending on geographiclocation. The recovery of smallllamafigurinesand other objects made ofSpondylusin archaeo~logicalsites may explain how the Aymara cameto refer to them as mullu. The description byBandelierimplies that it was the use and ritualpowerof the object that wasreferredto asmullu,not the material from which it was manufac..tured. Similarly,in Huaquirca, Peru, the termkanta has been equated with dnimo, the vitalforce or essence of whatever the figure repre.sents (Ibid.:206).In 1942offeringsofmullomixedwith guineapig or llama blood were still being made tomarshes and streams for rain and the fertiliza.tion of the earth (Tello 1967:22). It is possiblethat the present sacrifice of small animal figu..rines,formerlymade of Spondylus, to the godsfor water and fecundity is the continuation ofthe prehispanic sacrifice of muUufor water and29Bandelier does not elucidate the nature of theseleavesused in rituals beyond writing that they are "leavesof a plant not found on the island and calledbythem uirako-ua"(Bandelier 1969 [1910]:95). Tschopic identifiesthem as a high.altitude m~t, Mentapulegium(1951:246).Blower: TheManyFacetsof Mullucropfertility.InmodemPerusmallstoneillasinthe shape of catde, sheep, and horses are usedtoday as sacrifices to the Wamanis, the watercontrollingmountaindeities(Isbell1978:151).The pre.Columbian figurinesshaped likellamasand alpacas were also identified as masand areconsidered to be power..generatingobjects(Ibid.;Allen 1988:54) sacrificed to the Wamanisto in..crease the herds of guanacos, llamas, and al.pacas (Gose 1994:205). IUashave a mythicalquality that maybring about death or aberrationat birth in children; animals, or crops,causedbyexposure to certain types of light. At timesillasbring goodfortune, alwaysto an extreme degree(Arguedas 1983:62). Inadequate offeringstothe deities may result in lightning strikes onanimals. The relationship between a violentdischargeofenergyand illascan be found in thearchaic Quechua word forlightning,illapa(Gose1994:220). Recent identifications of this sortmight more accurately portray the originalrelationship between mullu and ritual objectsthan is presendy believed. It is the essenceofmullu that must be determined. By definingmulluas only Spondyluswe have blindedour.selves to the possibilitythat it could have beenanything else.Andean healers include pearls, scallop,andsnail shells,aswellas unidentified bivalveshells,in their altar. like mesas. In one such Peruvianmesa the bivalve shell is called "Concha SanJuan Bautista" and is a large oyster shell fromthe ocean sYmbolizingrebirth (Sharon 1978:168). Here the terms mullu and Spondylusarenot used, but references to rebirth are reminis.cent of muUu. However, in Cusipata, nearCusco, ceremonies of offerings continue muchas they did when Bandelier (1969 [1910]:97)visited the island of Titicaca. The rituals em..ploySpondylusshells, called mullu, as vesselstoserve wine and alcohol (Bolin 1998:39.41).ConclusionsThere istoo much contradictory informationavailable to justify the use of Spondylusandmullu as perfecdy synonYmousterms. While

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)mullu.definitelyapplies to Spondylusshells,it isnot restricted to them. The multiple uses, andrepresentations of Spondylus shell and mulluindicate that a far more complex definition ofmulluisrequired. The possibilitythat mullumayrefer to Strombus, mother..of..pearl,turquoiseartifacts, colored maize, or even herbs, shouldindicate that Spondylusmay be just one of anumber of items that are included in the con..cept of muUu. Likewise,the illasmade of boneand stone may have been legitimateobjects ofmulluin the conceptual sense. Perhapsthe earlychronicles were more accurate in their descrip..tions of bone, stone, and shell mullu than ispresently thought. Misunderstanding mayoriginate with present interpretations of mulluand not the identifications of the past. It isonly.because we have restricted our viewofmullu toSpondylusthat weconsider other interpretationsfrom the past to be errors in identification. ...222its geographic location and chronological posi..tion. In the past twenty..fiveyears, the studyofSpondylus, with its associated contexts, hasbecome an important part of Andean archaeol..ogyand provides a useful source of informationon material culture. Ideological information isa different matter. It is now time for a completeinvestigation into the use and concepts behindmuUu.AcknowledgementsThe final version of this paper has benefitedfrom the comments of many people. The anony..mousreviewersprovided much helpful informa..tion, as well as good advice on organization. Ithank John Topic and Scott Raymond for theircOmInentson earlier drafts. While this paperreflects all these efforts, responsibility for itscontent is mine alone.MuUu'sgender !ilssociationsand its positionin male/female oppositions, visual representa..tions, and use as an offeringforwaterare signifi..cant in the multi..purposeconcept ofmullu. Thewoman Withbeautiful red lips could be a deitysymbolized at times by the staff goddess, orperhaps something more down..to..earth,such afemale associated with goddesses. As food forthe gods, or food for the people, the consump..tion of mullu or guacamullumay have broughtmore spiritual than physicalnourishment. Thecolor associations of red, yellow,turquoise, andgreen with muUuappear in mythologyand ritual.The recognition of both color associationsandmuUu..likeobjects gives a strong indication thatthere is a complex of characteristics or traitsthat can be ascribed to mullu,and that it shouldnot be defined as just Spondylusshell.The archaeological value of Spondylusas anindicator of trade and exchange oftenovershad..ow.sthe cultural information availableby study..ing its alter ego, muUu. The identification ofmuUucharacteristicsin the recordofSpondylusartifacts indicates that those traits generallyassignedto muUuare not pan..Andean. Instead,the concept of muUuchanges, depending uponReferences CitedAcademia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua/Qheswa SimiHamut'anaKurakSuntur .1995 Diccionario quechua-espanol-quechualqheswa..espam'k-qheswa simitaqe. Cusco: Municipalidaddel Qosqo [Cusco]. 'Acosta, Joseph de'1962 [1590] Hisrorianatural y moral de las Indias,edited byEdmundo O'Gorman. Mexico:Fondode Cultura Econ6mica.Allen, Catherine J;1988 TheHoldUfe Has:CocaandCulturein anAndeanCommunity.Washington, D.C.: SmithsonianInstitution.Arguedas, Jose Mana1983 Losr£osprofundos.InObrascompletas,Volume3,pp. 11-213. Lima: Editorial Horizonte.Arriaga, PabloJoseph Uose] de1920 [1621]La Extirpaci6ndela idolatTfaenelPerU,edited by Horacio H. Urteaga. BiographybyCarlos A. Romero. Lima: Sanmarti.1968 [1621]TheExtirpationofIdolatryin Peru,translatedand edited byL. Clark Keating. Lexington:University of Kentucky Press.Bandelier, Adolph F.1969 [1910]The Islandsof TiticacaandKoati. New. York: Kraus Reprint.Blower,David1995 The Questfor Mullu: Concepts,Trade,andtheArchaeologicalDistributionsof Spondylusin theAndes. Master's thesis. Trent University,

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225..Blower:The Man, FacetsofMulluChronology. Studies in Precolumbian Art andArchaeology 13,Washington, D.C.:DumbartonOaks.Rojasde Mendiola, Blanca1978 Red Tide Along the Peruvian Coast. In ToxicDinoflagellate Blooms, edited by Dennis 1. Taylorand Howard H. Seliger, pp. 183,190. New York:Elsevier.Rostworowskide Diez Canseco, Marla1975 Pescadores, artesanos y mercaderescostefios enel Peru prehisp~nico. RetlistadelMuseo Nacianal41:311,350. .1977 Coastal Fishermen, Merchants, and Artisans inPre,Hispanic Peru. In The Sea in the Pre'Columbian World, edited by Elizabeth Benson,pp. 167,186.Oaks.Washington, D.C.: DumbartonSilverblatt, Irene Marsha1981 Moon,Sun,andDevil:IncaandColonialTransfor,mationsof Andean Gender Relations. Ph.D.dissertation,University of Wisconsin. AnnArbor: Michigan,UniversityMicrofilmsInterna,tional. (Now a division of Bell & Howell Com,pany.)Smith, Colin with Manuel Bermejo Marcos and EugenioChang,Rodrfguez1988. CoWnsSpanishlEnglishEnglish/Spanish Dictionary.London: Collins.Spain, Real Academia Espafiola1976 . [1726J Diccionario de la lengua castellana.Diccionariode autoridades:Edici6nFacsaA,C.Madrid: Editorial Gredos.Stothert, Karen E.1995 Lasalbarradas tradicionales yel manejo de aguasen la penfnsulade SantaElena. MisceldneaAntropolOgicaEcuatoriana 8:131,160.Taylor, Gerald1987 Ritos'Jtradicionesde HuarochirldelsigloXVII.Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.Tello, Julio C.1967 Medio geogrnfico-andino. In Pdginasescogidas,edited by ToribioMejfaXesspe, pp. 1,26. Ulna:Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos.Tello, Julio C. and Toribio Mejia Xesspe1979 PaTacas,segundaparte: Cavemas'J Necr6polis.Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de SanMarcos. .Thompson, Stith1955 MotiNndexof Folk,UteTature:A ClassificationofNarrativeElementsin Folktales,Ballads,M'Jths,Fables,MedievalRomances,Exempla,Fabliaux,]est,booksandLocalugends. Volume6, Index.Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana UniversityPress.Topic, Theresa and John Topic1989 Ritual Caches at Marcahuamachuco. Paperpresented at the 20th Annual Meeting of theInstitute of Andean Studies, Berkeley,Cainor,nia.Towle, Margaret A.1961 The Ethnobotan'Jof Pre-ColumbianPeru. Chi,cago: AIdine.1988 Conflicts over Coca Fields in XVIth,Cemury Peru.Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology,. -University of Michigan 21.Rowe, Ann Pollard1998 Costume and Identity in Highland Ecuador.. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum andSeattle: University of Washington Press.Rowe,JohnH. .1979 An Account of the Shrines of Ancient Cuzco.NawpaPacha17:1,80.SalinasLoyola,Juan _.1965 [1571J Relaci6n y descripci6n de la ciudad deLoxa.In Relaciones geogrdficas deIndias2,editedby Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, pp. 291,306.Madrid: Atlas.Salomon, Frank1983 Shamanism and Politics in Late,ColonialEcuador. American Ethnologist10:413,428.1987 Ancestor Cults and Resistance to the State inArequipa, ca. 1748,1754. In Resistance,Rebellion, and Consciousnessin the AndeanPeasantWorld, 18th to 20th Centuries,edited bySteve J.Stem, pp. 148,165. Madison: Universityof Wisconsin Press.Salomon, Frank and George 1. Urioste1991 The Huarochirl Manuscript: A Testament ofAncientand ColonialAndeanReligion,translatedfrom the Quechua by Frank Salomon and Tschopik, Harry Jr.George L. Urioste. Austin: University of Texas 1951 TheA'J1l1aTaofChucuito, Peru:1Magic.Anthr~Press.pological Papers of the American Museum ofS~ano, JoanNatural History 44(2).1967 LaRelaci6nS~mano,Xerez (1527,1528). In Las Uhle, MaxRelacionesprimitivas de la conquistadel PerU,edited by RaUl Porras Barrenechea, pp. 64,68.Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.1922 Influenciasmayasen elAItoEcuador.Boletfudela AcademiaNacionaldeHistona4(10,11):205,240 (Ecuador). Wallace, Dwight, T.Santo Thomas, Domingo de1991 A Technical and Iconographic Analysis of1951 [1560] Lexicon,0 VOCtlbulario delalenguageneral Carhua Painted Textiles, in ParacasArt anddelPent Lima: Instituto de Historia.Architecture:ObjectandContextinSouthCoastalSharon, Douglas1978 Wkard of the Four Winds:A Shaman'sStory.New York: Free Press.Peru, edited by Anne Paul, pp. 61,109. IowaCity: University ofIowa Press.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000).. 226Figure1.Spondylusprincepsshellwith spinesremoved (approximatewidth 12 em). Photograph by author.

227.. Blower:TheMan1FacetsofMulluFigure 2.Spondylusprincepsartifactsfrom the Cerro Namo site in the Jacinto Jij6n y Caamafio collectionat the Universidad Cat6lica del Ecuador, Quito. Photograph by author.Figure3.Spondylusprinceps"felinemask"fromCuevade losTayossurroundedby additionalSpondylusartifacts. In the collection of ,Padre Pedro I. Porras G. at the Centro de InvestigacionesArqueo16gicas,Quito.Maskis approximately 24 em. wide. Photograph by author.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ,228Figure4.StaffGoddess froma Carhua,Chavfn textile illustrating the vaginadentataand secondary femalesex characteristcs (fromRoe 1974:figure 14).

IntroductionINCA EsTATES AND THE ENCOMIBNDA:HERNANDO PIzARRo's HOLDINGS IN CUSCOSeen through the eyes of the archaeologist,incaestatesarethe remainsofresidentialbuild~.ingsand their peripheral constructions, such asterraces,gardens, lakes, and other aesthetic orpractical features (Niles 1988, 1992, 1999;Protzen 1993). From the perspective of thehistorian,these estates largelydisappearwithinthe encomienda awards made after 1534 byFrancisco Pizarro. Pizarro granted the entireAndean population in encomienda,treating theoccupants of Inca estates, sanctuaries, produc~dve enclaves, and other specializedentities inthe same manner as any other tribute~payinggroup. The new tribute system did not recog~nizeearlier differencesin status or treatment, sospecializedInca entities become largelyunrecog~nizablein the documentation. Nowhere is thishomogeneoushandling of the Andean popula~tionmoreproblematic than in the Cuscoregion,where Inca estates and other holdings wereconcentrated. FranciscoPizarromadea numberof very large encomienda awards in the areasurrounding Cusco: to himself, to his brothersHernando and Gonzalo, and to several closefriends. Embedded within these encomiendasare some of the most important holdingsof theIncas and their corporate groups, calledpanacas.1For example, the grant Pizarromade1 The award of Inca estates was not made duringeither of the two periods when F(aI1ciscoPizarromade ageneral distribution of encomiendas in Cusco. ElsewhereOulien1998c) I have argued that Hernando's award hadbeen part of the "encomienda of the Inca", an award toManco Inca and a large bundle of Inca holdings thatANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 229~275.Catherine JulienWesternMichiganUniversityto his brother Hernando included estates be~longingto Pachacuti, Thupa Inca, and Huascar.The award has special relevance to archaeolo~gists, because it encompassed tWospectaculararchaeological sites, Machu Picchu andOllantaytambo.An encomienda was a transfer to a particu~lar individual of the tribute right claimedbythe. SpanishCrown. It wasnot a grantofland,buta reward for service, and carried with it theobligationsotherwise owedby the Crown (DelaPuente Brunke 1992:13~15). Becausethe awarddocuments are written in Spanish, and conveya class of rights that were just being introducedinto the Andes, they do not reflect Inca systemsof tenure. Nonetheless, the conveyance of aright to collect tribute from peoples who hadformerlybeen directly subject to particular Incasor their panacaseffectivelyalienated Inca claimsto their land, and labor. Although there wereearly transfers of land near Cusco, the sale ofland at any distance.from Cusco did not beginuntil decades later, and did not affectmore thana smallpercentage ofland held bynative peoplePizarro had planned to reserve for the Spanish Crown.Pizarro apparently changed his plans. After Mancorevolted, his holdings were divided by Francisco Pizarroamong Pizarro's brothers, his friends, and himself.References to reserving "the Inca" for the Spanish Crownturn up in the investigation of the bishop Tom~s Berlanga,who came from Panama to investigate the disputebetween Pizarroand Almagro (Berlanga 1868[1535]:242,301; Lohmann Villena 1986 [16th century):203,204).The Incas also had holdings some distance from CuscoOulien 1991:121, 1993:184, 186).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)in the sixteenth century.2 The encomienda,then, wasthe conveyance whichwrestedpanacaholdings away from their Inca lords. After thePizarro awards were made, the efforts of theInca dynastic line to regain control ofits formerholdings were always phrased in terms of theencomienda Oulien 1998c:505-506).3In this paper Inca estates willbe describedas"properties" or "holdings". Becausewe cannotpenetrate the conceptual universein whichIncatenure was embedded, the terms we have chosenare admittedly arbitrary and imprecise.They are intended only to describe whateverclaims the Incas or their panacasmade to thelabor, land or resources of the people laterawarded in encomienda. Although the Spanishtenure systemtreated land and laboras separateentities, there is no reason to assume that theIncas had a separate class of rights to land or2 A distribution of land near Yucay was effected in1550 (Villanueva Urteaga 1970a [mid 16th century:l0-14). There were transfers in Ollantaytambo in 1556-1558(Glave and Remy 1983:80-81) and Calea in 1559(Rostworowskide Diez Canseco 1993c (1969-70]:117-119). Lands belonging to the descendants of Thupa Incawere confirmedin 1552, includingpropertiesin theUrubambaValley.All of the referencesto boundariesinvolved properties held by native inhabitants(Rostworowskide DiezCanseco, 1993c[1963]:138-146).Tide to lands in the Urubamba Valley in the name ofAngelina Yupanqui wasconfirmed in 1558. A long listofproperties in the vicinity ofYueay wasincluded. All theholdersnamedwerenatives(Ibid.:120-130).Near Cusco,and in the lowlands where coca could be grown, tideswere established in even earlier decades. For example, anumber of chacras in the Paucartambo lowlands weredistributed by the Cusco council in 1548 (Lyon 1993-1994:109).3 Sake Thupa, the first of Manco's sons to rule inVileabamba after Manco's death, was given the Yueaygrant and Gonzalo Pizarro'sholdingsaspart of the bargainto bring the dynasty back to Cusco (Lohmann Villena1948:11-12jGum~nGuillen 1976-77:55-56).WhenSaireThupa left, the Spaniards found they had to deal with hisbrother, Titu Cusi. Subsequent negotiations also turnedon the granting of encomiendas (Regaladode Hurtado1992:xvii).resources, apart from rights to the labor ofsubject peoples, or that either had any kind ofcommerical value. All that is assumed here isthat encomienda awards translated an Incasystem of tenure into a Spanish one.Despite difficultiesin defining Inca systemsof tenure, estates in the Cusco regionhave beenthe subject of study for several decades. ManaRostworowski,one of the first people to examinedynastic holdings near Cusco, published aseries of documents that identified the Incaownersofspecificparcels (1993c [1962]). Someof the documents are titles, and the documents,as a whole, give the impression that individualsheld title in a manner similar to Spanish holdings.However, the earliest documents date to1558. Another class of documents was publishedby Horacio Villanueva in 1970. Heassembledreports generated during visitas,oradministrative inquiries,'madein 1552and 1558about the people subject to the encomienda ofYucay and their holdings (Villanueva Urteaga1970a), a grant that incorporated an Inca estatethat had belonged to Huayna Capac. MarlaRostworowskialsopublished documents relatedto the same award,generated by alawsuitbegunin 1574 (1970; cf. Niles 1999:124-125).Rostworowskilater published (1993d [1990])a1572 census of Urquillos, then an encomiendaof Francisco Chilche, a Canar cacique, butformerly an estate of Thupa Inca near Yucay(Figure 1). From the documents we learn thatthe estate was staffed by 400 local householdsand another 2,000 mitima, or colonist, households,1,000 drawn from Collasuyo and 1,000fromChinchasuyo (su)'osor suyusare majorIncaterritorial and socialdivisions). There werealsoyanaconas,or personal retainers, assignedto theservice of Huayna Capac and his panaca(Rowe1982:99-100). These people produced maizeinlarge quantities, and also coca, which washarvestedfrom nearby lands in the valleys ofPaucartambo. The coca was known to be thefinest in Peru, and wassaid to have been keptbyHuayna Capac "for his person and those of hishouse", a reference to his corporation orpanaca(Letter of Pedro de la Gasca to the Council of

Julien: Inca Estatesthe Indies, Lima, 16 September 1549, in Levi..llier 1921..26,volume 1, pages 217..218). Themaize, as well, may have been used to supporthis panaca. The Yucay dQcumentsoriented arecent study of the architecture of HuaynaCapads estate by Susan Niles (1999:123..133).Documentary references tend to focus on pro..duction, but Niles' study has revealed otherdimensions of Huayna Capac's holdings. Hisresidencesat Quispillacta and retreat at Chic6nwere clearly oriented toward repose and recre..adon. By exploring the sites associated withIncaholdingsidentifiedin documentarysources,a fruitful collaboration between archaeologistsand historians can be achieved.Huayna Capac's estate at Y~caywas origi..nally awarded in encomienda by FranciscoPizarro to himself. The award document hasnever been found. The ~ant he made to hisbrother Hernando, on the other hand, has-beenlocated in the Archive of the Indies,along withthe firstassessmentsQftribute associatedwith it.This grant has not yet been studied in anydetail. As noted above, Hernando Pizarro'sCusco award included a bundle of Inca proper..ties, including estates belonging to Pachacuti,Thupa Inca, and Huascar. Hernando Pizarroreceived all of the people of the UrubambaValleyfrom Ollantaytambo to Vitcosand Vilca..bamba, in addition to groups in Calca, in theJaquijaguana Valley just west of Cusco, in thecoca..growing valleys of Paucartambo to thenortheast, and in the province of Abancay inthe west (Figure 1).4 The information con..tained"inthe assessmentshas been presented ina recent study of the Pizarro brothers as entre..preneurs (Var6n Gabai 1997:250..256). AI..though the activities of the Pizarrosfundamen..tally altered the nature of central authority inthe Andes, they are incidental to our analysis.Here, what Hernando Pizarroreceived in Cuscowillbe appreciated as the singlemost importantaward of properties belonging to the Inca elite,eclipsingeven the award FranciscoPizarromadeto ~elf ofHuaynaCapac'sYucayestate.. The records of the grant to Hernando Piza..rro have been transcribed and included in anappendix (DocumentaryAppendix, Documents. 1..3).Also transcribedare the earliestta5as,ortribute assessments, associated with his Cuscoencomienda, made in the 1550s (Documents4..15). Specialistswillwant to examine the namesand other details they record.sHernando Pizarro's EncomiendaFranciscoPizarroawarded an immensegrantto his brother Hernando. It inCluded variousInca holdings, among them estates at Ollantay..tambo, Calca,Piccho, and Amaybamba that hadbelonged to the panacas of Pachacuti, ThupaInca, and Huascar. A single document, signedbyFrancisco Pizarroin Cusco, on 27Apri11539,conveyed the award (Table "I). The threecopiesof this document are all defective (Docu..ments 1..3, Documentary Appendix). In thetable, the names that appear were taken fromDocument 1j other spellingsof the same nameare included in square brackets with an indica..tion of source.4 AGI, Charcas 56. Marui PArssinen was the first tocite the Gonzalo Pizarro award (1992:414). The Yucayaward, transferred to the son of Francisco Pizarro of thesame name, appears in a 1561 listing as: "Yucay, Bonbo,Anbaraes, Piko, Tono e Avisca" (Hampe Martinez1979:89).5Only the groupsgranted to Hernando Pizarroin theregion near Cusco are treated here. However, a completeversion of the encomienda grant is transcribed in theappendix (Document 1). The transcriptions ofDocuments 2 and 3 reproduce only information relatingto the Cusco region. Information on the Charcas part ofthe award can be found in Var6n Gabai (1997:256~261).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -232. Provinceof Chinchasuyo:Town of Mayo and Sierra [Circa] and Tomebamba- cacique Curiata [3: Cudara] [Tomebamba]Town ofVrco [2: Hurco; 3: Vro] - caciqueCurima [ 2: Curiana; 3: Carima]"Another town"-cacique AtapomaTown ofTambo [Ollanfa)'tambo]Town of Chauca- cacique TitoValley of Comaybamba [2: Amaybamba; 3: Camaybamba] [Amaybamba] - cacique Xuaxca [3: Xuaxea]Valley of Pisco [Piccho] - caciques Guaxani and Choyarcoma [Choyorama]Town of Biticos [Vitcos]Valley of Bilcabanba [Vileabamba]......................................................-............................................................................................................................................................Province of CondesuyoTown of Chuco - caciques Atao, Huyoa [3: Ahuyoa] and Axama [2: Apoma].................................................................................................................................................................................................................Province of the CanasCaciques Guanco and Tinta...................................................................................................................................................................................................................Provinceof Condesuyo[2: Andesuyo]TownofCalla[2:Calea][Calca]- caciqueYmamanchaca [2: Ymamananchaca]Town ofPacamarca - cacique ManchoTown ofPacallactaTown of Taua pac a [3: Lammanpacay] - cacique Cayasis [2: Caya~i]Town of Guayacare [2: Guayacaraj 3: Guayacaro] - cacique Alloa [2: Halloa]Town of Chamanco [2: Puchimancoi 3: Amano]Town ofPabcarpare [2: Pascarpare] - cacique Puilo [2: Puebloj 3: Puelo]Town ofPacomucho -cacique Manchoof Cary [2: Cur] - cacique AtapomaTownofCuruana- caciques Tamara [or Detamara], Destamara [3: Deplinara] and Pisnomago[2: Pishomangoj 3: Pichomago]Town ofChanpallapi [2: Panpallata; 3: Chaupallata] - cacique CuxiTown of Quicha [3: Guacha] - cacique Rumayta [2: Ruana Aytaj 3: Ruma Ayta]Town of Candio [2: Candia] - cacique Paro...........................................................................................................................................................................-....................................In the yungasValley.ofToayma [3: Tonima] [Toayma]Cacique Atapoma [Urcon]Town ofUrcomarca and two little towns(a)- cacique ChuquingaTown of Tanboquin [2: Tanboquij 3: Tanboquim] - cacique Puingachuma [2: Apungahuma;3: Pimguachuma]Town ofChoro [3: Horo] and another small town- cacique Maranga [2: Maringa]Town ofYquico [3: Yqueco] - caciqueAbiacaxa [2: Aboacapi]Town ofPansipate [2: Pan~ipati]Town of AcoytaTown ofXuybita.[2: Xoybitaj3: Xuivita]- caciqueYnesnache[2:Ynelnache]TownofChilbanbaca- cacique PubiUasilla[2: Pucullasilla]Town of Buchunga [2: Vichunga; 3: BuchingaI - cacique GuamanTown ofTasmaro [or TalmaroI - cacique Caruavena [2: Canauena]Town ofPomacollo - cacique ParmabateTown of Chuquicarando, where Atapoma lives,....-.......................................(a) Document 3 has "Atapoma, lord of the town ofVrcomarca whose cacique is Chuquinga, and two littletowns."Table 1: Hernando Pizarro's Cusco Award.

233 ~Julien: Inca EstatesAlso, the name used to refer to a particulargroup in later transfers or other encomiendadocumentation, if it can be identified,has beenincluded in italic type and enclosed in squarebracketS.6 The Pizarro document specificallysubordinates the various parts of the award togeneral headings (like the "Province' ofChinchasuyo"), so these names and other infor~mation about what was granted (i.e.,a "town",or the designation "in the yungas",or lowlands)have been used to structure. the table. The.original documents have no punctuation andwerewritten as one continuous blockof text, so,in the appendix, where appropriate,some mate~rial has been formatted as a list (Documents 1~3). .Hernando may have received properties inall four sUYOSof the region surrounding Cusco.Cusco was the center ofT awantinsuyo,or "foursuyos". These divisions 'named Chinchasuyo,Andesuyo, ColIasuyo, and Condesuyo, ex..tended wellbeyond Cusco but the same nameswere used in a different sense to refer to peoplewithin the regionnear Cusco. The other Pizarroencomienda awards are generallystructured inthe same way as Hernando Pizarro's (Table I),that is, they include some kind of designationlike "province" or "valley",followedby a list oftowns or caciques located there. In the case ofSUYOdesignations, wherever Pizarro lists the"Province of Chinchasuyo" or any of the foursuyo names, he records towns in the Cuscoregion. Clearly, the Cusco regionwasorganizedinto districts named after the foursUYOS.Thereare numerous documentary referencesto "Colla~suyos" or "Chinchasuyos" that make no senseunless they are understood in this narrowerway.76 The three encomienda documents (Documents 113) are similarenough to each other to havebeen basedona single original, probablya copy of the award thatHernandoPizarrohad withhimin Spain.7 That is why, on a list of people from 41 "nations" ofthe empire who tended the Inca sanctuary at Copacabana,Reading the list of towns and caciquesconveyed to Hernando Pizarrois not a straight..forward task. Two copies of the award repeatthe heading "Province of Condesuyo". The firstuse ofCondesuyo does not appear to be in error,even though Andesuyo typically follows. Chinchasuyo when the sUYOSare listed in order."Chuco" can be identified as the encomiendaofChoco, held by Hernando Pizarroin later years;it can be firmly placed in Condesuyo.8 Thesecond use of the heading "Province of Conde~suyo" may be a mistranscription: although twocopies of the document have "Province ofCondesuyo", one has "Province of Andesuyo"(Table 1). This heading is one of the unresolv..able problems of this list. None of the townsnamed.in it can'be located, with the exceptionof "Guayacare", probably Huayocari, locatedbetween Calea and Yucay on the right bank ofthe Urubamba River, just east of the Urquillosquebrada(canyon or ravine). The first town inthis entry is "Calla", given as "Calea" in one ofthe copies. Here it is in Andesuyo.9 If we lookfor. Calca in the Chinchasuyo portion of theaward, it might have been mistranscribed as"Chauca", but there.is a Chauca.1oWhat makesthere isa group identified as "Chinchaisuyos",eventhough the Huaylas, the Yauyos, the Huamachucos, andothers are also from Chinchaysuyo, understood in thelarger sense. Likewise, there are "Cond~uyos" listed, eventhough the Yanahuaras, Chumbivilcas, Papres, Chilques,and other groups from the larger Condesuyo divisionappear (Ramos Gavilan 1988 [1621]:84185).8 Choco is recorded in Cobo's ceque list in a referenceto the fifth cequeof Condesuyo fCu 5:3] and identifiedasa town belonging to Hernando Pizarro (Rowe 1979:54).9 Other documents place Calca in Chinchasuyo(Espinoza Soriano 1977:111; Anonymous 1954 [1596]:98.99).10 (Villanueva Urteaga, 1970a[mid 16thcentury]: 126;Levillier 1940, volume I, pages 1091110). Chauca orChaoca was in the Urubamba Valley (Niles 1999:133,206, figures 5.9, 6.1; Villanueva Urteaga 1982:276).Three wirnesses from Chauca testified before.ViceroyToledo, one that he had been a chacracamayoof Huayna

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)this problem unresolvable is that this group oftowns cannot be associated with anyofHernan..do Pizarro's later holdings. Did the boundarybetween Chinchasuyo and Andesuyo fall be..tween Yucayand Calca?Another problem is'with the "Province ofCanas". No later documents linkany groupsinthis area to Hernando Pizarro. The names oftwo caciques were given, not the names oftowns. One was named Tinta, the name of aCanas encomienda. Perhaps Hernando Pizarrowas its first holder.11Alsoproblematic isthe qualityofdescriptionof the peoples granted in this award. Both the"Andesuyo" portion of the grant and the ca..cique Atapoma are described by a list of placenames. No place names at all wer~associatedwith the caciques of Canas. We wouldexpect alist of towns for Tambo [Ollantaytambo], butnone appears. Nor are population figuresgiyen.The earliest awards made in Cusco includeinformation on the number of households,probably supplied by Manco Inca while he wasstill collaborating with Pizarro Oulien1998c:493..494, 496). After the visitageneral,oradministrative survey, of 1540, award docu..ments also include information on the numberof tributaries or households.Although afewgroupslistedinTable 1havebeen identified with the names of the enco..mienda award later associatedwith them (givenin square brackets in italic type), some identificationsare firmer than others. The first threeCapac, and another that he had served as some kind ofoverseerofHuayna Capac and that "hisgrandfathers"hadperformed the same service for Thupa Inca. A witnessinthe Yucay investigation of 1574 noted that theinhabitantsofChauca werenativeto thevalley., 11 A grant to Tinta was made to BartolomedeTerrazas (Loredo 1941:120), and a 1548note identifiedthe grant as a Pizarro award. It may have been regranted,by Francisco Pizarro, however, after having been firstawarded to Hernando...234entries for the province of Chinchasuyo are totowns in the Jaquijaguana Valley,west'ofCusco.Then come two towns in the Urubamba Valley.Two "valleys" follow, one, the AmaybambaValley that feeds into the Urubamba at ChaulIay,andthe other, a segment of the UrubambaValley itself. All of the copies of the HernandoPizarro award give "Pisco" for Piccho. It alsoappears in the tasaas "Piquicho" (Document5),and once, as Piccho (in a note in the uppermargin of Document 14). It was common forSpanish speakers to insert vowels between twoconsonants where such combinations did notoccur in Spanish (mitma,= mitima, Calca =Calica, Vitcos =Viticos). Farther downstream,into the lowlands,Vitcos is granted as a "town",then Vileabamba as a "valley". "Chuco" isChoco, as already' noted. The Canas and"Andesuyo" entries are also problematic, asnoted above. The final entry wasto the caciqueofUrcomarca, named Atapoma. Bydesignatinga cacique, Pizarro was.recording the lines ofauthority between this individual and the townslisted after his name. Urcomarca wasthe Urconthat appears in later tribute documentation, aspart of Abancay.12 The name Atapoma, itscacique, also appears on the list of towns; thesame Atapoma may have had a subject town inthe Jaquijaguana Valley. .Hernando Pizarro'sawardbundled a numberof diverse Inca holdings. Choco was a smalltown close to Cusco with a very special status.It was occupied by the lineage of Anaguarque,the wifeof Pachacuti, the ninth Inca ruler, andthe men of this lineage were known as "caca..cuzcos,"or in..lawsof the Inca lineage (RostWo..rowskide DiezCanseco 1993c (1962):113, 135;Julien 1998b:49; 2000:25, 37). A number of12Miranda (1975 [1583]:184). In the Mirandalisting of corregimientos(Spanish administrative districts)Urcon appears as "Vicon", but its link to MelchorMaldonado, the son of Arias Maldonado who held thegrant after Hernando Pizarro, allows us to identify it asUrcon (Miranda 1925 [1583]:167; De la Puente Bt:unke1992:379).

235-Julien:Inca EstatesInca estates were also part of Heman do Pizarro'sgrant, including:Ollantaytamboand Piccho,belonging to Pachacuti; Amaybamba, belongingto both Pachacutiand to his son Thupa Inca;andCalca, where Huascar had palaces(RostworowskideDiezCanseco 1993b [1963]:148-149;Niles 1988:62-63).It is not known what estates or, holdingswerein Vitcos or Vileabamba. Both were occupiedby Manco Inca at the time HernandoPizarroreceivedhisawardin 1539.TherewereInca silver mines in Vileabamba that the Span..iards tried to revive in 1572after they began tooccupy the region, but little is known aboutthem.13 The frontier with Vileabamba was atChaullay (Map 1), at the confluence betweenthe Amaybamba and Urubamba Valleys, until1572, when Manco's son, Thupa Amaro, wascaptured. In 1539, when Hernando Pizarroreceived Vitcos and Vileabamba, they. werebeyond the limits of Spanish control. Thisfrontier remained stable between 1539to 1572,but its nearness to the effective holdings ofHernando Pizarro was a potential source ofinstability. In 1536, when Manco retreated toVitcos, he depopulated Amaybamba in hiswake. Amaybamba was again affected,by thewa~the Spaniards conducted againstthe Vilca..bamba Incas in 1572. During this entire period, any ties between Vitcos and Vilcabambaandother Inca holdings were effectivelycut. Thetasadocuments, discussed below, indicate thatsome of the decrease in the population ofHernando Pizarro's encomienda wasdue to theconflict hetween the Spaniards and the VileabambaIncas..The TasasAlthough Pizarro had been ordered to fix 'the amounts of tribute native people wereexpected to pay, the firsttasaswerenot set until13Vileabamba was said to be the source of the silverand gold the Spaniards found in Cusco (Cobo 1890,95[1653], volume 3, book 12, chapter 12,pages 160,161).1549..1550. After the rebellion of GonzaloPizarro (1544..48),Governor Pedro de la Gascaorganized a visitageneralto collectthe informationneeded for setting the tasa uniformlythroughout the territory of Peru. Beforeleavingthe Andes he set up a commissionto reviewthevisita,gather additional information, and set thetasa. The' cOmmissionwas first composed ofArchbishop Alonso de Loaysa and the DominicanfriarsTomas de San Mar:t£nand Domingode Santo Tomas. During the time it convened,itspersonnelchanged,andtwooidores (adminis..trative judges), Hernando de Santillan andAndres de Cianza, were also involved (Rostwo..rowski de Diez Canseco 1983-84:55; HampeMartfnez 1989:134-135). By mid 1552 theAudienciaof Lima, colonial Peru's highest legaland administrative body, had taken over thejob. When the new viceroy, the Marqu~s deCafiete, arrived in 1555, he began to make theassessments. The documentation assembledforHernando Pizarro's Cusco holdings indicatesthat not allof the encomiendas were assessedbythe commission. The tasa of Toayma, in thecoca..growinglowlandsofPaucartambo, appearsto have been set for the first time in 1553bytheAudiencia (Document 9, ,Table 2).Hernando Pizarro received his award justbefore departing for Spain where he washeld inprison for the next twenty years,never to returnto Peru. His Peruvian holdings (Sucre, Lima,and Arequipa, as well as Cusco) were managedby administrators in the colonial districts wherehe had property (Var6nGabai 1997:108,121,243-261). An absentee encomendero wasnotin a position to defend himself against thereduction of the amounts assessed from thepeople of his encomiendas. In the years followingthe initial tasas, the amounts originallyassessed were lowered in response to petitionspresented by representatives of the peoplesawarded. The retasas of parts of HernandoPizarro'saward are an excellent example ofhowand under what circumstances the tasa wasaltered. The ti:lSasand retasas of HernandoPizarro's Cusco holdings will be reviewed'inchronological order.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Encomienda Tasa RetasaAmaybambaPicchoCalcaOllantaytamboTomembambaToaymaUrconChoco21 October 155021 October 155021 October 155021 October 155018July 155215 Sept. 1553??25 Sept. 155920 July 156012 August 155912 October 155524 Sept. 155719June 1562Table 2: Tasas and retasas of Hernando Pizarro'sCusco award.Only agricultUralproducts or activitieshavebeen included in the tables that follow. Eventhe.first tasasreflect new demandson economicresources. They require the production offoodstUffsor manufactured goods, like tiles,charcoal, bridles, and leads for horses, thatclearly were not exactions under the Incas.Someagricultural products, such asmaize,coca,chile peppers,and fruit, have their originsin theAndes. The assessments'of these products,especially coca, should reflect local capacitiesand specializations. Because the sUitabilityofthe land for certain usesremainedconstant, theagricultural assessments may reflect how it wasused in.earlier times. Wheat, a cropintroducedby the Spaniards, often appears in the earlyassessments,and wasconsistentlyassessedwithmaize. Although the two cropshave somewhatdifferent growingzones,the combined amountsassessed may give us an estimate of the arablelands near where the group resided, that couldbe used for the cultivation of tribute crops.AmaybambaCuraca: Juan Mayta..236'!................................................Everymita:200 cestosof coca, half in Cusco, half in Tambo24 'Jsangasof fruit, in Cusco, some to the encomenderoifhe visitSPicchoCuraca: Macuri...................................................................................................Everymita:50 cestosof coca, half in Cusco, half in Tambo15bags of chiles, in CuscoIS 'Jsangasof fruit, in Cusco, some to the encomenderoif he visitSTable 3: Tasas ofPiccho and Amaybamba (1550).The bulk of Hernando Pizarro's Cuscoholdings wasassessedby the commissionon 21October 1550. Piccho and Amaybamba wereassessed in a similar manner and will be dis..cussed together, as will Calea and Ollantay..tambo (see below). Piccho and Amaybambawere to pay in coca and fruit, although thequantity of coca required from Amaybambawasconsiderably largerthan what wasassessedfromPiccho. The quantities of coca are still rela..tively small when compared with what wasrequired from Toayma (Table 8). No specificsabout the size of the cestowere given (but seethe Toayma award, Document 9). The numberof cestosper mita, or harvest, were specified.Coca was picked three times a year, so therequirement can be multiplied by three toproduce an annual figure. The coca wasproba..bly local, because there is no mention of adifferent location for the cocales,or coca fields,as in the case of the assessments of Ollantay~tamboand Calca,in whichthe cocalesofToay..ma were specified. Coca has been grownin thearea above the Chaullay bridge in historic times(Patricia Lyon, personal communication, May1990), and Machu Picchu may be sitUatednearthe upper end of its range. Half the coca as..sessed was to be delivered in CUSCOj the otherhalf in "Tambo", that is, Ollantaytambo. Eachencomienda wasalsoassessedin fruit, measuredin ysangas. What the term meant is unknown.Elsewhere (Document 9), two loads (cargas)

237..Julien:Inca Estateswere assessed, and whatever an ysangawas, itwasprobablyportable. Finally,Picchoprovideda like quantity of chile peppers.No population figureswere givenin the tasadocuments, but from another source we learnthat the visitaofAmaybambaconducted prior tosetting the 1550 tasa included 62 "Indians"(RostWorowskide Diez Canseco 1983..84:73), ameasure we can take as an estimate of house.. .holds headed by adult males. There was nofiguregiven for Piccho, but, ifthe assessmentofAmaybamba relative to the number of house..holds is used as a guide, we could estimate atotal of 16 households for Piccho.AmaybambaCuraca: Juan Cayo Topa..................................................................................................Everymita: .160 cestos of coca, 60 delivered in Cusco, 100 in thetambo of the valley of OllantaytamboPicchoCuraca: Hernando Macori'....................................................................................................Everymita:35 cestosof coca, half delivered in Cusco, half in TamboTable 4: Retasas of Amaybamba (1559) andPiccho(1560).Both encomiendas were assessed again atthe end of the decade. The tribute wasreducedowingto a drop in population documented by avisita conducted by Damian de la Banderaduring the administration ot the Marques deCafiete. A specific reference to this visita isgiven in the Amaybamba document. Both fruitand chile peppers drop offthe listofwhat wastobe provided, and the amount of coca is reducedby about a third, in the case of Piccho, and afifth, in the case of Amaybamba. Again, thecoca appears to be local.CabCuraca: Uasa...............................................................................................Everymita:250cestosofcoca,pickedin Toaymafromtheencomen.dero's fields,maximum of 20 days to be spent in thelowlands, coca to be delivered in Cusco..................................................................................-...........Everyyear:500 fanegas of maize, 400 fanegas (including the wheatand potatoes) delivered in Cusco, the rest in theirlands50 fanegas of wheat25 fanegas of potatoes-OllantaytamboCuraca:Chuqui Naupa...............................................................................................Every mita:75 cestoSofcoca,pickedin Toaymafromtheencomen.dero's fields, maximum of 20 days to be spent in thelowlands, coca to be delivered in Cusco...............................................................................................Every year:200 fanegas of maize, 160 fanegas (including the wheat)delivered in Cusco, the.rest in their lands50 fanegas of wheatTable 5: Tasas of Calca and Ollantaytambo(1550).Like the tasas of Amaybamba and Piccho,the tasasof Calca and OHantaytamboare similarto each other. Both groups were assigned topick coca in Toayma. The number of peoplewho had to go there was unspecifiediby settingthe numberof cestosat 250 (Calca) and 75(Ollantaytambo), we can calculate that thatsame number would have been involved ifeachperson transported a cesto to Cusco, and halfthat, if each transported tWo. Again, the cocaisspecifiedper mitai the amounts deliveredannu..ally would be three times the per mita amount.One notable differencebetWeenthe assessmentsof these two encomiendas and the assessmentsofPiccho and Amaybamba is that allof the cocahad to be delivered ,in Cusco. As will be dis..cussed in the next section, there mayhave beena location in the highlands to which coca washand carried, then loaded on animals for trans..port. If so, the coca assessment embeddedseveral services in it, including travel fromdistant Ollantaytambo and Calca to Toayma.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)A substantial assessment in agriculturalproducts such asmaizeand wheat indicatesthatthe lands of Calca and Ollantaytambo werein asimilar production zone, well above the regionwhere coca, chile peppers, and fruitweregrown.Calca was also assessedin potatoes, indicatingthat the group was in some waybetter situatedfor tuber production than Ollantaytambo. Thetable does not reflect the varietyof servicesandmanufactures exacted from both groups. Theyprovided"fowl, eggs,pigs, and agricultural produceforthe encomendero's owntable in Cusco.Also, they were required to produce tiles nearCusco, to cultivate the encomendero's ownfields in Cusco, to supply guards for theencomendero's livestock, and to provide houseservants, some of whom were to have occupationalspecialities.The Gasca visitaof 1549 records a populationof 608 "Indians" for Calca (Rostworowskide Diez Canseco 1983..84:72). The text of theretasaalso mentions-thisnumber (Document12). No information wasrecordedforOllantay..tambo, but the similarities between the Calcaand Ollantaytambo assessments provide ameans for generating an estimate. Taking theproportion between Calca households and thenumberof cestosof coca picked per mita as aguide, a figure of about 180 households can beestimated for Ollantaytambo. By taking theproportion between Calca households and totalfanegas of maize and wheat harvested, an esti..mate of 240 households can be generated forOllantaytambo...238CalcaCuraca:DiegoAtau Umache.....................................................-.............................-.....-....Every year:1000 pesos of silver of 450 maraveclfs, delivered in Cusco500 fanegas of maize, 350 fanegas delivered in Cuscoand 150 in their lands50 fanegas of wheat, delivered in Cusco25 fanegas of potatoes, delivered in CU5COoUantaytamboCuraca: Francisco Mayo Topa ,..Every mita:50 cestOsof coca, picked in Toayma from the encomendero'sfields,maximum of 20 days to be spent in thelowlands, coca to be delivered in Cusco...................................................................................................Everyyear:100 fanegas of maize. half delivered in Cusco. the restin their lands25 fanegas of wheat, half delivered in Cusco. half intheirlandsTable 6: Retasas of Calca (1559) andOllantaytambo (1555).Ollantaytambo was reassessed before anyother part of Hernando Pizarro's award, andCalca was reassessed before the end of thedeeade. Both documents give fascinating ac..counts of population loss in the UrubambaValley. The drop in Ollantaytambo wasocca..sioned by the rebellion of Francisco HernandezGir6n, by the drafting of retainers called yana..conasfrom the population, and by the nearnessof Ollantaytambo to the Vileabamba state. Therebellion of Hernandez Gir6n had just ended atthe time Ollantaytambowas reassessed. Be..cause the assessment of agricultural produce(maizeand wheat) dropped byhalf and the cocaby a third, we can estimate a reduction in thenumber of those assessed to a total of between90 to 160 households.Calca also suffered population loss, butdifferent reasons were given. The loss wasimputed to the hardships associated with pick..ing coca in Toayma, where the hot climatewasbelieved to be the cause of illness and death.Instead of 608 tributaries, as counted in theGasca visitaof 1549, there were now 542. Forthese reasons, and because the people of Calca

239..Julien:Inca Estateshad not participated in coca production underthe Incas. Their obligation to providecoca wascommuted to silver. Cafiete was known forcommutingobligations to specie, so we cannotassumethat he would not have done preciselythe same thing had he been petitioned byOllantaytambo at the same time. After all, itwas a greater hardship for Ollantaytambo tosend people to Toayma than it was for Calea.The idea that the lowlands were unhealthy forhighlanders, used to justify the curtailment ofcoca production, may also have been morecharacteristic of Cafiete's time than of theeadier period.All of the service in Cusco wasdropped outof the Ollantaytambo tasa in. 1555. It alsodisappearsfrom the Calea rasain 1559.Curaca: Juan Pizano...................................................................................................Everyyear:150fanegasof potatpes, delivered in CuscoTable 7: Tasa ofTomebamba (1552).The next tasa in the series is Tomebamba,located near Anta, west of Cusco (Figure I).This assessment was made by the Audiencia.Tomebambaincluded the townsofMayo,Circa, .andTomebamba, ifweuse the informationfromthe Hernando Pizarro enco~ienda award as asource (Table I), but there are other towns justfollowing that cannot be identified with latergrants. Perhaps the grant referred to as Tome..bambaincludedtheseaswell. Inthe ordenanzasdetambosof 1543, the towns of Hernando andGonzalo Pizarro are jointly listed as: IIJaquija..guana, Anta, Tamboqui, Cenca [Circa], Mayo,Alae, Tomebamba, Equeco and Huarocondo."1414 Vaca de Castro 1908 [1543]:442. coyde estaCiudad del Cuzco el primer Tambo ha de ser enXaquijaguana en el qual han de serbir los Indios delmismo Pueblo y el Pueblo de Anta, y el Tambo de Qui yel de Cenca y el de Mayo y el de Alac y Tomibamba yQuico, y Guarocorgo, que son del repartimiento deHernando Pizarro, y de Gonzalo Pizarro y su hermano.....Arias Maldonado was the next holder ofHernando Pizarro'sCusCoaward. Maldonado'sson Melehor was listed as the encomendero ofPomaguanca and Ancashuasi in 1572 (Miranda1975 [1583]:156).Pomaguanca and Ancashuasimaydesignate the Tomebamba grant, or at leastinclude it. The tributaries of Pomaguanca andAncashuasi were under orders to live in thetowns of Anta, Huarocondo, and Zurite in theearly 1570s,along with the inhabitants of othertowns held then by Beatriz Coya.1SThe assessmentofT omebamba isconsistentwith a high altitude location: only potatoeswereassessed. The Tomebamba people were alsorequired to provide guards for the livestockofthe encomendero~Because servicein Cuscowasnot specified,the suitability of resourcesin theirterritory for grazingcan be inferred.Curacas:Comisaca, Coca, Parinango.....................................................................................-....-......Everyyear:2900 cestosof coca, divided by their mitas, baled anddelivered to the huts located at the chac:ras, exceptthat the encomendero shall contract others to pick2400 of the 2900 cestos,and work the earth aroundthe plants2 loads of fruit each month the-fruit is available,delivered at the location of the encomiendaTable 8: Tasa ofToayma and QuizquintO (1553).Toayma was also assessed by the Audiencia.Three caciques were listed, including onenamed Comisaca. A Francisco Comisala"oftheCafiares" was interviewed in 1571 in YucaybyViceroy Francisco de Toledo (Levillier 1940,volume 2, page 104). The tWonames are similarenough so that the difference might be inter,preted as a transcription error. Comisala wasfrom the "town ofTuayma" and was the son of"a greatcuraca."Whateverthe originsofthe15Miranda 1925[l583}:168. Tumipampa was alsorecorded byJohn Rowe as of one of the ayllusofZutite in1954 Oohn Rowe, personal communication, February4.1993).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)people awarded as Toayma may have been,16they were permanent residents. Their obliga#tion was to pick 500 of the 2,900cestosof cocaowed to the encomendero each year. Theencomendero had to supplythe laborto pick theremaining 2,400. If coca waspickedthree timesper year, the amount harvested each time was966 cestos, the share of the T oayma group wouldbe 166 cestOsand the remainder would be 800.Becausethe encomendero had accessto harvestlabor from Ollantaytambo and Calca sufficientto pick 325 cestoseach harvest,he wouldonlyhave needed the additional labor necessary topick another 475 cestoseach harvest. Thepeople awarded as Toayma were to pick fromboth the "new and the old chacras"and todeliver it to huts in the chacras~Unlike thepeople who came from outside to harvest coca,they were not required to transport it out of thelowlands.. .There is no convenient wayto estimate thenumber of tributaries -in Toayma. Both Calcaand Ollantaytambo were assessed in otherproduc~ and seryicesand alsohad to travel intothe Toayma region and out again,so we cannotestimate the number of people in Toayma on. the basis of what the highlanders picked. Mycalculation is based instead on the manpowerrequired to transport coca awayfrom the low#lands. Ifeach lowland tributarypickedonly onecestoper mita, we might estimate a total of from125 to 166 households. Harvest laborers alsotypically worked the soil around the plants.There were other tasks associatedwith packag#ing coca that the lowlanders may have donebetween harvests, to be discussedbelow, so ourestimates are extremely tentative in this case.Like Amaybamba and Piccho, the Toaymagroup had to supplyfruit. However,the obliga#tion was specified differently. A monthlyamount was to be delivered when fruit was in16There were.probably people of lowland originsserving the Incas in this region as well (Lyon 1981:7;1994:29).season. Again, the point of delivery wasToayma's lowland location and not a place thatwould have required the Toayma people totravel to the highlands.Toayma does not appear in the summaryofthe Toledo tasaor in the lis~g ofcorregimientos,with their various encomiendas, which iscausefor puzzlement, because someone from thisencomienda wasinterviewed byViceroyToledoin 1572, as noted above. Several encomiendasare listed in 1623by Antonio Vazquezde Espi#nosa [1948 [c. 1628]:661; Miranda 1975[1583]:xxxiv), but none of these iseasilyidenti#fiable as part of the Hernando Pizarrogrant.CUTQCaS:Hernando Ata V1luoc, Francisco Curiaca....................................................................................................Everyyear:100 pesosof silverof 450 marayedls each200 fanegas of maize, half delivered in Cusco, half in thetambo ofViasrrreal150 fanegas of wheat, half delivered in Cusco, half inthe tambo ofViasrrreal4 arrobas of chile peppers, delivered in CuscoTable 9: Retasa of Vrcon(1557).Early references to Urcon list it as Urcos,one of three gwups with this name in the dis#trict of Cusco. In later documentation it be#comes Urcon (Miranda 1975 [1583]:184;Vazquez de Espinoza 1948 [1628]:662). Theinitial tasaof this grant was not recorded in thedocuments wehave. A retasawascarried out bythe Marques de Cafiete in 1557, in responsetoanother visita,so it had already been assessed.Cafiete cites population loss due to theHernandez Gir6n rebellion as the reason forlowering the taSa. The agricultural productsassessed included maize, wheat and chile pep#17They are Urcos, where the modem town of thesame name is located, about 30 km to the southeast ofCusco (Miranda 1975 [1583]:159), and Urquillosin theUrubamba Valley, part of the encomienda ofYucay andan estate ofThupa Inca (Villanueva Urceaga 1970a[mid16thcentury]:17, 77~78;Rostworowski de Diez Canseco1993a [l969~70]:269).

241..pers,indicating accessto more than one growingzone.The point of delivery of the agriculturalproduce is problematic, because there is notambo, or road station, of "Viastrreal"in Aban..cay where the Urcon territory waslocated. Inthe 1543ordenanzasde tambos,the people of thetown of "Chuquitambo or Urcos",belonging toHernando Pizarro, had to serve the tambo ofCurahuasi, the tambo just south of Abancay .(Vaca de Castro 1908 [1543]:443..444). Per..haps what is meant is villareal,an urban centersmallerand less important than a city (ciudad).Curacas: [Not named]...................................................................................................Every year:33 pesos of silverlO~ fanegas of maize, delivered in CuscolO~ fanegas of P9tatoes, deliver~d in CuscoTable10: Retasa ofChoco (1562).No initial tasa has been found for Choco.The retasawascarried out bylocalauthorities inCusco who had a copy of the earlier visitabyDamiande la Bandera. At that time there were31tributaries; the number had increasedbytwo.Just why a new tasa was needed is not at allclear. The assessment includes maize andpotatoes,but no wheat. .Articulation and re..articulationThe early tasas are our best and earliestsourcesof information about productive activi..tiesin the former Inca empire. Becausethe firstyearsafter the Spanish arrivalwereeventful, thetasasmust be carefully interpreted. HernandoPizarro'saward waslargeand diverse. Within itwere estates developed by the Incas, two size..ablelocal groupsin the Urubamba Valley,othergroupsin the highlands north of Cusco, and anindustrial..level coca project in Paucartambo.Becauseit was part of what had been reservedby Manco Inca, I hypothesize that HernandoPizarrogot a piece of what wasmost essential toJulien: Inca Estatesthe dynasty itself. Because it was a largegrant,there is at least a chance that any articulationbetween its diverse parts waspreserved, despitetransfer to a Spanish encomendero. I havenoted points of articulation in the tasas,but dothey reflect Inca practice, or have the parts beenrearticulated in response to the changed situa..tion?First of all, the awards themselvesilluminateaspects of an Inca articulation. Although Fran..cisco Pizarro transferred to himself the Yucayestate ofHuayna Capac in a singlegrant,18whathe gave Hernando incorporated the holdingsofmore than one panaca. What we know aboutthe composition of Amaybamba provides uswith some insight into the local organizationofInca properties. Maria Rostworowskipublishedseveral documents generated by a lawsuitoverlands in Amaybamb.a ~at contain valuableinformation about Inca estates there. Testi..mony taken in the 1570sidentified the archaeo..logical site of Guaman Marca and the maizelands associated with it as having belonged toPachacuti. The lower Amaybamba Valley,where coca and the Andean tuber yuca weregrown,wassettled by a.largegroupof mitimasimported from Chachapoyas and other lowland.areas. These mitimasserved Thupa Inca, MamaOcllo, and the Sun (Rostworowski de DiezCanseco, 1993b [1963]:148..149). The lowervalley, then, was developed at a different timeand for a different purpose than the uppervalley. Perhaps the mitimasof the lower valleyproduced the coca required by the tasawhilethepeople of Guaman Marca were responsibleforthe fruit. Despite the diversity evident in theproductive organization of Amaybamba, thevalley was awarded to Hernando Pizarro byreference to a single curaca:Xuaxca (Table 1).Different curacaswere named in the tasaof 1550~ .Gonzalo Pizarro's award also appears to haveincorporated diverse entities, including an Inca estate,Quipa, that had belonged to Thupa Inca (RostWorowskide Diez Canseco 1993a [1969..70):269). Quipa andPucara are ayUusof Pucara in Puno (Villanueva Urteaga1982:90).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)and the Tetasaof 1559, but again, only oneperson wasnamed. There wasa levelof authorityabove the individual estate.Less is known about the other UrubambaValley groups in Hernando Pizarro's award.Both Ollantaytambo and Picchowereconveyedthrough reference to a singlecuraca,although inthe case of Ollantaytambo we can identifyholdings of Pachacuti, Thupa Inca, MamaOcllo, and a groupidentifiedas"Chinchasuyos".Pachacuti had an estate at OllantaytamboVillanueva Urteaga 1970b [1567]:160;Rostworowski1970:159, 253, 258-259; Protzen 1993:19,27). The Chinchasuyoshad lands at Tancar(Rowe1990:151). Thupa Inca andMamaOcllohad lands in Piscobamba, between Ollantaytamboand Torontoy (Figure 1)(Glavey Remy1983:7;Rowe 1990:141, 151). BelowTorontoywerelands that belonged to Pachacuti that werepart ofPiccho (Rowe 1990:142, 151-153). &in the case of Amaybamba, the tasaprovidesnoindication of the diversity of Inca holdingsembedded in the Ollantaytambo grant.Ollantaytambo was also the homeland of apeople who were there before and, presumably,after the Inca conquest. That the grant couldbe awarded through reference to asinglecuraca,indicates that there wasa levelofauthority thatspanned different organizationalforms.Calca presents a similarsituation. An estatebelonging to Huascar has been identified in themodem town of Calca (Niles 1988:62-64;Mun1a 1986 [1615], book I, chapter 46, page163). The Calca entry of Hernando Pizarro'saward, if our identification is correct, includesthe town of Calca and twelve others (Table 1).Calca was also the homeland of a people whoinhabited the region before the Inca conquest.The tasa details an assessment very similar tothat of Ollantaytambo, and once again,the tasadoes not appear to recognize local diversity.Again, as well, there was a level of authoritythat articulated local organization.Whether Urcen or Tomebamba were relevantin some way to the Urubamba holdings of- 242Hernando Pizarrois not at all clear. What maybe the case is that links between the caciqueAtapoma of Urcon and the Tomebamba areawere the reason both groups were awarded toHernando Pizarro.Other, external links between the variousparts of Hernan do Pizarro'sawardare evidentinthe documentation. Several of the groupsawarded were involved in coca production, andbecause this product could be commercialized,it made economic sense to preserve a functioningproductive system. Coca is the focusof ouranalysisbecause coca wasofgreat interest to theSpaniards. Other lowland products from theUrubamba region, such as resins, chontawood,honey, feathers, medicinal plants, animal fats,live animals, dyes,vanilla, and cacao that havebeen brought to highland trade fairs in historictimes (Gade 1979:274)were notrequired in thetasa,though they maywellhave been of interestto the Incas.19Labor to pick coca in Paucartambo wasarranged by assigning two of Hernando'sUrubamba Valley groups to travel there to pickit. Did this arrangement duplicate earlier linksbetween productive units? This question willbedifficult to answer. What we can do to frameitmore productively isto examine the articulationof resources evident in the tasa in light of whatweknow about Inca coca production elsewhere.Furthermore, there are differences in the contextand scale of coca production withinHernando Pizarro's award that we should notforget. The small amount of coca produced in19The tasamay not reflect what the Incas receivedfrom the lowlands. For Chupachos, where we knowsomething about the Inca assessment, the lowlandsprovided feathers, wood, dyes, chile peppers, honey andcoca. In 1549, they were giving honey, coca, chilepeppers, and wax to their encomendero. The earliesttasaavailable, a retasa of 1552, includes coca, fruit honey,wood,and wax (Ortfzde Z6fiiga1967-1972 [16thcentury]1:306-307,314). The differencebetWeenthe Chupachosand Cusco assessmentsmaysimplybe due to the nearnessof a major market for coca in Cusco.

243..Piccho for Pachacuti contrasts with the muchlarger quantity produced by the mitimasof thelowerAmaybamba Valley for Thupa Inca. Thelatter is dwarfedby the industrial..levelproduc..tion ofT oayma.Such differences in scale and historicalcircumstances do not overrride a number offeatures common to the organization of cocaproduction, however. One colonialadministra..tor, Juan de Matienzo, a judge of the Charcasaudiencia,described coca production in Cuscoand Charcas, in 1567. He noted that particularcoca fieldshad been worked for the Incas, andthat the curacashad their own fieldsthat wereworked at the same time. Specializedlaborersknown as camayos lived perm.anently in thelowlands where coca was grown, guarding thefields,making the mats needed for dryingcoca,and packing coca for transport The positionwas hereditary; when a camayodied, someonefromhis group oforiginwasrecruited to take hisplace (Matienzo,1967 [1567]: chapter 46, page170; chapter 50, pages 177..178; Rowe1982:102..105; Lyon 1995:171; Julien1998a:131..133). A second category of laborwasthe mitayo. Mitayoscame at harvest timeand picked coca. It had to be dried, thenpacked for transport. The mitayoscultivatedthe soil around the plants and then providedtransport for the coca to a delivery.point in thehighlands where it was loaded onto animals(Matienzo 1967 [1567]: chapter 45, page 167).Coca, like other agricultural commodities,hadseasonal labor requirements. The labor forceswelledat harvest time.The regime Matienzo describes, includingthe recruitment of camayosand mitayosfrom ahighlandprovince, wasintact and functioninginthe Pocona region in eastern Bolivia in thedecades following the Spanish arrival in theAndes Oulien 1998a). At Pocona, industrialquantities of coca were produced. There hadbeen attacks from lowland Indians, some sub..stantial drops in the level of production hadoccurred, and private holdings had developedalongside the chacrasthat had been worked forJulien: Inca Estatesthe Incas and the curacdssince before the Span..ish arrival, but the strUcture of Inca productionsurvived alongside these developments. Theproductive organization at Pocona was clearlywhat Matienzo described, but it was more. Itwasembedded in a much larger Inca reorganiza..tion of the region that involved the productionof industrial quantities of maize in the nearby. Cochabamba Valley and provision for defenseon the eastern frontier. The reorganization. developed in a particular constellation ofhistor..ical circumstances: Thupa Inca initiated Incainvolvement in th~ Cochabamba/Pocona regionand appears to have created the defensiveinfrastructure necessary to guarantee the secu..rity of these Inca projects; Huayna Capacgreatly expanded maize production at Cocha..bamba (Morales 1977 [1556]; Wachtel 1982).When the Spaniards came, the maize and cocaprojects were producing industrial quantities ofboth. Pocona was staffed by camayos whoresided in the lowlands and mitayoswho cameseasonally from the adjacent highlands, whowere themselves mitimas from distant parts,including the Cusco region Oulien, 1998a).Cochabamba wasstaffedbycamayosandmitayosdrafted from the larger Coliasuyoregion (Villa..rias and Marin 1998). Some 6f the maize,atleast, appears to have been used to supportpeople from those same regiQns stationed byHuayna Capac at the frontier near Tarabuco.20Developing a similar historical perspectiveon the Inca reorganization of productive re..sources in the Cusco region willnot be easy,butthere are some clues to followin the documents.We know that Huayna Capac's holdings inYucay were linked to coca production at Tonoand Avisca in the Paucartambo region. Incaproduction in Paucartambo may have been20The list of mitimas in the encomienda ofTarabucopractically duplicates the organization of the chacraofColchacollo in Cochabamba (Del &0 and Presta1984:232. Huayna Capac was also responsiblefororganizingthe frontierto protect againstincursionsfromthe east Qulien1995:107-113).

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)initiated prior to his rule, but Spanish historicalnarratives based on Inca sources associateThupa Inca with the military conquest of thisregion, just before or after the time of his fa,ther's death (Sarmiento 1906 [1572], chapter49, pages. 95,96; Cabello Valboa 1951 [1551],paragraph 3, chapter 18, pages 334,336). Thepresence of Canares in Toayma mayalso be anindication that the Toayma coca project was alate development. There were Canares inAmaybamba, associated with estates belongingto Thupa Inca, so the importation of peoplefrom.Ecuador to staff projects in the easternlowlandsof Cusco wasunderwayduringhisrule.The sameSpanish narratives associatethe lowerUrubamba Valley, including Ollantaytambo,Vitcos, and Vileabamba with Pachacuti (Cabe,lloValboa 1951 [1551],part 3, chapter 14,page300).. Before Pachacuti ventured out of theCusco region to attack the Soras and the LakeTititicaca region, he campaigned in the Uru,bamba Valley (Lyon 1981:4). In Ollantay,tambo, Piccho, a~d Amaybamba,we find prop'erties associated with-him. Fromthe earlytasas,the holdings of this Inca in Piccho and Amay,bamba produced coca on a much smaller scalethan iIi ToayIria or even in the lower Amay,bamba Valley where a large colony of mitimasproduced on a much larger scale.The difference in levels of production be,tween the properties of Pachacuti and those ofhis descendants may be more apparent thanreal, because we have no idea how the Incasorganized the VitcosNileabamba region, or thelower Urubamba Valley, near Quillabamba(Figure 1). From the time Hernando Pizarroreceived his award, the territory beyond theChaullay bridge was part of the Vileabambastate, as noted above. If there had been an Incaproject on the lower Urubamba, it might havedrawn harvest labor from Ollantaytambo orCalca, that waslater diverted bythe first tasastoharvest coca in Toayma. In the retasaof Caleaof 1559 the point wasstronglymade that thesepeople had not been sent to harvest coca inToaymabythe Incas (Document 12). AlthoughInca organization had recruited both camayosand mitayosfrom the same province of origin,asin Pocona and Cochabamba, it waspossibleforthe Spaniards to treat these geographicallyseparate and functionally distinct units as inde,pendent units, awarding and assessing thelowland camayosas a separate entity from thehighland groups and redeploying the mitayoselsewhere. One feature of the Cusco organiza,tion suggests another possibility,however. Theuse of Canares and Chachapoyas as camayosinToayma and on the lower Amaybamba is an..indication that some camayos were resettledfrom these northern provinces, perhaps becausethey were better adapted to work in the easternlowlands.- The integration oflowland people into cocaproduction under the Incas is also a feature ofthe Sonqo region, located in the yungaseast ofLa Paz. By the names of the Sonqo cultivators,and by the individualized subsistence holdingsthey held in the region where coca wasgrown,we can identify their lowland origins.Althoughthe Sonqo documentation is relatively late(1567, 1570) and the reorganization of theencomienda in 1549 indicates a disarticulationof the mitayo,camayoregime established bytheIncas, the organization of coca producdon inSonqo is similar to the organization of Toaymaand the lower Amaybamba Valley, in thatlowland people fulfilled the camayorole.21In both Sonqo and Pocona there is evidencefor a customary delivery point for coca some,where in the highlands where it wastransferredto animals for further transport Qulien 1998a:page 139, note 13, and page 150). Althoughhow it was transported is not known, half thecoca required fromAmaybamba and Picchowasto be delivered to Ollantaytambo (Documents4 and 5). The people sent to pick the coca fromCalea and Ollantaytambo had to deliver it toCusco. There is an indication in the 1558coca. 21Murra (1991b [1567, 1570J). The reorganizationof the encomienda isdescribed in Julien (1998a,:note20,pp.144-145).

245 ~.ordinances of the Marques de Canete that thegroupswho h~rvested coca in the Paucartamboregion had a transfer point near Paucartamboitself (Figure 1). There, there were to be store~housesof maize to supply them with what theywould need while they were in the lowlands(Murra 1991a:572).No mention is made in theordinancesabout how the cocawastransported,but it is likely that these stations in the Paucar~tamboValleywere transferpoints where.thecargowas loaded onto animals.In theend,the tasasare imperfectindicatorsof past practice, even where, as in the case ofcoca, the organization of production was in~natelyAndean. Still,the colonialformsevolved,in largepart, from prexistingAndean ones. ThebundleofInca holdingstransferredbyFranciscoPizarroto himself and his brothers through themechanismof the encomienda includedsomeofthe most important assets of the Inca dynasty.The development of these properties was anessentialpart ofthe developmentofCusco itself.Close attention to the various parts and their. rearticulation in the early years of SpanishCusco may yet provide an image of the Incaarticulation.AcknowledgementsThe present study is a by~product of re~search on the Inca frontier conducted in Spa:n~ish archives and grewout of an interest in cocaproduction in Pocona (see Julien 1998a). Theauthor wishes to thank the staffof the ArchivoGeneral de Indias in Seville for their assistancein the archives and also the DeutscheForschungs~Gemeinschaftforfinancialsupport.Conversations with both Rafael Var6n Gabaiand Ana Marra Presta have greatlyaffected myunderstanding of the pizarros'activitiesin Peru,and I acknowledge my debt to them. Severalpeople read and commented on the manuscript,including Susan Niles, John Rowe., PatriciaLyon, and an anonymous reviewerfor AndeanPast. A thorough revision of the paper resulted,and I am truly grateful to have had such usefulcommentary.References CitedDocumentstranscribedin appendixJulien: Inca EstatesAGI (Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain),Charcas 56Consulta en que el presidente de La Plata hazerrela~ion de los serui~iosy calidad de don FernandoAyra Arriutu, 1630.AGI, Justicia 406, numero 6El comendador Hernando Pizarro detenido en lamota y fortaleza de Medina del Campo sobre elcumplimiento de una Real Qdula, 1564.AGI, Justicia 449, numero 1Elfiscal con los hijos herederos del capitan Pedro.Anasco sobre la situacion que este tubo en elrepartimiento de yndios de Calca, 1577.AGI, Patronato 90B, numero I, ramo 43Tasas de las encomiendas de Hernando y FranciscaPizarro, 1550.AGI, Patronato 188,ramo 20Informaci6n de c6mo el repartimiento que, ent~rminos de la ciudad del Cuzco era de HernandoPizarro y despu~ se encomend6 a Arias Maldonado,no estaba en la Corona Real cuando se encomend6,ni mandado para ello, 1561.PublicationsAnonymous1954 [1596] La memoria de los pueblos que hay dentrode las diez leguas de la jurisdicci6n de la ciudaddel Cuzco. Retlista del ArchitlOHistOricodelCuzco5:98-99.Berlanga, Tom~s1868 [1535]Pesquisahecha en Lima por el ObispodeTierra Firme, llamada Castilla del Oro, D. Fr.Tom~ de Berlanga, sobre la conducta de FranciscoPi~arro, Alonso Riquelme, AntonioNavarro, gobernador, tesorero, y contador de laReal Hacienda en aquel Reino. Colecci6ndedocumentos inediws, reIautIOs al descubrimiento.conquista':Jorganizaci6ndeIasantiguasposesionesespanoIasdeAmerica':JOceania.sacadosdelosarchitlOsdelreino':Jmu':Jespecialmente deldeIndias,edited by Luis Torres de Mendoza, volume 9,pp. 237-332. Madrid: Imprenta de Friasy Ca.Cabello Valboa, Miguel1951 [1586]MiscelaneaAntdrtica: UnahistoriadelPemantigua.Lima:UniversidadNacionalMayordeSan Marcos, Facultad de Letras, InstitUto deEtnolog{a.Cobo, Bernabe1890-95[1653] Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Seville:Sociedad de Bibli6filos Andaluces, 4 volumes.

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247..Julien: Inca EstatesMurra,John Victor1991a Introducci6n al estudio mst6rico del cultivo delahojade coca[Erythrox:ylon coca]enlosAndes.Visita de Ios valles de Sonqo, edited by John VictorMurra, pp. 565-581. Madrid: Instituto deCooperaci6n Iberoamericana.1991b Visita de Ios valles de Sonqo en Ios yunka de coca deLa P~ [1568-1570}. Madrid: Instituto deCooperaci6n .lberoamericana, Quinto Centenario,Instituto de EstUdiosFiscales.Murua, Martin de1986 [1515] Historiageneraldel PerU. Cr6nicasdeAm~rica 35. Madrid: Historia 16.. Niles,Susan Allee1988 Lookingfor "Lost"Inca Palaces. Expedition30(3}:56-64. Philadelphia: The UniversityMuseum, University of Pennsylvania.1992 The Provinces in the Heartland: Stylistic Variationand Architectural Innovation near IncaCuzco. Provincial Inca: Archaeological andEthnohistorical Assessment of the Impact of theInca State, edited by Michael A. Malpass, pp.145-176. Iowa City: University ofIowa Press.1999 TheShapeof IncaHistory:Narrativeand.Architec-Lurein an Andean Empire. IowaCity:Universityof Iowa Press.Ortiz de Zufiiga,liugo .1967-72 [16cbcentury] Visita ~e la provinciade te6n deHu~uco en 1562. Documemosparalahistoria.,etnOlogfade-Hudnuco., laselvacentral,edited byJohn V. Mutta, volume 1. Hu~uco, Peru:UniversidadNacional HermilioValdizan,Facultadde Letras y Educaci6n.Parssinen, Martti1992 Tawantinsu.,u;The Inca State.andits PoliticalOrgankation. Helsinki: Societas HistoricaFinlandiae, Studia Historica 43.Prouen, Jean-Pierre1993 IncaArchitectureand ConstructiOnat Ollanta.,-tambo. New York: Oxford University Press.RamosGavilan, Alonso1988 [1621] HistoriadelsantuariodeNuestraSenoradeCopacqbana, edited by Ignacio Prado Pastor.Lima: Ignacio Prado Pastor.Regaladode Hurtado, Liliana, editor1992 Instrucci6nallicenciadodonLopeGardadeCastro[1570]. Lima: PontiDcia Universidad Cat6licadel Peru, Fondo Editorial.Rostworowskide Diez Canseco, Mana1970 EI repartimientode dofia BeatrizCoya, en elvallede Yucay.Historia.,Cultura4:153-268.(Lima).1983-84 La tasa ordenada por el Licenciado Pedro de laGasca. RevistaHistOrica34:53-102. (Lima).1993a [1969-70] Los Ayarmaca. Ensa.,Qsde historiaandina: elites, etnfas, recuTSOS, pages 241-290.Lima: InstitUto de EstUdios Peruanos.1993b1993c1993d[1963JDosmanuscritosin~ditoscondatossobreManco II, tierras personales de los Incas y miti-.maes. Ensayosde historiaandina:elites,etn!as,recursos,pp. 147-170.Lima:InstitUtode EsrudiosPeruanos.[1962] Nuevos datos sobre tenencia de tierrasrealesen el Incario. Ensayosdehistoriaandina:elites,etnfas,recursos,pp. 105-146. Lima: Institutode Estudios Peruanos.[1990J La visita de Urcos de 1572,un kipupueblerino. Ensayos de historia andina: elites,etnfas,recursos, pages 363-383. Lima: InstitUtode Estudios Peruanos.Rowe, John Howland1979 An Account of the Shrines of Ancient Cuzco.Nawpa Pacha 17:1-80. Berkeley, California:Institute of Andean StUdies.1982 Inca Policies and Institutions Relating to CulturalUnification. In TheIncaandA:ztecStates,1400-1800:AnthropologyandHistory,editedbyGeorge A. Collier, Renato I. Rosaldo, and JohnD. Wirth, pp. 93-118. New York: AcademicPress.1990 Machu Picchu a la luz de documentos de sigloXVI. Hist6rica14(1}:139-154. (Lima).. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro1906 [1572] Geschichtedes Inkareichesvon PedroSarmiento de Gamboa, edited by RichardPietSChmann. Abhandlungender KDniglichenGesellschaftder Wissenschaftenzu Gottingen,Philologisch-Historische Klasse,new series6(4).(Berlin) .Vaca de Castro, Crist6bal1908 Ordenanzasde tambos, distanciasde unos aotros, modode cargal:losindiosyobligacionesde!as justicias respectivas hechas en la ciudad delCuzcoen 31de Mayode 1543.&vista HistOrica3:427-492.(Lima).Var6n Gabai, Rafael1997 FranciscoPkarroandhisBrothers;The IUusionofPowerin Sixteenth-CenturyPeru.Norman:Universityof Oklahoma Press.V'zquez de Espinosa,Antonio1948 [c. 1628] Compendio., descripci6nde!asindiasoccidentaks,edited by Charles Upson Clark.Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 108.Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institution.Villanueva Urteala, Horacio1970a [mid 16 century} Documentos sobre YucayenelsigloXVI. RevistadelArchivodelCuzco13:1-148. Universidad Nacional de San AntonioAbad del Cuzco.1970b Informaci6n ad perpetuam dada en 13 de enerode 1567 ante la Real Justicia de la Ciudad delCuzco, Reyno del Peru a pedimiento de la MuyIlustre Sefiora Mana Manrique Coya, vecina dela dicha ciudad. Revista del Archivo del Cuzco13:149-184.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..2481982 c.,~ 1689, economfa:y sociedaden el sur andino.Cusco: Centro de Estudios Ruraies AndinosBartolom~ de las Casas.Villarias Robles, JuanJos~ and Itala de Malin1998 EI encomendero Polo de Ondegardo y los miti~maes del valle de Cochabamba: los interrogatorioscontra 105 indios de Paria y T apacan.Anuario de Estudios Americanos 55(2):631-651.Wachtel, Nathan1982 The mitimas of the Cochabamba Valley: Thecolonization policy of Huayna Capac in The Incaand Attec States, 1400-1800; Anthropology andhistory, edited by George A. Collier, Renata I.Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, pp. 199.235. NewYork: Academic Press, New York..'. .,o&SOhn.Zudte..AnIaFigure 1. Sites mentioned in the text..

249.. Julien:I~ EstatesDocumentary AppendixThe first three entries are transcriptions of the encomienda award of Hernando Pizarro.The awardis transcribed in its entirety the first time; subsequently, only the Cusco portion is transcribed. Toconserve space, where legal clauses or notarizations are repeated, references to the full text areinsertedin squarebrackets. Letters,words,or passagesmissingor illegiblein the original documentsare indicated by three dots [.. .].1. A.G.I., Justicia 406, numero 6. El comendador Hernando Pizarro detenido en la mota yfortalezade Medina del Campo sobre el cumplimiento de una real cedula. . ., 1564. TitUlodeencomienda de Francisco Pizarroa Hernando Pizarro, Cuzco, 27 abril1539, pieza 6, ff. 51..54.EImarques don Francisco Pi~arro,adelantado e capitan general e gouernador por Su Magestaden estos rreynos de la Nueua Castillallamada Piru e del su consejo, considerando que uos, elcapitan Hernando Pi~arro, aueysseruido a Su Magestad en la pa~ifica~iondestos rreynos, asi enla toma de Tabalipa, senor destos dichos rreynos, que fue prin~ipal cabsa para questos rreynosfuesen [f. 51v] subjetos, e para que Su Magestad fuese seruido en la tierra como 10a sydo con losthesoros que se an llevado destos dichos rreynos;y en ello hezistes a Su Magestad senaladosserui~ios,poniendo vuestra pers.onasienpre en las cosas de peligro, e como cauallero zelossodelserui~iode Su Magestad despuesfuistes a los rreynos'de Espana a hazer a Su Magestad rrelacionde IaScosas acaes~ederasen Ia dicha conquista e toma de AtauaIipa, e por su rreaI mandadovoluistesa estos rreynos e ~os hallastes en la ~iudaddel Cuzco en mi luga.rpor capitan del en el~ercoe leuantamiento del Yngaadonde, por vuestra yndustria e trauajo, el dicho Ynga des~ercoIa dicha ~ivdad con la mucha guerra que a los enemigos hezistes, en 10qual servistes tan bien quecon la defensa que l~shezistesse sostubieron todos estos rreynos y los yndios fueron ven~idosedesvaratados e la tierra puesta e rredus~idaen el seruicio de Su Magestadj e porques bien que SuMagestad como catolico prin~ipeos rremunere de tan senalados servi~iosconos~iendo querrestituystes la tierra, sosteniendo en esta ~ivdadcomo la sustubi~tescon tanto rriesgo [f.52] eventura con rriesgo despanoles, [v]porque otros se animen de servir como v.osaveysservido ennonbre de Su Magestad, vos encomiendo.En la provin~ia de Chinchasuyoel ca~ique Curiata senor de el pueblo Mayo e Sierra e Tomebanba con todos sus yndios eprin~ipalesa ellos subjetosy el pueblo de Vrco de ques ca~iqueCurimae otro pueblo de ques ca~iqueAtapoma con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a ellos subjetoscon los que dellos sub~ediereny del ca~ique de Tanbo con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a el subjetosy el pueblo de Chauca de ques ca~ique Titoy el valle Comaybanba y elca~ique Xuaxca con todos 105yndios e prin~ipales e mitimaes deldicho valle e a el subjetosy el valle de Pisco con Iosca~iquesGuaxani e Choyarcoma con los a el subjetosy el pueblo de Biticos con todos sus yndiosy el valle de Bilcabanva con todos susyndioSjy en la provincia de Condesuyoel pueblo Chuco y el ca~iqueAtao y el ca~ique Huyoa y el ca~ique Axama;

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..250y en la prouin~ia de los Canasel ca~ique Guanco y el ca~iqueTinta con todos susyndios e principales a ellos subjetos;y en la provin~iade Condesuyo .el pueblo de Calla y el senor de Ymamanchacae otro pueblo que se llama Pacamarca [f.52v] y el principal Manchoy otto pueblo Pacallatae otto Tauapaca y el prin~ipalCayasisy otto Guayacare y el prin~ipalse llama Alloay otto pueblo que se llama Chamancoe otto Pabcarpare y el.sefiorPuiloy otro Pacomucho y el prin!;ipalManchoy el pueblo Cary el prin~ipalAtapomae otto que se llama Curuana ques prin~ipaldel Tamara y el prin~ipal del Tamara y elprin~ipaly el principal[sic]Pishomagocon todossusyndiosy otto pueblo que se llama Chanpallata y el principal Cuxi con todos sus yndios. y otto puebloQuichay el prin!;ipalRumaAytay el pueblo Candio y Parcojyen 105y[u]ngasel valle de Toayma con todos sus ca!;iquese yndios e pueblos e prin!;ipalese mitimaes a. ellossubjetos; .e ottosy os encomiendoel ca~ique Atapoma senor del pueblo Vrcomarcay otto de ques 'prin~ipalChuquinga que tiene dos poblezuelosy otto que se llama Tanboquin el principal Puingachumavel pueblo Choro y el prin~ipalMaranga con otto poblezuelo con todos sus yndiose otto poblezuelo que se llamaYquico y el prin~ipal Abiacaxay oti'o Pansipatey otto Acoytay otro que se llama Xuybitay el ca~ique Ynes..[f.53] nachey otto que se llama Chilbanbaca y el prin~ipalPubillasyllay otto que se llama Buchungay el prin!;ipalGuamany otro que se llama Tasmaroy el prin~ipal Caruavenay otto Pomacollo y el prin~ipalParmabatey otto que se llama Chuquicarando e donde tiene su casa Atapoma con todos 105yndios eprin~ipales a el subjetos;y en la prouin~ia de 105Charcas, en Consara e Hurinsayael ca~ique de Chuquiguaytoy el ca~ique Yucuray el ca!;iqueAyrachay el ca~ique Aoxiy el ca~ique Canchey el ca~ique Banbaconiy el ca~ique Toco con todos 105yndios y prin!;ipalesa ellos subjetosj

251.. Julien: Inca Estatesy mas,la provin!jia de los Chichas:en Vrinsayay el ca~iqueVinchucay el ca!jiqueChaporay el ca!jiqueCondoriy el ca~que Talauay el ca~ique Hallapa;y en Anansuyoel ca~ique Chuchulla Comasay el ca~ique Sindaray el ca~iqueYelmay el ca~ique Tucaxay el prin~ipal Caritima de Cal .. .y el prin~ipal Arucapaxa mitima de Ocollay el prin~ipal Comana Cache mitima [f.53v] de Canchey el prin!jipalCondon Cana mitima de Pisquellatay el prin~ipalMalo.mitina[sicmitima] de Carangay el prin~pal Chico mitima de Qriillacay el prin~ipal Caguiaca Pariguanamitma y de Condesuyoy el prin!jfpalChuara mitima de Coleadany el prin~ipalAncachicha mitima del Cuzcoy el prin~ipal Tirraenrrava mitima de Tanbo. y el prin~ipal Tascaga mitima de Suca con todos susyndios prin~ipales a ellos subjetos.Con tanto que dexeys el ca~iqueprin~ipale sus mugeres e hijos de 105otros yndios para susservi~ioscomo Su Magestad manda, e que, aviendo rreligiososque dotrinen los dichos yndios,105traigaysante ellos para que sean ynstruydos en las cosas de nuestta rreligion cristiana, de losquales dichos yndios os aveysde servir, conforme a los mandamientos rreales e con tantoquestaysobligado a los dotrinar y enseiiar en l~ cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica, y les hazeistodo buen tratamiento como Su Magestad manda, e sy ansy no 10hizieredes cargue sobre vuestracon~ien~iae no sobre la de Su Magestad ni mia que en su rreal nonbre vo~105encomiendoj e sines~esarioes, desde agora vos pongoy e por puesto en la posesion de los dichos yndios.Fecho en la

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) - 252y el ca~ique de Tanbo con todos susyndios e pren~ipalesa el subjetosy el pueblo de Chauca de ques ca~iqueTitoy el ualle Amaybamba y el ca~iqueXuaxca con todos los yndios e prin~ipales e mitimaesdel dichovallea el subjetos .y el valle de Pisco con los ca~iquesGuaxane e Choyorama con 10a el subjetoy el pueblo de Biticos con todos susyndiosy el valle de Bilcabambacon todos sus yndiosjy en la prouin~ia de Condesuyoel pueblo de Chuco y el ca~iqueAtao y el ca~ique Huyoa y el ca~ique Apomajy en la prouin~ia de los Canasel ca~ique Guanco y el ca~iqueTinta con todos sus yndios e pren~ipales a ellos subjetos;y en la prouin~ia de Andesuyoel pueblo de Calca y el senor del Ymamananchacae otto pueblo que se llama Pacamarca [f.3] y el pren~ipal Manchoy otto pueblo Pacallatay otto Tabapaca y el pren~ipalse llama Halloay otto pueblo que se llama Puchimancoe otto Pascarpata y elsenor Puebloe otto Pacomucho y el pren~ipalManchoy el pueblo Cua y el pren~ipalAtapomae otto que se llama Curuana ques pren~ipal Detarama y el prin~ipal Destamara y el pren~ipalPichomango con todos susyndiosy otto pueblo Quicha y el pren~ipalRuana Aytay el pueblo Candia y Parcoy con 105yungas del balle de Toayma con todos sus ca~iques e yndios e pueblos e pren~ipalese mitimaes a ellos subjetos;e ottosi encomiendo el ca~iqueAtapoma senor del pueblo Hurcomarcay otto de que es pren~ipal Chuquinga que tiene dos pueblesuelose otto que se llama Tanboqui y el pren~ipal Opungahumay el pueblo Horo y el pren~ipalMaringa con otto pueblesuelo con todas sus yndiose otro pueblesuelo que se llamaYquico y el pren~ipal Abeacapiy otto Pan~ipatiy otro Acoytay otto que se llama Poybitay el ca~iqueYnelnachey otto que se llama Chilbanbaca y el pren~ipal Pucullasillay otto que se llama Vichunga y el pren~ipal Guaman [f.3v]y otto que se llama Talmaro y el pren~ipal Canauenay otto Pomacollo y el pren~ipalParmauatiy otro que se llama Chuquicarando e donde tiene su casa Atapoma con todos los yndios epren~ipales a el subjetos.

253.. Julien: Inca Estates3. A.G.L,Justicia 449, numero 1. Marla de Contteras con el fiscal.Cedula de encomienda deFranciscoPizarro, Cuzco, 26 abril1539, pieza 2, ff.53..55v.Enla~oum~iadeChmchasu~el ca~que Curiara el senor del pueblo de Mayo y Sierra e Tomebanba con todos susyndios e prin~ipalesa ellos subjetosy el pueblo de Vro de ques ca~ique Carimae otto pueblode ...ca~iqueAtopoma con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a ellos subjetoscon losque dellossubcediere .y del ca~ique de Tanbo con tOOossusyndios y prin~ipalesa el subjetosy el pueblo de Chauca de ques ca~iqueTitoy el valle de Camaybambay el ca~iqueXauxca con tOOoslos yndios y prin~ipalesy. mitimaesdel dichovallea el subjetosy el valle de Pisco con losca~iquesGuaxam e Choyarcoman e con los a el subjetosy el pueblo de Viticos con tOOo susyndiosy el valle de Bilcabanbacon todos sus )rndiosjyen la proum~ia de Condesuyoel pueblo Huro y el ca~iqueAtas y el ca~ique Ahuyoa y el ca~ique Axamajy en la proum~ia de 105Canasel ca~ique Gumo y el ca~que Tima con todos sus yndios y prin~palesa ellos subjetos;yen la proum~ia de Condesuyoel pueblo de Calla y el senor del Ymammchacae otto pueblo que se llamaPacamarca y el prin~ipal Munchoe otto pueblo Pacallatae otto Lammanpacay el prm~ipalAlcayasisy otto Guayacaro y el prm~ipalse llama Alloae otto pueblo que se llama Amunoe otto Pascarpare y el senor Pueloe otto Pacomucho y el prm~ipalMunchoy el pueblo Carl el prln~ipalAtapomae otto que se llama Curbana ques prm~ipalDeplinara y el prin~ipal Destomata y elprin~ipal Pichomagocon tOOo sus yndiose otto pueblo que se llamaChaupallata y el prin~ipal Cuxi con todos sus yndiosy otto pueblo Guacha y el prin~ipalRumacillay el pueblo Candio y Paroyen los y[u]ngasel valle de Tonima con tOOosus ca~iquese yndios y pueblos y prin~pales y mitimas aellos subjetosjy ottosyosencomiendo .el ca~ique Atapoma senor del pueblo Vrcomarca de ques prin~ipal Chuqumga que tienedos poble~uelosottp que se llama Tanboqum el prin~ipalPimguarhumay el pueblo Horo y el prin~ipalMarmga con otros poble~ueloscon todos sus yndios

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) - 254e otto poble~uelocon todossus yndiose otto poble!;ueloque se llamaYquero y el prin~ipalAuiacaxay otto Pansipatee otto Acoitay otto que se llama Xuiviray el ca~iqueYneenachey otto que se llama Chilbanbacay el prin!;ipalPunillasillay otto que se llama Binchingay el prin~ipalGuamany otto que se llama Tasmaro y el prin!;ipalCaruabenay otro PomacoUoy el prin~ipalParmavatey otto que se llama Chuquierrando y donde tiene su cassa Atapoma con todos los yndiosyprin!;ipalesa el subjetos.4. A.GJ., Patronato 90B,numero 1, ramo 43 (6),.3 folios.Tasa de Amaybamba, Los Reyes,21octubre 1550.Yo, elli~en~iado Mercado de Penalosa,oydor de la Real Audien~ia e Chan~illeria que rreside enesta !;iudadde Los Reyes e alcaldede corte por Su Magestad, etc., a vos, Pedro de Auendano,escriuano de camara en la dicha Real Audien~ia, sabed que ante mi pares~io elli~en~iado JuanFernandez, fiscaldesta dicha RealAudien~ia, en nombre delli~en~iado Agreda, fiscaldel RealConsejo de Yndias, e me hizo rrela!;iondiziendoque a1.derechodel fisco e hazienda rrealconuiene enbiar con ~ierta prouanza que ante mi haze por carta rre~eptoria del dicho RealConsejo en !;iertopleito que ttata con Hernando Pi!;arroe dona Fran~isca Pi~arro, su muger,sobre los yndios Vnttaslado de cada vna de.las tasas questan fechas de los rrepartimientos que ladicha dona Francisca e Hernando Pi~arrotienen encomendados, asi en el termino desta ~iudadcomo de la del Cuoco e Charcas, que estan en vuestro poder; pidiome os conpeliese se losdiesedes en publica forma; e yo de su pedimiento Ie mand6 dar e di este mi mandamiento paravos,por el qualvosmandoqueluegoque10veaishagaissacare saqueysde cadavna de lasdichastasas vn.tteslado, poniendo por cabe!;aen cada vna dellas este mi mandamiento, e se 10deisenpublica forma en manera que haga fee para que la enbie con la dicha prouan!;~sin por ello Ielleuar derechos algunos atento que es cosa tocante al rreal flSCO.Fecho en Los Reyes, a tteze de mar!;ode mill e quinientos e ~inquenta e seis afios, sitando para 10ver sacar y corregir a la parte del dicho Hernando Pi~arro e dona Fran!;isca.Elli!;en!;iadoMercado de Pefialosa.Por mandado del senor oydor,Juan de Padilla.Nos, don frayJeronimo de Loaisa,por la gra~iade Dios y de la sante sede apostolica de Romaprimero obispo y ar!;obispodesta ~iudadde LosReyesy del consejo de Su Magestad, y elli~en~iadoAndres de

255~ Julien: Inca Estatese se conseruen e aumenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen el dicho vuestro rreparti~miento, 105quales, como sabeis,hizieronla visita del v la presentaron ante nos; e visto ecomunicadocon 105'Visitadorese otras personas que pare~ioque podian tener noti~ia de ladispusi~ionVposibilidadesdel dicho rrepartimiento e yndios del, por virtud del dicho nombra~miento tasamos Vdeclaramos dever dar el dicho rrepartimiento, en tanto que Su Magestad 0 lapersona que en su treal nombre 10oviere de hazer otra cosa a~erca de la dicha tasa dispone emanda, 105tributos que de yusoyran declarados por la forma e horden siguiente.[in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente, dareis vos, 105dichos cacique e rrepartimiento, al dichovuestro encomendero en cada vna mita de las que se acostumbra a coger la coca duzientos sestosde coca del tamano Vpeso que 105soleise acostumbrais dar, puesto la mitad de la dicha coca enla ~iudaddel Cuzco Vla otra mitad en el asiento e tambo del valle de Tanbo.Yten. Dareiscadamita que lleuaredesla dicha coca al Cuzco veinte Vquatro vsangasde fruta dela que ouiere en vuestras tierras, del tamano que las soleisdar, Vla pornas en la dicha ~iudaddelCUZCOj Vquando el encomendero estuuiere en vuestras tierras Ie darevs alguna de la dicha frota.Yten. Dareiscadamitaque dieredesla coca,de xaquimascon suscabestrosV~inchasconsus .latigosde cordel Vsueltas, de cada cosa destas, veinte, Vansimismo,veinte V~inco guascasparaatar petacas, 0 cameros de a ~incobra~ascada vna, Vseis sogas del mesmo tamafto para laws Vsobrecargas,Vvna arroba de cabuvapor hilar, todo esto cada mita Vpuesto en la ~iudad delCuzco.Yten. Dareis cada mita que dieredes la coca veynte [f. 2] ovillosde hilo de algodon, de a libracada vno, Vansimesmo veinte pares de ojotas, todo puesto en la dicha ~iudad.E porque con menDscargo Vescrupulode con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar a105dichos tributos, os encargamosVmandamos que hagais dotrinar a 105Clichosnaturales en lascosasde nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar lev natural e buena poli~ia;e no auiendoclerigo0 rreligiososque 10haga, porneis vn espanol de buena vida Venxemplo que 105dotrine en10susodicho. - .Eporque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea decomoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no av diezmosde que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~iquee yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, dareis para ayuda a suosustenta~ion cada ~es vna fanega demavzVcada quatro meses vn puerco 0 en su lugar doze gallinas Vpatos, la mitad hembras, Vvnacargade sal Vvn ~esto de coca Votro ~estillode axi Vcada semana dos gallinas Vpatos, la mitadhembras, Vperdizes,V105dias de pescado, cada dia seis hueuos Valgun pescado, si 10tuvieredes,Vel tienpo que huuiere £rutaalguna fruta Vlena para quemar Vverua para su caualgaduraj Velsalariode dineros Votra cosa mas, si fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo0rreligioso,10pagareis vos el dicho encomendero 0 la parte que os cupiere.Por tanto, por el presente mandamos avos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro 0 a lapersona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el dicho rrepartimiento, e a vos, Juan Mavta, ca~ique,ea 105demas prin~ipalese yndiosvuestros subjetos, e a cada vno e qualquier de vos que al presentesovsVdespues de vos su~edieren en la dicha encomienda e rrepartimiento, que guardeis Vtengais la tasa de suso contenida, e que deis en cada vn ano que corra e se quente desde el diaque os fuere notificado avos, el dicho ca~ique,en adelante por sus mitas 105.tributos e cosasenella contenidas, so pena que si,pasado el dicho termino en que asi 10aueis de dar dentro deveinte dias mas, primeros siguientes,no 105dieredes 0 pagaredes e ovieredes dado Ventregado al[f. 2v] dicho vuestro encomendero conforme a la dicha tasa, que Ie devs e pagueis los tributos ecosas que asi Ie deuierdes e restaredes por dar Ventregar de cada mita con el doblo e costas quesobre ello se Ie siguieren e rrecre~ieren;en la qual dicha pena vos condenamos e avemos porcondenado en ella, desde agora para enton~es e de enton~es para agora, e mandamos a la justi~iamayor e hordinaria de la dicha ~iudaddel Cuzco hagan e manden hazer entrega execu~ion en

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) - 256vuestras personas e bienes por el dicho prin~ipal. [5]0pena del doblo e costas conforme aderecho, y asimysmo.que vos. el dicho encomendero. ni 105que despues de vos sub~edierenen ladicha encomienda. no podais rre~ibirni lleuar del dicho rrepartimiento por vos ni por ynterpuestapersona. publica ny secretamente. direte ni yndirete. otra cosa alguna'saluo 10contenidoen la dicha tasa. so las penas en la prouision rreal de Su Magestad contenydas. que es que por laprimera vez que pare~iereque ayaisrre~ebido mas. como dicho es. demas de boluer a los dichosyndios 10que asi les ouiere deslleuado.pagaeysde pena del quatro tanto del valor dello para lacamara de Su Magestad. e por la segundavez. rrestituyays asymysmoa los dichos yndios 10queasi les ouiere desUeuadoe seayspriuado de la dicha encomienda deUose perdais otro qualquierderecho que tengais 0 podais tener a los dichos tributos. e mas. la mitad de todos vuestros bienespara la camara de Su Magestad. en las quales dicha penas yncurrais vos. el dicho encomendero. equalquier persona que despues de vos sub~ediereen la dicha encomienda si exedieredes de 10enla dicha tasa contenida; e vos condenamos e auemos por condenados en ellas. desde agora paraenton~es e de enton~es para agora, aplicadossegun dicho eSje porque dello vos. el dichoencomendero. no pretendays ygnoran~iay sepays10que aveysde rre~ebir. e los dichos ca~iqueseyndios 10que an de dart mandamosque cada vno de vos tenga en su poder este proueymientodevn tenor. rreseruando como rreservamosen nos e en la persona que en nombre de Su Magestad10ouiere de hazer facultad de anadir 0 quitar en la dicha tasa todas las vezes que pare~ieredeverse quytar 0 anadir en ella, conforme a 10que el tienpo e posibilidadde los dichos ca~iqueseyndiospidieree rrequiriere. .Fechoen Los Reyes,a veinte e vno de otubre de mill e quinientos e ~inquenta aftos. FrayHieronimus Archie[piscopus] de LosReyes.Elli~en~iado

257.. Julien:IncaEstates5. A.G.I., Patronato 90B,m1mero1, ramo 43 (7),3 folios.Tasa de Piccho, Los Reves,21octubre 1550.[The auto of the LicenciadoMercado de Pefialosa,the legal clauses followingthe tasaitself and the notarizations are the same as for Document 1. A reference to each in squarebrackets has been included where they appear in the text.][Autoof the Licenciado Mercado de Pefialosa]Nos, don frayJeronimo de Loaisa,por la gra~iade bios Vde la sante sede apostolica de Romaprimeroobispo Var~obispodesta ~iudadde Los RevesVdel consejo de Su Magestad, Velli~en~iadoFernando de Santillan, OVdoren el Audien~ia VChan~illeria Real que por mandado deSu ~agestad rreside en esta dicha ~iudad,VfrayDomingo de Santo Thomas de la Horden de losPredicadores,por el nombramiento e comision a nos dada por el muv Vllustresenor elli~en~iadoPedro Gasca del Consejo de Su Magestad de la Santa VGeneral Ynquisi~ione su presidente enestosrreinos e prouin~iasdel Peru para entender en fazer la tasa de los tributos que los rreparti..mientos destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, etc., avos, el comendador Heman..do Pi~arro0 a la persona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el rrepartimyiento de yuso, e avosMacuri, ca~ique, e a los demas prin~ipalese vndios vuestros subjetos que al presente sovsVdespuesde yos sub~edieren en el rrepartimiento de Piquicho [Piccho] questa encomendado en.vos,el susodicho, e a cada vno e qualquier de vos, [f. Iv] sabed que, en cumplimiento de 10queSu Magestad tiene prouevdo y mandadoa~ercade la tasaque se a de hazerde los tributosquelosnaturales destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que los susodichossepan10que les an de pedir e lleuar como para que los dichos naturales sean bien tratados e seconseruen e immenten, se nombraron v.isitadoresque visitasen el dicho'vuestro rrepartimiento,losquales, como sabeis,hizieron la visita del Vla presentaron ante nos; e visto e comunvcado con108visitadores e otras personas que pare~ioque podian tener noti~ia de la dispusi~ionVposibili..dadesdel dicho riepartimiento e yndios del, por virtud del dicho nombramiento, tasamos Vdeclaramos poder dar el dicho rrepartimiento, en tanto que Su Magestad 0 la persona que en surreal.nombre 10vuyiere [thus, for hubiere] de hazer otra cosa a~erca de la dicha tasa dispone emanda,.los tributos que de yusoyran declarados por la forma e horden qu~ se svgue.[in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente darevsvos, 105dichos ca~iquese yndios del dichorrepartimiento, al dicho vuestro encomendero en cada vna mita, de las que se acostumbra acoger la coca, ~inquenta ~estosde coca, del tamano Vmedida que los solevs e acostumbrais dar,puesto la mitad de la dicha coca en la ~iudad de Cuzco Vla otra mvtad en el asiento e tambo delvalle de Tambo.Yten. Dareis cada mita, de las que dieredes la dicha coca, doze costalejos de axi del tamano quelossolevsdar, puestos en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco.Yten. Darevs cada"mita que dieredesla coca, de xaquimas con sus cabestros V~inchas con suslatigosde cordel, Vsueltas, de cada cosa destas, diez; Vasymes~o, doze guascas para atar petacase cameros de a ~inco bra~as cada vna Vquatro sogasdel mismo largor para lazosVsobrecargasVmedia arroba de cabuva por hilar; todo esto cada mita Vpuesto en la dicha ~iudad. [f. 2]Yten. Dareis cada mita que dieredes la coca diez ouillos de hilo de algodon, de a libra cada vno, Vasimesmo,diez pares de oxotasj todo puesto en el Cuzco.Yten. Darevscada myra, de las que lleuardes la coca, quynze vsangasde £ruta, de la que ouiereen vuestras tierras, del tamafio que las soleysdar, Vla pomevs en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco;Vquando el encomendero estuuiere en vuestras tierras, Ie dareis alguna de la dicha fruta.E porque con menos cargo Vescrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar losdichos tributos, os encargamos Vmandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en lascosasde de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar lev natural e buena poli~ia, e no aviendo

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000).. 258clerigo0 rreligiosoque 10haga, porneysvn espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que 105dotrine en10susodicho. .E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea decomoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dichoca~ique e yndios del dicho rrepartimyento, dareys para ayuda a su sustenta~ion cada mes vnafan[e]ga de mayzy cada quatto mesesvn puerco 0 en su lugar doze aves, gallinas y patos,lamytad hembras, y vna carga de sal y vn sesto de coca y otto ~estillode axi, y cada semana dosgallinasy patos y perdizes,y los diasde pescado cada dia seis hueuos y algun pescado, sy 10tuuieredes, y el tienpo que huuiere fruta alguna fruta y lena para quemar y yerva para sucaualgadura; y el salario de dinerosy otta cosa mas, syfuere menester para la sustenta~ion delclichoclerigo 0 rreligioso,lo pagareysvos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere. [f.2v][Legalclauses][f.3] .Fecha en Los Reyes, a veinte e vn dias"de otubre de"mill e quynientos e ~inquenta anos. FrayHieronimus Archiepiscopus de LosReyes.Elli~en~iado

Julien: Inca Estatesotra cosa a~erca de la dicha tasa dispone e manda los tributos que de yuso yran declarados por laforma e horden que se sygue.Primeramente vos, los dichos ca~iquese yndios del dichorrepartimiento, benefi~iareysy cogereyspara el dicho vuestro encomendero en Toayma,en cada vna niyta de las que se acosrombra cogerla cocaduzientose e [sic]~inquentasestosde cocadel tamafioy pesoque lassoleys.eacostumbraysdar de las chacaras que diz que alli tiene vuestro encomendero, que hasta agorapare~eque aveis acostumbrado a benefi~iar,y los pomeys en la ~iudad del Cuzco; y para elbenefi~iode los dichos duzientosy.~inquenta ~estosyran los yndios que avos, el ca~ique eprin~ipalesdel dicho rrepartimiento, pare~iereser menester, los quales cogeran la dicha coca ybenefi~iaranloscocalesdondesecogieren108dichosduzientose ~inquenta~estos,en 10qual .estaran cada mita hasta veynte dias e no mas; e si antes de los dichos veynte dias 10acabaran, sebueluan a sus tierras y el encomendero no los pueda ocupar en otra cosa nynguna; y que, anyngun yndio que sacare la dicha coca se Ie eche mas carga de dos ~estos, a 108quales el dichoencomendero sea obligado a dallesentre cada ochode losdichosyndiosvn ~esto[f.2] de lamysmacoca e del mysmo tama£1o;y porque podrian enfermar algunos yndios que fueren abenefi~iare coger la dicha coca enbiareysvn espa£1olque sepa sangrallosy algunas medi~inaspara los que asi se enfermaren.Yten, Dareys en cada vn a£1oquinientas fanegas de mayzy ~inquenta fanegas de trigo y veynte y~incofanegas de papas, de todo 10qual pomeis en el Cuzco las quatro~ientas fanegas y las demasdareysen vuestrastierras. .Yten. Dareis cada quatro mesesochenta gallinasy patos, la mytad hembras, y cada tres mesesveynte y ~inco pares de perdizes,todo puesto en casa del encomendero en la ~iudaddel Cuzco.Yten. Dareis cada semana fuera de cuaresma veynte hueuos, y en la quaresma, cada semana~inquenta hueuos, y los dias de pescado cada dia tres libretas de pescado, todo puesto en la~iudad del Cuzco. -Yten. Dareys cada vn a£1o,pasado este primero a£1oque se quenta dende el dia questa tasa fuerenoti6cada, avos, el dicho ca~ique,en adelante quinze puercos de a£1oy inedio y dende arriba,yno 105dando, dareys por cada puerco en su lugar doze gallinas y patos, la mytad hembras, puesto10vno 0 10otto en la ~iudad del Cuzco en casa del encomendero.. .Yten. Dareys cada vn a£1odozemaderos de veynte hasta veynte y ~inco pies en largo, cada vnopuesto en la ~iudad del Cuzco.Yten. Dareiscadamesveyntey ~incocargasde carbonde arroba,cadavna puestasen la ~iudaddel Cuzco.Yten. Dando os el encomendero junto a la ~iudad del [f. 2v] Cuzco tierra donde podays hazerteja, Ie hareys cada a£1odos mill tejas,y las pomeys en la ~iudad del Cuzco; y vos, elencomendero, les aueys de dar lasgradillasy galapagospara ellas.Yten. Sembrareys,benefi~iareysy cogereysen la ~iudad del Cuzco en las chacaras delencomendero quatro fanegasde mayzy trigo; y para [e]sto vos el encomendero les aveysde dar lasemillapara ello; y si el encomendero quysiere sembrar en el Cuzco con bueyes, Ie dareys altiempo del sembrar para que ayuden allabrador y para rregar ocho yndios, y al tiempo deldeseruar y coger, cada yes veynte yndios e yndias; y dandole los dichos yndios para que ayuden allabrador, como dicho es, en tal caso no aueysde sembrar las dichas quatro hanegas de mayzytrigo que os mandamos sembrar en la ~iudad del Cuzco; y todo 10que pro~ediere y se cogieredestas dichas sementeras, sembrandolasvos, los dichos yndios, 0 ayudandolas a sembrar, aveysdedar el mayzdesgranado y el trigoen~errado en espiga;y vos, el dicho encomendero, 10aueysdetrillar a vuestra costa, y ayudar os an a ello algunos de los dichos yndios; Ytodo eIlopomeys en la~iudaddel Cuzco en casa del encomendero.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..260Yten. Dareys para serui~iohordinario de la casa del encomendero en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzcoquinze yndios e yndios que se muden por susmytas, de los quales sean los tres ofi.~iales;y quandoel encomendero estUuyereen vuestas tierras, Ie dareys para que lesiruan del dicho serui~ioochoyndios e yndias, de 105dichos quynzeque os mandamos dar en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco. [f.3]Yten. Dareys para ayuda a la guarda de los ganados del encomendero, sy los tuuiere, o~hoyndios,105dosen la dicha~iudady losseysen vuestrastierras. . .E porque con menos cargo y escrupulode con~ien~ia,vos, el dicho encomendero, podayslleuar.105dichos tributos, os encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en lascosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia, e no aviendoclerigo0 rreligiosoque 10haga, porneysvn espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que los dotrine en10susodicho. .E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea decomoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar dareys vos, el dichoca~ique e yndios del dicho rrepartimyento, para ayuda a [suJ sustenta~ion, cada mes tres fanegasde mayzy vna de trigo y cada tres mesesvn puerco 0 doze gallinas y patos, la mytad hembras,ensulugary vna cargade saly dos~estillosde cocay cadasemanaochogallinasy patos,la mytad .hembras, y asimesmo,perdizesy 105dias de pescado cada dia diez hueuos y algun pescado y cadadia vn cantarillo de chicha y lena para quemar y yerva para su caualgadura; y el salario de dinerosy otra cosa mas, sy fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo 0 rreligioso,10pagareysvos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere.[Legal.clauses][ff.3v..4]Fecho en Los Reyes, a veinte e vno de otUbrede mill e quynientos e ~inquenta anos. FrayHieronimus Archiepiscopus de LosReyes.Elli~en~iado

261.. Julien: Inca Estatessean bien tratados e se conseruen e abmenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen el dichovuestro rrepartimiento, los quales,como sabeys,hizieron la visita del y la presentaron ante nosj evisto e comunicado con los visitadorese otras personas que pare!Jioque podian tener nod!Jiadela dispusi!Jiony posibilidadesdel dicho rrepardmiento e yndios del, por virtud del dichonombramiento tasamos y declaramosdever dar el dicho rrepartimiento en tanto que SuMagestad0 la persona que en su rreal nombre 10oviere de hazer otra cosa a!Jercade la dicha tasadispone e manda los tributos que de yuso yran declarados por la forma e horden que se sygue.[in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente vos, 105dichos ca!Jiquese yndios del dichorrepardmiento, benen!Jiareysy cojereispara el dicho vuestro encomendero en Toaima en cadavna mita de las que se acostumbra coger la coca, setenta Y[!Jincoces]tos de coca del tamano ypeso que los soleys [e ac]ostumbraisdar de las chacarras que diz que alIa dene vuestroencomendero, que hasta agora parece aveis aco~tumbrado a benefi.!Jiar,y 105porneis en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco;y para el benefi.!Jiode los dichos setenta Y!Jinco!Jestosde coca yran 105yndios que avos,el cacique e prin!Jipalesdel dicho rrepartimiento pare!Jiereser menester, 105quales cogeranladicha coca y benefi.!Jiarenlos cocalesdonde se cogieren 105dichos setenta y !Jinco!Jestosjen 10qual estaran cada mita hasta veinte dias, e no mas, e, si antes de 105dichos veinte dias 10acabaren, se bueluan a sus tierrasy el encomendero no 105pueda ocupar en otra cosa ninguna; yquea ningunyndioque sacarelacocase Iehechemascargade dos !Jestos,a 105qualesel dichoencomendero sea obligado a dallesentre cada ocho de los dichos yndios vn !Jestode la mismacoca, e del mismo tamano; y porque podrian enfem1aralgunos yndios que fueren a benefi.!Jiar[f.2] e coger la dicha coca enbiareisvn espanol que sepa sangrallosy algunas medi!Jinaspara la curade105que asienfermaren. .Yten. Dareis cada vn ano dozientasfan~gasde maizY!Jinquentafanegas de trigo, de todo 10qualpomeis en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco!Jientoy sesenta fanegas Ylas demas dareis en vuestras derras.Yten. Dareis cada -quatromesescinquenta gallinasy patos, la mitad hembras, y cada tres mesesquinzepares de perdizes todo puesto en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco.Yten. Dareis cada semana fuera de quaresma doze hueuos, y en la quaresma cada semanaquarenta hueuos, y cada dia de pescado dos libras de pescado, todo puesto en la !JiudaddelCuzco.'Yten. Dareis cada vn ano pasado este primero ano que se quente dende el dia que esta tasa se[notif]icare avos, el dicho ca!Jique,en adelante [xxx puerco]s de ano y medio, y dende arribajyno losdando dareis por cada puerco, en su lugar, doze gallinas y patos, la mitad hembras, puesto10vno 0 10otro en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco.Yten. Dareiscadavn ano dozemaderosde veintehasta veintey !Jincopiesen largocadavno delosquales; porneis en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco 105ocho Y105demas dareis en vuestras derrasj yansimismo,lIeuareisa la dicha ~iudaddoze tablas de las que aserraren los negros del dichovuestro encomendero.Yten. Dareis cada mes diez cargasde carbon de arroba cada vna, puestas en casa delencomendero en la dicha !Jiudad.Yten. Dando os el encomendero junto a la ~iudad del Cuzco donde podais fazer teja, Ie hareiscada ano quinientas tejas, y las porneis en casa del encomenderoj y vos el encomendero les aveisde dar las gradillasy galapagosde hazellas. [f.2v]Yten. Sembrareis, benefi!Jiareisy cogereisen la !Jiudaddel Cuzco en las chacarras delencomendero dos fanegas de mayzy trigo; y para el trigo, vos, el dicho encomendero, los aueisdedar la semilla para elIo; y si el encomendero quisiere sembrar en el Cuzco con bueyes, Ie dareis aldempo del sembrar para que ayuden allabrador y para rregar quatro yndios, y al dempo deldeseruary coger, cadavez,dozeyndiosy yndiasje dandolelosdichosyndiospara que ayudenallabrador, como dicho es, en tal caso no aveis de senbrar las dichas dos fanegas de mayzy trigo

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..262que os mandamos sembrar en la dicha ~iudad;e todo 10que cogiere y pro~ediere destas dichassementeras, sembrandolas vos, losdichos yndios, 0 ayudandolas a sembrar, aveis de dar el maizdesgranado y el trigo en~errado en espiga,y vos, el dicho encomendero, 10aueis de trillar avuestra costa y ayudar os an a ello algunosde 105dichos yndios; Ytodo ello pomeys en la dicha~iudad en casa del e[ncomendero].Yten. Dareis para serui~iohordinario de la casa del encomendero en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzcoocho yndios e yndias que se muden por sus mitas, de 105quales sean 105dos ofi~iales;y quando elencomendero estuuiere en vuestras tierras, Ie dareis para que Ie siruan del dicho serui~ioseisyndios e yndias de los dichos ocho que os mandamos dar en la dicha ~iudad.Yten. Dareis para ayuda a la guarda de los ganados del encomendero, sy 105tuuiere, seysyndios,los dos en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco0 para ortelanos y 105quatro en vuestras tierras.E porque con menos cargo y escrupulode con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar 105dichos tributos, os encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a 105dichos naturales en lascosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e gmirdar ley natural e buena poli~ia;e no aviendoclerigo0 rreligiosoque 10haga, porneysvn [f.3] espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que losdotrine en 10susodicho.E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea decomodasustenta~ion,en tanto queno aydiezmosde que se puedasustentar,vos,el dicho .ca~ique e yndios del dicho vuestro rrepartimyento, dareys para ayuda a su sustenta~ion cada mesdos fanegas de mayzy media fanegade trigoy cada quatro meses vn puerco, 0 doze aues, gallinasy patos,la mitadhembras,en sulugar,y vna cargade saly dos~estillosde axiy cadasemanaquatro gallinas e patos, la mytad hembras,y perdizesy los dias de pescado cada dia ocho hueuos yalgun pescado y cada dia vn .cantarillode chicha y lena para quemar y yerua para su caualgadura;y el salario de dineros y otra cosa mas, syfUeremenester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo0rreligioso,10pagar~ysvos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere.[Legalclauses] [f.3v].Fecho en Los Reyes, a veinte e vno de otubre de mill e quynientos e ~inquenta aiios. FrayHieronimus Archiepiscopus de LosReyes. Elli~en~iado

263 ~ Julien: Inca EstatesPrimeramente, dareis vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, en cadavn ano ~iento y ~inquenta fanegasde papas, puestas en la ~iudad del Cuzco en casa de vuestroencomendero, de seis en seismesesla mitad [in the right margin: cl fanegas].Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano ~ientaues de Castilla, la mitad hembras, y sesenta e quatro paresde perdizes,puestos en el Cuzcoen casa de vuestro encomendero, de seis en seis mesesla mitad[in the right margin: c, lxiii].Yten. Le dareis en cada semana sino de quaresma vn arrelde de pescado, y en la quaresma cadasemana tres arreldes de pescado, puestos en el Cuzco en casa de vuestro encomendero.Yten. Le dareis cada mes de todo el ano veinte arrobas de carbon, puestos en el Cuzco en casa devuestroencomendero.'Yten. Le dareis en vuestras tierras quatro yndios para guarda de ganados de vuestroencomendero.E para que con menos cargo y escrupulode con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuarlos dichos tributos, vos encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en lascosasde nuestra santa fee catolica y a tener y guardar ley natural y buena poli~iaj e no aviendoc1erigo0 rreligiosoque 10haga, que pongais vn espanol de buena vida y exemplo que los dotrineen 10susodicho.E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a los dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea decomoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no ay dezmosde que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dichoca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, Ie dareis para ayuda [f. 136v] a susustenta~ion, cada mes de los que se ocupare en vuestra dotrina dos fanegas de papas y vnafanega de ma~, y cada quatro mesesvna fanega de quinoa y de oca, y cada semana dos aues, lamitad hembras, y dos perdizes,y los dias.de pescado, cada dia doze hueuos y algun pescado, ycadasemanadoscantarillosde chichade dosa~umbrescadavno y lena para quemar e yerua parasu caualgaduraj'ysu salario de dineros y 10demas que fuere menester para la sustentanion deldicho clerigo 0 rreligioso10pague 0 de el encomendero, 0 la parte que Ie cupiere.Por tanto, por el presente mandamosa uos, el dicho Juan Pi~arro,ca~ique, prin~ipalese yndiosvuestros subjetos de el dicho rrepartimiento, y los que despues de uos en el sub~edieren quedende el dia que esta tasa vos fuerenotificada en adelante en cada vn ano a los tiempos en elladec1aradosacudais a vuestro encomendero con los tributos en ella contenidosj e a uos, el dichocomendador Hernando Pi~arro,vuestro encomendero, que no podais rre~iuir ni lleuar ni lespidaisni lleuais por uos ni por ynterpuestas personas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete,otra cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declarado ni otro serui~iopersonal ni obra, so pena que por laprimera vez que pares~iere aver rres~iuido,demas de boluer al dicho ca~ique, prin~ipalese yndios[10]que asi ovieredes lleuado demasiado,pagueis de pena el quatro tanto para la camara de SuMagestad, e por la segunda vezos rrestituyan [sic:rrestituyais] 10que demas oviere lleuadodemasiadoy ser [sic:seais] priuado de la encomienda que de uos tuuiere e pierda toda e qualquierderecho que tenga 0 pueda tener a los dichos tributos, e mas, la mitad de todos sus bienes para lacamara de Su Magestadj en las qualesdichas penas yncurrais si ex~edieredes de 10contenido enla dicha tasa, e os condenamos en ello desde agora para enton~es, aplicado segun dicho eSjeporque dello no pretendais ygnoran~iae sepais10que aveis de rres~iuire vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios, 10que aveis de dar, mandamos que cada vnOde uos tenga en su poder vntreslado desta tasa de vn tenor, rreseruando como rreseruamos a nos facultad de aiiadir conformea 10que el tienpo e posebilidadouiere e rrequeriere.Pecho en Los Reyes, a diez e ocho dias del mes de jullio de mill e quinientos e ~inquenta y dosmos. Elli~en~iado

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) - 264E yo, Fran~isco de Caruajal, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real de esta~iudadde Los Reies e maior de gouerna~ion,hize sacar este traslado de la dicha tasa originalque[f. 137] quedaen mi poder de pedimiento de elli~en~iado Ramirezde Cartagena, fiscalde SuMagestad en la Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores della; e va~ierto e verdadero e corregido con el original.En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reies,en veinte e siete dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos esetenta e doss anos. Testigosque fueron presentes a 10uer corregir e con~ertar con el dichooriginal Geronimo de Andrada eJuan Velazqueze Melchor Castillo, presentes en la dicha~iudad. En fee de 10qual fizeaqui mi signa [sign]en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal[signature with rubric].9. A.GJ., Patronato90B,numero1,ramo43 (10),3 folios. Tasa de Toayma,LosReyes,15septiembre1553. "[The auto of the LicenciadoMercado de Penalosa and the notarizations are the same asfor Document 4. A reference to each in square brackets has been included where theyappear in the text.][Autoof the Licenciado Mercado de Penalosa]Nos, los oydores del Audien~ia y Chan~illeria Real que por mandado de Su Magestad rresydeenesta ~iudad de Los Reyes,etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~rro, vezino de la ~iudaddelCuzco, e a uos, Comisaca y Coca y Parinango, ca~iquesdel rrepartimiento de Toayma eQuyzquinto, prin~ipalese yridiosvuestros subjetos que al presente soysy despues de vossub~edieren en el dicho rrepartimiento que esta encomendado en vos, el dicho comendadorHernando Pi~arro;e a cada vno e qualquier de vos, sabed que en cumplimiento de 10que SuMagestad tiene proueydo y mandado a~ercade la tasa que se a de hazer de los tributos que losnaturales [f. Iv] destos rreinos del Piru an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que lossusodichos sepan 10que les an de pedir e lleuar como para que 105dichos naturales sean bientratados e se conseruen e aumenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen eJ dicho vuestrorrepartitniento, los quales, como sabeys,os visitaron; e vista la visita que hizieron e comunycadosobre ello 10que conuenia a pare~idoque en el entretanto que o"tracosa se prouee y mandaacudeys a vuestro encomendero con los tributos aqui declarados.[in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente dareis vos, los dichos ca9ques prin~ipales e yndiosdeldichorrepartimiento,a vuestroencomenderoen cadavn ano, de laschacarrasviejasy nueuasque hasta agora aveisbenefi~iadoe acostumbrado a dar tributo de coca, dos mill e noue~ientos~estosde coca, partidos por sus mitas, que cada vno tenga diez y ocho libras de pura coca y nomas, y con ella paja y biaos,beynte e dos libras, benefi~iadosde todo benefi~ioy en~estadosyen~errados, en 105buhios que estan en las chacarras de la dicha coca, e~ebto que vuestroencomendero a de hazer cojer a su costa a otros yndios la coca de los dos mill y quatro~ientos~estosdellos y cabar la tierra donde se cogeren los dichos dos mill e quatro~ientos ~estos;y si mascoca de los dichos cocales y charras [sic:chacaras] se cojere de los dichos dos mill e noue~ientoscestos,seaparavoslosdichosyndios,losqualesdichosdosmillnoue~ientosy noue~ientos[sic]~estosde coca, despues que sean en~estados,an de estar a rriesgo de vuestro encomendero dendeque se en~estaren y en~erraren en adelante.Yten. Dareisen vuestrastierrasen cadavn mesde 10sque en ellasouiere£ruta,doscargasdefruta, puestas en ellas a sus tiempos.Y para que con menos cargo y escrupulode con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuarlos dichos tributos, [f.2] vos encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturalesen:las cosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia;e no

265.. Julien: Inca Estatesauiendo clerigo 0 rre!igiosoque 10haga, porneys vn espanol de buena vida y enxemplo queentienda en ello.Yporque el clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare avos, los dichos naturales, esjusto que se Ie proueade comoda sustenta~ion en tanto que [no] ay diezmosde que se sustentar vos, 105dichosca~iquesprin~ipaiese yndios del dicho rrepartimyento para ayuda a su sustenta~ion Ie dareysencada mes de 105que estuuiere ocupado en vuestra dotrina, tres fanegas de mayze veinte e dosaves de Castilla, la mytad henbras, e cada quatro mesesvna fanega de frisolese dos ~estillosdeaxi y cada mita dos ~estosde coca del tamano que ... y a sus tienpos cuando Ia vuiere [thus forhubiere] y cada dia diez hueuos y cada semana tres cantarillos de chicha de dos acumbres,y nomas, y Iefia para quemar y lena [sicforverba]parasu caualgadurajy el salariode dinerosy 10demas que fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del tal clerigo 0 rreligioso 10de y pague elencomendero 0 la parte que Ie cupiere.Por tanto, por el presente mandamos avos, el dicho Comysaca y Coca y Parinango, ca~iquesprin~ipalese yndios vuestros subjetos,que desde el dia que esta tasa vos fuere notificada enadelante en cada vn ano y a los tienpos en ella declarados acudays a vuestro encomendero conlos tributos en ella contenydos, e que vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro, no les podaispedir ny lleuar ny les pidaysny lleueys,por uos ni por ynterpuesta persona publica nisecretamente, direte ny yndirete, ot[r]a cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declarado ny otro serui~iopersonal ni obras, 50pena que por la primera vez que pares~iere averlo rre~ebid, demas de boluera105dichos ca~iquesprin~ipalese yndios 10que [f.2v] demas les vuieredes lleuado demasiado,pagueisde pena el quatrotanto parala camarade StiMagestad,e por la segundalesrrestituyays.ansimysmo10que demas les vuier[e] deslleuado demasyado y seais priuado de la encomienda quede los dichos yndios tuiuieredes y perdais otro qual[quier] derecho que tengais 0 podais tener de105dichos yndios, y mas, la mytad de tod6s vuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en lasqualesdichas penas yncurrais syexedieredes de 10en la dicha tasa contenido, y vos condenamosen ellas desde agora.para enton~es, aplicadossegun dicho eSje porque dello no podais pretenderynoran~iay sepais 10que aveisde rre~ebir,y vos, el dicho ca~ique prin~ipales e yndios, 10queaveisde dar, mandamos que cada vno de vos tenga en su poder vn traslado desta tasa de vntenor, -rreseruando como rreseruamosen nos facultad de afiadir e qtiitar en la dicha tasa todas lasvezesque pare~iere deverse quytar 0 anadir conforme a 10quel tienpo y posibilidadde 105dichosyndios pidiere y rrequiriere.Fecho en Los Reyes,a quinze dias del mes de setiembre de myll e quinientos e ~inquenta y tresafios.El dotor Brauo de Sarauia. Elli~en~iado Hernando de Santillan. Elli~en~iado Altamyrano.Elli~en~iado Mercado de Peiialosa.Por mandado de los senores oydores, Pedro de Avendano.[Notarizations]10. AGI, Justicia 449, m1mero1, pieza 3. Maria de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 130..131v.Tasa de Tanbo. Los Reyes,12 octubre 1555. .Nos, 105oydores de la Real Audien~iay Chan~illeria que por mandado de Su Magestad rresideenesta ~ibdad de Los Reyes,etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro e persona que por westroausen~ia tuuiere vuestro poder e cargo del rrepartimiento de Tambo que en vos estaencomendado en terminos del Cuzco,e a uos, don Fran~iscoMayo Topa, ca~ique prin~ipaldeldicho rrepartimiento, prin~ipalese yndios del, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos, sabed que por vnapeti~ion que ante nos present6 el dicho don Fran~isco,ca~ique, nos hizo rrela~ion diziendoque105yndios del dicho rrepartimiento al tiempo que se visitaron y por la dicha visita se hizo la tasade 105tributos eran ~iento y sesentaj e despues aca a causa de la altera~ion de Fran~iscoHernandez se les avian muerto algunosy lleuado otros a diferentes lugares y hecho yanaconasy

. ANDEANPAST 6 (2000).. 266andauan avsentes, y que por la tasa hecha se les mandaua benefi~iarcada mita en Toaymasetenta y ~nco ~estosde coca y en elIosse ocupauan ordinariamente treinta y ocho e quarentayndios, e avn eran pocos, y que al presente eran pocos mas los del dicho rrepartimiento e junto alospueblos al~adosdel Ynga, losquales algunasvezes salian de guerra y 105matauan y prendian Vno consentian que se benefi~iasela dicha coca, demas de ser tierra enferma donde se auia de yr abenefi~iar,y que en el dicho benefi~io,no enbargante que por la dicha tassa se les mandaua queno estUuiesenmas de veinte diasVse mudasen por sus mitas, los detenian tres 0 quatro meses,decuya causa muchos delIOSenfermauan e morianj e pidio y suplico se prouevesse en que sedesagrauiase en 105dichos tributos, pues por las causas arriba declaradas no los podian cumplir,Vque para el benefi~iode la coca que oviesen de beneffi~iarno detuuiesen en el valle a 105yndiosmas de diez dias por el peligroque de la vida en ello tenianj e por nos visto se prouevo que elcapitan Gar~ilaso,corregidor de la dicha ~ibdad,averiguasee hiziese la ynforma~ion de todo 10susodicho y de la falta y diminu~ionque auia avido en lo[s] susodichos yndios despues que se hizola primera visita y tassa de los tributosy de 10que conforme a su posibilidad podian cumplir Vbenefi~iarV10demas que conuiniesepara aueriguar verdad, Vcon su pare~er la enbiase para quesobrelIose proveyesse10que fuesejusti~iajla qual dicha prouan~a e pare~er por el dicho donFran~iscofue ante nos presentada; e por nos visto, en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tieneproueido Vmandado a~erca de los tributos que los naturales an de dar a sus encomenderos paraque sepan 10que les an de pedir Vellos Ie an de dar, tasamos Vdeclaramos quel dichorrepartimiento deue dar a su encomendero los tributos Vbenefi~iode la coca abaxo declarado, Vpor laorden siguiente, en el entretanto que otra cosa se prouee Vmanda.(in the left margin: Coca) Primeramente, vos, los dichos ca~ique don Fran~isco,prin~ipalesevndios del dicho rrepartimiento, benefi~iar.eisVcogereispara vuestro encomendero en Toaymaen cada vna de las mitas que se acostUmbraa coger la coca ~inquenta ~estos de coca del pesoVtamano que los au.eisacostumbrado a dar, de las chacaras que alIi diz que tiene el dicho vuestroencomendero que son en las que pare~e auer acostumbrado a benefi~iarla,Vlos porneis en la~ibdaddel CUZCOj e para el benefi~o destos ~inquenta ~estosde coca yran veinte yndios Vnomas, los quales 105[f. l30v] benefi~iarany cogeran en los cocales y estaran en el dicho benefi~ioveinte dias y no mas, y si antes de los dichos veinte dias los acabaren de benefi~ar se bolueran asus tierras sin que ninguna persona los ocupe en otra cosa, y ansimismo,que iii tiempo que sesacare la dicha coca no se eche a ningun yndio mas carga de dos ~estos,y a los dichos yndiosqueasisacarenla dichacocalesdaraeldichoencomenderoentre cadaochoyndiosvn ~estodecocade los que benefi~iarenVcogieren,e por ser la tierra p~ligrosadonde an de entrar e podrianenfermar algunos el encomendero sea obligadoa tener persona que 105sangre e algunasmedi~inaspara sus curas.[in the left margin: Maiz] Yten. Ledareis en cadavn ano ~ientfanegasde maiz,puestasla mitaden el Cuzco vIa otra mitad en vuestras tierras [in the right margin: c fanegas].[in the left margin: Trigo] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano beinte y ~inco fanegas de trigo, puestasla mitad en el Cuzco y Ia otra mitad en vuestras tierras (in the right margin: xxv fanegas).[in the left margin: Gallinas] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano setenta gallinas 0 patos, puestosenla ~ibdaddel Cuzco [in the right margin: Ixx].(in the left margin: Puercos] Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano ~inco puercos de ano y medio dendearriba,0 en su lugarpor cadapuercodozegallinas0 patos.[in the left magin: Carbon] Yten. Dareis cada ano ~inquenta arrobas de carbon, puestas en elCuzco de quatro en quatro mesesla ter~era parte [en el margen derecha: I arrobas].[in the left margin: Clerigo] Yporque al clerigo0 rreligioso que se ocupare en la dotrina de 105dichos natUrales es justo que se Ie probea de comoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no av diezmosdeque se pueda sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios, Ie proueereis en cadavn mes

267.. Julien: Inca Estatesde los que os dotrinare para ayuda a su sustenta~ion dos fanegas de maiz y medio de ttigo y diezyseisgallinas 0 patos, la mitad hembras,y cada quatro mesesvn puerco 0 doze gallinas 0 patos ensu lugar, y vna arroba de sal y dos ~estillosde agi, [f. l30v] y cada dia de pescado ocho hueuos ealgun pescado y lena para quemar y verna para su caualgadura; y el salario de dineros y otra cosamas, syfuere menester para su sustenta~ion, pagarlo [h]a el encomendero 0 la parte que Iecupiere.Por tanto, por el presente mandamos que vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro,y personaque por vuestro poder tuuiere a cargo el dicho rrepartimiento, e a uos, el dicho don Fran~isco,prin~ipalese yndios del, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos y a los que despues de vos sub~edierenque desde el dia que esta fuere notificada a uos, el dicho ca~ique, en adelante deis y entreguis encada vn ano e por sus mitas a vuestro encomendero los tributos y cosas en ella declaradas, sopena que si pasado el dicho termino en que asi los aueis de dar dentro de veinte dias mas,primerossiguientes, no los dieredesy pagaredes y ouieredes dado y entregado a el dicho vuestroencomendero conforme a la dicha tassa que Ie deis y pagueis los tributos y cosas que asi Iedeuieredes y rrestaredes por dar y entregar de cada mita con el doblo y costas que sobrello se Iesiguiereny rrecre~ierenj en la qual dicha pena vos condenamos e avemos por condenados en ellasdesde agora para enton~es; e mandamosa la justi~iamayor e ordinaria de la dicha ~ibdaddelCuzcohagan e manden fazerentrega y execu~ion en vuestras personas y bienes por el dichoprin~ipaly pena del doblo e costasconforme a derecho; e asymismo,que uos, el dichoencomendero, y los que despuesde vos sub~edieren en la dicha encomienda, no podais rre~ibirnilleuar del dicho rrepartimiento por uos ni por ynterpuesta persona, publica ni secretamente,directe ni yndirete, otra cosa alguna saluo 10contenido en la dicha tasa, so las penas en laprouision rreal de Su Magestad conthenidas, que es que por la primera vez que pare~iere queayaisrre~ibidomas, como dicho es, demas de boluer a los dichos yndios 10que asi les ovieredeslleuado, pagueis ?e pena el quatro tanto del valor dello para la camara de Su Magestad, e por lasegunda vez rrestituyais asimesmoa los dichos yndios 10que asi les ovieredes lleuado e seaispriuado de la dicha encomienda dellos e perdais otro qualquier derrecho que tengais 0 podaistener a los dichos tributos, y mas la mitad de todos vuestros bienes para la camara de Su .Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais vos, el dicho encomendero, y qualquier personaque despues de vos sub~ediereen la dicha encomienda sy e~edieredesde 10'en la dicha tasaconthenidoj ~ vos condenamos e auemos por condenado en eUasdesde agora para enton~es y deenton~es para agora aplicados,segund dicho es; e porque dello vos, el dicho encomendero, nopretendais.ynoran~ia y sepais 10que aveis de rres~iuiry los dichos ca~iques e yndios 10que an dedar, mandamos que cada vno de uos tenga en su poder este proveimiento de vn thenor.Fecho en Los Reyes,a doze dias del mes de otubre de mill e quinientos y ~inquenta e ~incoanos.Eldoctor Brauo de Sarauia. Elli~en~iadoFernando de Santillan. Elli~en~iado Altamirano. EIli~en~iuadoMercado de Penalosa.Por mandado de los senores oydores, Pedro de Auendano.E yo, Fran~iscode Caruajal, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real desta ~iudadde Los Reyese maior de gouerna~ion,hize sacar este traslado de la dicha [f. 131v] tasa originalque queda en mi poder de pedimiento de elli~en~iado Ramirez de Cartagena, fiscal de SuMagestad en la dicha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores dellaj eva ~ierto e verdadero e corregidQe con~ertado con ella.En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reies, en veinte e siete dias de el mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos esetenta e dos anos, testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir e con~ertar Geronimo deAndrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazqueze Melchor Castillo, rresidentes en estadicha ~iudadj en fee de 10qual fizeaqui este mi sygno [sign] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal [signature with rubric].

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)11. AGI,Jusdcia449,numero1,pieza3. Mana de Contrerascon el Fiscal,f£ 142..143. Tasade Urcon. Los Reyes, 24septiembre 1557.Don Hurtado de Mendo~a, Marquesde Cafiete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdad de Cuenca, visorreyycapitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~asdel Piru por Su Magestad, etc., avos, 105offi~ialesdela Real Hazienda de la ~ibdaddel Cuzco, e a uos, don Hernando Ata Vlluco e don Fran~iscoCuriata, ca~iques,e a 105demasprin~ipalese yndios e midmaes, vuestros subjetos, que alpresente soyse despues de vos su~edieren en el rrepartimiento de Vrcos que estuboencomendadoen HernandoPi~arro,e a cadavno y qualquier de uos, sabed que por parte de 105prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento me fue hecha rrela~ion diziendo que a causa deauerse disminuido 105yndios despuesaca que se visitaron y de los grandes danos y rrobos querre~ibieron en las altera~iones de Fran~iscoHernandez Giron y de sus alzados no pueden cumplirni pagar los tributos en que estan tasados; e me fue.pedido y suplicado 10mandase rremediar demanera que no fuesen agrauiadosporque los yndios no se ausentasen e despoblasen el dichorrepardmiento; e por mi visto, e auiendome ynformado a~erca dello y 10que Su Magestad tienemandado a~erca de la tassa que se a de hazer de los tributos que los naturales destos dichosrreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos,y comunicado 10que convenia, a pare~ido que en elentretanto que se visita el dicho rrepartimiento e otra cosa se prouee e manda vos, los dichosca~ique[s], prin~ipalese yndios,acudais a Su Magestad e a los dichos offi~ialesen su rrealnombrecon 105tributossiguientes. .[in t~e left margin: Dineros] Primeramente, dareis en cada vn ano ~ient pesos en plata de balorcada vno de a quatro~ientos e ~inquenta maravedies, puestos en el Cuzco cada seysmeses lamitad [in the right margin: c pesos]. .[in the left margin: Maiz, Trigo]Yten. Dareis cada vn ano dozientas fanegas de maiz e ~iento e~inquenta fanegasde trigo, puesto la mitad de todo ello en el Cuzco y la otra mitad en el tambode Viastrreal [in the right margin:cc fanegas, cl fanegas].[in the left margin: Axi] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano quatro arrobas de agi, puestas en el Cuzcocada seysmeses la mitad [in the right margin: iiii arrobas][in the feft margin: Costales] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano veinte y quatro costales de cabuya consus sogas,puestos en el Cuzco cada seis mesesla mitad [in the right margin: xXiiii].[in the left margin: Carbon] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano ~ent arrobas de carbon, puestas en elCuzco cada seis rnesesla mitad [in the left margin: c arrobas].Yporque con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~iase puedan lleuar los dichos tributos vosmando que hagais dotrinar a losdichos naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica y atener y guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia,y no auiendo clerigo 0 rreligiososque 10haga pomeisvn espanol [f. 142v] de buena vida y exemplo que los dotrine en 10susodicho.Y porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a los dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea decomoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios, dareis para ayuda a su sustenta~ion cadamesde losque estuuiereocupadoen vuestra dotrina dos fanegasde maizy vna fanega de trigo y veinte aves de Castilla, la mitadhembras, y cada dia de pescado dozehueuos, y cada semana tres cantarillos de chicha de dosa~umbrescada vno, y cada quatro mesesvn puerco y bna hanega de papas y dos ~estillosde agiylena para quemar y yerua para vna caulagadura suva;y el salario de dineros y 10demas que fueremenester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo0 rreligioso10pagaran 105dichos ofi~ialesa costade Su Magestad 0 la parte que Ie cupiere.Por tanto, por la presente mando a uos, los dichos don Hernando Ata Vlluco y don Juan Curiata,y a 105demas prin~ipalese yndiose mitimaes, vuestros subjetos, que al presente soisy despuesdeva'ssub~edieren en el dicho rrepartimiento que en el entretanto que se visita el dicho

269.. Julien:Inca Estatesrrepartimiento y otra cosa se proveey manda deis e acudais a los dichos ofi~ialesrreales desde eldia de la notifica~ion desta tasa en adelante-en cada vn ana e a los tiempos e mitas en eIladec1aradoscon los tributos en ella conthenidosj y que vos, los dichos ofi~iales,no les pidaisnilIeueispor uos ni por ynterpositas personas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otra cosaalgunamas de 10arriba declarado ni otro serui~iopersonal ni obras, so pena que por la primeravezque pare~iere averlo rres~ibidodemas de boluer a los dichos prin~ipales e yndios 10que lesovieredesIleuado demasiado yncurraisen pena del quarto tanto del valor deIlo para la camara efiscode Su Magestad, e por la segundavez rrestituyais asimesmo a los dichos yndios 10que demasles ovieredes lleuado y perdais la mitad de todos vuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestadjen las quales dichas penas yncurraissi ex~edieredesde 10en la dicha tasa conthenido, e voscondeno en elIasde agora para enton~esy de enton~es para agora aplicados, segun dicho eSj[f.143]y porque dello no podais pretender ygnoran~iay sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibir,y vos,losdichosca~iques,prin~ipalese yndios,10que aveis de dar, mando que cada vno de uos tenga en supodervn treslado desta tasa de vn thenor, rreseruando como rreseruo en mi facultad de anadir 0quitar en la dicha tasa todas las vezesque pare~ieredeuerse quitar 0 anador conforme a 10que eltiempoe posibilidadde losdichosyndiospidieree rrequeriere."Fechoen LosReyes,a veintey quatrodiasdelmesde septiembrede mille quinientosy .~inquenta y siete anos. El Marques. Por mandado de su ex~elen~ia,Pedro de Avendano.Eyo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara de la Abdien~ia e Chan~illeria Real desta~ibdadde Los Reyes e mayor de governa~ion,hize sacar este treslado de .la dicha tasa originalquequeda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~en~iado Ramirez de Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad enla diChaReal Abdien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oydores dellaj e ba ~iertoeberdadero e corregido y cqn~ertadocon el. .En la dicha ~ibdadde Los Reyes,en veynte e siete dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos esetenta e dos anos, testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir y con~ertar Geronimo deAdrada, escriuario 4e Su Magestad,e Juan Velazqueze Melchor de Castillo, rresidentes en estadicha.~iudadj en fee de 10qual me aqui este mi sygno [signature] en testimonio de verdad.Fran~iscode Caruajal [signaturewith rubric].12. AGI, Justicia 449, no. 1, pieza3, Mana de Contreras con el Fiscal,ff. 132..133v.Tasa deCalca, Los Reyes, 12 agoSto1559.Don Hurtado de Mendo~a, Marques de Canete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdad de Cuenca, visorreyycapitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Piru por Su Magestad, etc., avos, el comendadorHernando Pi~arro 0 a la persona que vuestro poder tuuiere, e a vos, don Gon~alo Sayre, ca~iqueprin~ipaldel rrepartimiento de Calca que en vos esta encomendado, yadon Diego AtauLimache, a cuyo cargo esta el gouierno del dicho rrepartimiento, e a los demas prin~ipaleseyndiosnaturales e mitimaes que al presente soise despues de vos sub~edieren en elrrepartimiento de Calca, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos, sabed que por parte del dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento me fue hecha rrela~ion, diziendo que al tiempo quepor orden del Presidente"Gasca fueron visitados por el ano passado de quinientos y quarenta ynueue se hallaron en el dicho rrepartimiento seis~ientosy ocho yndios, a los quales se tasaronentre otros tributos en que cogiesencada mita dos~ientose ~inquenta ~estos de coca, y que paraelIoproueyesen de los yndios ne~esariosen las chacaras que diz que eran de su encomendero enToayma para que la benefi~iaseny cogiesen y los diesen puestos en el Cuzco, como se contieneen la partida de la dicha tassa, y que conforme a ella y cumpliendola an enbiado los dichos yndiosa el dicho valle de Toayma donde la dicha coca se benefi~iay coge, de cuya causa se an muertomuchos y an venido a tanta diminu~ionpor ser el dicho valle de Toayma tlerra caliente y de

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..270diferente temple de su na~iol1ty que agora en esta vltima visita que por mi orden him Damian dela Vandera no se hallaron mas de quinientos y quarenta y dos yndios, y que 105demas se auianmuerto y otras muchas yndias y muchachos sin el multiplico que dellos vbo pro~edido,y que sinose rremediase quitando la entrada de 105dichos naturales al benefi~ioy a~cerca de la dicha cocaen breue tiempo se consumirianj e me fue pedido y suplicado les hiziese mer~ed de 10rremediarequitar y mandar hazer nueua tasa de 105tributos que an de dar de las cosas que en sus tierrastienen, crian, cogen y contratanj e por mi visto 10suSodichoy las dichas dos visitasy lasordenan~as que a ynstan~ia del cabildode la dicha ~ibdad del Cuzco se hizieron sobre la ordenque se a de tener en el benefi~iode la coca, y como soy ynformado que la dicha dimunu~ionasub~edidode la entrada a los dichosAndes que en tiempo de los Yngasno uuieron costumbre deentrar al dicho benefi~ioy 10que Su Magestad tiene probeido a~erca del bien y conserua~ionde105dichos naturales y a~~ecade la tasa que se a de hazer de los tributos que an de dar y 10muchoque ymporta al serui~iode Dios,nuestro senor, e descargo de la rreal con~ien~iade Su Magestady al bien, conserua~ion y multiplica~ionde los dichos natUralesque se les quita el dicho benefi~ioe acarreto de la dicha coca, di la presentej por la qual declaro y doy por ninguna qualquier tassa0tasas que basta agora estan fechasde los tributos que los naturales del dicho nepartimiento an dedar a sus encomenderos, [f. 132v]e mando que de aqui adelante no se vse mas dellas sinosolamente de la tassa que de yusoyra declarado, y que vos, los dichos prin~ipalese yndios,deiseacudais al dicho vuestro encomendero entretanto que otra cosa se probee e manda en cada vnano con lostributossyguientes.. .[in the left margin: Plata] Primeramente, dareis en cada vn (ano] milly do~ientos pesos de valorcada vno de quatro~ientos e ~inquenta maravedies en plata marcada y ensayada de seis en seismeses la mitad, 'puestosen el Cuzco [in th~ right margin: i U cc pesos].[in the left margin: Maiz) Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano quinientas fanegas de maiz de seisen seysmeses la mitad, puestas las trezientasy ~inquenta fanegas en el Cuzco y las ~iento y ~inquenta envuestras tierras (in the right margin: d fanegas].(in the left margin: Trigo] Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano ~inquenta fanegas de trigo de seisen seismeses la mitad, puestas en el Cuzco [in the right margin: 1fanegas].[in the left margin: Papas] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano veynte y ~inco hanegas de papas deseis en seis meses la mitad, puestas en la ~ibdaddel Cuzco [in the right margin: xxv fanegas)(in the left margin: Puercos] Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano quinze puercos de ano y medio paraarriba,puestosen la ~ibdaddelCuzco(inthe rightmargin:'xvfanegas [sic)].'(in the left margin: Aves] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano duzientos e ~inquenta gallinasy patos,la mitad hembras, puestos en el Cuzco,de seis en seysseis meses la mitad (in the right margin:~]. ' ,(In the left margin: Carbon] Yten. Dareis cada mes veinte arrobas de carbon, puestas en elCuzco, cada seismeses la mitad [in the right margin: c arrobas].[in the left margin: Teja] Yten. Dando os el encomendero junto al Cuzco tiena donde hazer teja,Ie dareis en cada vn ano dos mill tejas, y asimismogradillasy galapagospara ello, y 10pomais enel Cuzco.Y porque con menos cargo y escrupulode con~ien~iase pueda lIeuar lo~dichos tributos vos, eldicho encomendero, hagais dotrinar los dichos naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catolicay a tener y guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia,e no auiendo c1erigo0 rreligiososque 10haga,pomeis vn espanol de buena viday exemplo que entienda en ello.E porque al c1erigo0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a los dichos naturales es justo que se Ie probea decomoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, dareis para ayuda [f. 133] a su sustenta~ion cadames tres fanegas de maiz y vna de trigo, y cada tres meses vn puerco 0 doze gallinas y patOs,la

271- Julien: Inca Estatesmitad hembras, en su lugar, y vna carga de sal y dos ~estillosde agi, y cada semana acho gallinasypatos,la mitadhembras[sic] y asimismoperdizes,y los dias de pescado, cada dia diez,y hueuos yalgunpescado, y cada dia vn cantarillo de chicha y lena para quemar y yerua para su caualgadura;y el salariode dineros y 10demasque fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho c1erigo0rreligioso10pagaran los dichos ofi~ialesa costa de Su Magestad 0 la parte que Ie cupiere.Emando a uos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~rro e a la persona que tuuiere vuestro poderpara cobrar los tributos de el dicho rrepartimiento, e a uos, los dichos don Gon~o Sayre,ca~iqueprin~ipal, e don DiegoAtau Limache a cuyo cargo esta el govierno de el dichorrepartimiento de Calca, que desde el dia de la fecha desta en adelante deis e acudays en cada vnaiioy a los tiempos en esta tasa declarado a el dicho encomendero 0 persona que sub~ediereen elclichorrepartimiento con los tributos en ella conthenidos; y que vos, el dicho comendadorHernando Pi~o, no Ie pidais ni lleueispor uos ni por ynterpositas personas, publica nisecretamente, direte ni yndirete, causa ni rrazon alguna que sea mas de 10arriba dec1aradoni ottoserui~iopersonal ni comuta~ion ni obras, so pena que por la primera vez que pare~ere auerlorres~ibidoen qualquier manera de las dichas demas de boluer a los dichos prin~ipales e yndios10que asi les ovieredes lleuado demasiadopagueis de pena del quarto tanto del valor para la camarade Su Magestad, e por la segundavez Ie rrestituyais asimesmo10que demas les ovieredes lleuadoy seaispriuado de la encomienda de los dichos yndios que tuuieredes e perdais la mitad de todoswesttos bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais si .ex!;edieredesde 10en la dicha tasa conthenido, e vos condeno en ello desde agora para enton!;esaplicadosegun dicho eSjy porque dello no podais pretender ynoran~ia y sepais 10que aveisderres~ibire vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios, 10que aveis de dar, mando que cada vno deuos tenga en su poder vn tteslado desta tasa de vn thenor, rreseruando como rreseruo en mifacultad de afiadir e quitir en la dicha tasa todas las vezesque pare!;iere'deuerse quitar 0 aiiadorconforme a 10quel tiempo e posibilidadde los dichos yndios pidiere e rrequeriere. [f. 133v]Fecho en Los Reyes, a doze de agostode mill e quinientos e ~inquenta y nueue anos. El Marques.Por mandado de su ex~elen~ia,Pedro de Avendaiio.E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara del Audien!;ia e Chan~illeria Real de esta~iudadde Los Reies e maior de governa~ion,hize sacar este tteslado de la dicl1atasa originalquequeda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~n~iado Ramirezde Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestadenla dicha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores dellaj e va ~iertoeberdadero e corregido con el dicho original.En LosReyes, en veynte e siete dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos e setenta e dos aiiosjfueron testigos a 10ver corregir e con~ertat con el dicho original Geronimo de Adrada, escriuanode Su Magestad, e Juan Velazqueze Melchor de Castillo, rresidentes en esta dicha ~iudadjen feede 10qual fizeaqui este mi sygno [sign]en testimonio de verdad. Fran~isco de Caruajal [signaturewith rubric].13. AGI, Justicia 449, numero 1, pieia 3. Mana de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 140-141. Tasade Amaybamba, LosReyes,25 septiembre 1559.Don Hurtado de Mendo~, Marques de Cafiete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdad de Cuenca, visorreyecapitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Piru por Su Magestad, etc., avos, el comendadorHernando Pi~arro e a la persona que vuestro poder tuuiere para tener cargo del rrepartimientoaqui dec1arado,e a uos, don Juan Cayo Topa, prin~ipal en el pueblo de Amaybamba, edemasprin!;ipalese yndios vuestros subjetosque al presente soise despues de vos sub~dieren en elrrepartimiento que esta encomendado en vos, el dicho Hernando Pi~o, e a cada vno eqtialquier de uos, sabed que don Diego Laxa y don Alonso Ruca, naturales del dicho pueblo, por

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -272si Ven nombre de los demas yndiosnaturales del me hizieron rrela~ion diziendo que [e]llosestantasados en dozientos ~estos de coca de tributo cada mita Ven ottas cosas conthenidas en la tassaque dellos esta fecha, Vque despuesque la primera vez los visitaron se an disminuido e muertomuchos de los dichos yndios e no pueden pagar tanto tributo por no les dar ya tiempo paraentender en sus labran~as e sementeras para su sust~nto e de sus mugeres e hijos edemas de quepor el benefi~iode la dicha coca estan los mas enfermos ordinariamente; e me fue pedido Vsuplicado Ie hiziessemer~ed de 10mandar proueer e rremediar de manera que ~esaseel dichoagrauioVellosno fuesen tan molestadose fatigados e pudiesen tener algun descansso e que semoderasse la dicha tassa en aquelloque [e]110sbuenamente pudiesen pagar; e por mi vista ladicha tassa Vla vltima visita que dellos se hoo e 10que della rresulta de su posibilidade 10que SuMagestad tiene mandado a~ercade la orden que se a de tener en el tasar de los naturales destosdichos rreinos a pare~ido que en el enttetanto que por Su Magestad e por nri en su rreal nombreotra cosa se provee e manda acudaisa el dicho vuestro encomendero en cada vn ano con lostributossvguientes. .[inthe leftmargin:Coca]Primeramente,dareisen cadavna mita al dichovuestroencomenderode las que se acustumbran a cogerla coca ~iento Vsesenta ~estosde coca del peso Vtamano que105aveis acostumbrado a dar, puestos los sesenta dellos en el Cuzco en casa de vuestroencomendero y los ~iento en el tambo del valle de Tambo [in the right margin: clx ~estos].E porque con menos cargo Vescrupulode con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar105dichos tributos, os encargo Vmando que hagais dotrinar 105dichos naturales en las cosas denuestra santa fee catolica e a tener e guardar lev natural e buena poli~iaje no auiendo clerigo0rreligiososque 10haga, pomeis vn espanol de buena vida Vexemplo que 105dotrine en 10sussbdicho. .E porqueal clerig90 rreligiosoquedotrinarelosdichosnaturalesesjustoque se les [sic]probeade comoda [f. 140v].sustenta~ionen tanto que no ay diezmosde que se puedan sustentar, vos, eldicho ca~ique, e yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, dareis para avuda a su sustenta~ion cada mesvna fanega de maiz, e cada quatro mesesvn puerco 0 vmr [crossed out] [en su lugar] [betWeenlines] dOzehd&. [crossed out] gallinasVpatos eu ~ulugar [crossedout], la mitad hembras, e vnacarga de sal e vn ~esto de coca Votro ~stillo de agi, e cada semana dos gallinas 0 pato~,la mitadhembras [sic], Vperdizes, y los dias de pescado cada dia seis hueuos Valgund pescado, si 10tuuieredes, e al tiempo que vbiere £rutaalguna Vlena para quemar [V]verua para vnacaualgadura; Vel salario de dineros y otra cosa mas svfuere menester para la sustenta~ion del talclerigo0 rreligiosopagareisvos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que Ie cupier~; e mando a uos,el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese vndios del dicho rrepartimiento, que dende el dia de la fecha destaen adelante deis e acudavs a vuestro encomendero en cada vna de las dichas mitas Ven las dichaspartes 0 lugares con el dicho tributo de cocaj e que vos, el dicho encomendero, e quien vuestropoder oviere para cobrar el dicho tributo, no Ie pidais ni lleueis por uos ni por ynterpositaspersonas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otta cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declaradoVningun serui~iopersonal por via de comuta~ion ni en otra manera alguna, so pena que por laprimera vez que pare~iere avellorres~ibidoen qualquier manera, demas de boluer a los dichosyndios 10que asi les lleuaredes demasiado,pagueis de pena del quarto tanto del valor dello parala camara e fisco de Su Magestadje por la segunda vez rrestituvais asimesmo 19que les ovieredes .lleuado demasiado Vseais priuado de la encomienda que de los dichos yndios tuuieredes e perdaisotto qualquier derecho que tengais 0 podais tener a los dichos yndios e tributos e ayaisperdido eperdais la mitad de todos vuesttos bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichaspenas yncurrais si ex~dieredes de 10en la dicha [tasa] conthenido, e vos condeno en ellas desdeagora para enton~es e de enton~espara agora aplicado [sic],segun dicho es, las dichas penasjmando que el dicho encomendero ni otto por el no vse ni se aproueche ni pida tributos a los

273~ Julien:Inca Estatesdichos [f. 141] yndios por otras tasas que hasta agora se avan fecho ni de que aya vsado sinosolamente por esta, e VOpor la presente las rreboco e doVpor ningunasj Vporque dello no podaispretender ynoran~ia e sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibire vos, los dichos yndios, 10que aveis de darde aqui adelante mando a cada vno de uos tenga en su poder vn treslado desta tasa de vn tenor,rreseruando como rreseruo en Su Magestad Ven mi facultad de afiadir e quitar en la dicha tasatodas las vezes que pare~iere deuerse quitar 0 anadir, conforme a 10que el tiempo e posibilidaddelosyndios pidiere e rrequeriere.Fecho en Los Reves, a veinte e ~incodias del mes de setiembre de mill e quinientos e ~m.quentaVnueue anos. EIMarques. Por mandado de su ex~elen~ia,Pedro de Avendano.E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real de esta~iudadde Los Reies e maior de governa~ion,hize sacar este treslado de la dicha tasa originalquequeda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~en~iado Ramirez de Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad enla dicha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores dellaj e va ~iertoeberdadero e corregido con el dicho original.En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reves,en veynte e siete dias del mes de mat~o de mill e quinientos esetenta e dos anosj testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir e con~ertar con el dichooriginalGeronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazquez e Melchor deCastillo,rresidentes en esta di~ha ~iudadjen fee de 10qual me aqui este mi sVgno[sign] entestimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal [signature with rubric].14. AGI, Justicia 449,.numero 1, pieza 3. Marla de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 134~135. Tasade Piccho, Los Reves,20julio 1560.Don Hurtado de M.endo~a,Marques de Canete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdadde Cuenca, visorrevecapitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Piru por SuMagestad, etc., avos, el comendadorHernando Pi~arro,ve~ino de la ~bdad del Cuzco, e a la persona que en vuestro nombre cobrarelos tributos de yuso declarados, e a uos, don Hernando Macori, ca~ique, e a 105demas prin~ipalese yndios naturales e mitimaes vuestros subjetos que al presente soise despues de vos sub~edierenen e1pueblo de Picho que esta encomendado en vos, el susodicho, e a cada vno e qualquier deuos, sabed que aviendo visto la visitaque vltimamente por mi mandado hoo Damian de laVandera de los naturales de el dicho pueblo Vlos pocos yndios e posibilidadesque tienen Vla tasaque se hizo por comision de presidente Gasca de los tributos que avian de dar en cada vn ailo e 10que Su Magestad tiene proueido a~ercadello, me pare~ioque en el entretanto que por SuMagestad0 por mi en su rreal nombre otra cosa se probee e manda deis e acudais a el dichovuestro encomendero en cada vn ano Va los tiempos en esta tassa declarados con los tributossyguientes.[in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente, dareis en cada vna mita de las que se acustumbran acoger la coca treinta e ~inco ~estosde coca de a diez Vocho libras de pura coca cada vno, Vquecon el ~esto tenga beinte V[t]res libras, puestos en Tamboj Vla parte del dicho encomendero 10rre~ibae ponga en cobro dentl'Ode ter~ero dia despues la pusieredes alli, Vno la haziendo, quepasado el dicho termino esta a su costa Vrriesgoy no de 105dichos yndios; Vtoda la demas cecaque se cogiere de los cocales sea para uos los dichos yndios como cosa vuestra propia [in the rightmargin: cxl ~estos].Yporque con menos cargo Vescrupulode con~ien~ia'se puedan lleuar 105dichos tributos vosencargoVmando que hagais dotrinar a los diches naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa feecatolica e a tener e guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia,e no auiendo clerigo 0 rreligiososque 10haga, porneis vn espaiiol de buena vida Vexemplo que los dotrine en 10susodicho.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..274E porque al c1erigo0 rreligiosoque dotrinare 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie probea decomoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se puede sustentar, vos, 105dichosprin~ipale yndios del dicho pueblo,dare~ para ayuda a su sustenta~ion en cada vn mes de 105que personalmente estuuiere en vuestras tierras ocupado en vuestra dotrina tres fanegasde maize veinte y dos aUes,[f. 134v] e cada dia de pescado diez hueuos y lena para quemar en su casa,eyerua para vna caualgadura suva;y el salario de dineros y 10demas que fuere menester para lasustenta~ion del dicho c1erigo0 rreligioso10pagareis vos, el dieho encomendero, 0 la parte queos cupiere.E mando a uos, el dieho comendador Hernando Pi~arro 0 dicha persona, que no pidais ni lleueispor uos ni por ynterpositas perssonas,publicani secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otra cosaalguna mas de 10arriba declarado ni otro serui~iopersonal ni comodidad ni obras, so pena quepor la primera vez que pare~iereauerlo rres~ibidoen qualquier manera de las dichas demas deboluer a el dieho prin~ipal e yndiosasi les ovieredes lleuado demasiado pagueis de pena el quartotanto del valor dello para la camarae fiscode Su Magestad, e por la segunda vez rrestituyaisasimismoa los diehos yndios 10que les ovieredes lleuado demasiado y perdais la encomienda eotro qualquier derecho que tengais a 105diehos yndios e tributos e perdais mas la mitad de todosvuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales diehas penas yncurrais siexc;edieredesde 10en la dicha tasa conthenidoj e vos condeno en ellas y en cada vna dellas desdeagora para enton~es e de enton~espara agora aplicado, segun dieho eSje porque dello nopretendais ynoranc;iae sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibire vos, 105diehos prin~ipalese yndios, 10queaueisde dar, mandoque cadavnode uostengaen su podervn tresladodesta tasade vn thenor,rreseruando como rreseruo en mi facultad de aftadir e quitar en la dicha tasa todas !asvezesquepare~ieredeverse quitar 0 anadir, conforme a 10que el tiempo e posibilidadde los yIidiospidieree rrequeriere. .Fecho en Los Reyes, a veinte diasdel mes de jullio de mill e quinientos y sesenta anos. ElMarques.Pormandadode su exc;elenc;ia, Pedrode Avendano. .E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara del Audienc;iae Chan~illeria Real de estac;iudadde Los Reies e maior de governac;ionhize sacar este treslado de la dieha tasa originalquequeda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~en~iado Ramirezde Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestadenla dieha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de 105senores presidente e oydores dellaj e va ~iertoever.. [f. 135] dadero e corregido e con~ertado con ella.En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reyes,en veynte e siete dias del mes de marc;ode mill e quinientos ysetenta e dos anos; testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir e con~ertar Melchor de Castilloe Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazquez,rresidentes en esta dicha~iudadj en fee de 10qual fizeaqui este mi sygno [signed] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscodeCaruajal [signature with rubric].15. AGI, Justicia 449, mlmero 1, pieza 3. Marla de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 144..144v.Tasa de Choco, Cuzco, 19junio 1562.En la c;iudaddel Cuzco del Piru, a diez e nueve dias del mes de junio de mill e quinientos esesenta e dos anos, ante mi, el escriuano publico, e testigos, 105muy magnificossenores Seuastiande Ca~alla e Miguel Sanchez, contador de Su Magestad, ve~inos desta ~iudad, en cumplimientode bna prouision rreal de Su Magestademanada de 105muy poderosos senores del Consejo Realde Hazienda y Estado que rresideen la c;iudadde Los Reyesen que mandan tasar 105yndios deChoco encomendados en Arias Maldonado, vezino desta ~iudad, fueron al dieho pueblo deChoco para el dieho efeto, y ellosanbos hizieronpareser ante si a los ca~iques e prin~ipaleseyndios del dieho pueblo; y 105dichos senores Seuastian de Ca~aUae Miguel Sanchez eUos

275.. Julien:IncaEstatespidieronla rrazon de los yndios [de 10]que tienen, los quales esibieron la visita de pamian de la'Vandera, en la qual pare!;eque tasso treinta e vn yndios para que tributen demas de otros viejoseviejase mozosque no daban tassaj y se rrefierieron en la dicha visita de Damian de la Vandera,e!;ebtoque por ella auerse muerto tres, [v] afiadieron !;incomas casados de los que heran nifiosque agora pueden tributar, que son por todos treinta e treSje auiendose los dichos senorestasadoresynformado de los dichosyndios de la posibilidadque tienen de tierras para podertributar, y bisto que son !;ercanosa la !;iudaddel Cuzco, media legua della, e ynformadose de todo10que convenia, para no encargar sus con!;ien!;iashizieron la tasa de la forma siguiente.[in the left margin: Plata] Primeramente, mandaron que todos 105dichos treinta e tres yndios dena su encomendero en cada bn ano en plata ensaiada e marcada treinta e tres pesos.[in the left margin: x fanegas 112mayz]Yten. Den mas todos los dichos yndios dios [sic]en cadabn ano diez fanegas e media de maiz,puestas en casa de su encomendero.[in the left margin: x fanegas 112papas] Yten. Daran mas los dichos yndios en cada vn ano diezfanegase media de papas, puestas en casa del encomendero.[inthe leftmargin:xxxarrobasde carbon]Yten. Daranmaslosdichosyndiosen cadabnanotreinta arrobas de carbon, puestas en casa del encomendero. [f. 144v][in the left margin: v fanegas sal]Yten. Daran mas en cada bn ano !;incohanegas de sal, puestasen casade encomendero. . .[in the left margin: ill cargas verna] Yten. Daran cada dia tres cargas de verna, puestas en casadel encomendero.Yten. Daran mascada semana dosscargas de lena, puestas en casa del encomendero.Yansivisto la posibilidadde 105dichos yndios del dicho pueblo de Cacho [sic:Choco] por losclichossenoreSvisitadores'que conforme.y [a] su con!;ien!;iaque mandaban e mandaron quediesene pagasen la dicha tasa 105dichos ca!;iquese yndios al dicho su encomendero porquesegun105yndios.que tienen y tierras no se sufria echalles mas tassaj e en eso yo, el dichoescriuano,notifyque la dicha tassa a los dichos ca!;iques,prin!;ipales[e] yndios del dicho pueblo,10squales dixeron que la consentian e consintieron e la pagarian segun e como por 105dichossenoresvisitadores se les manda, testigos que fueron presentes a ello Diego de Torres e MateoHernandez, estantes en esta !;iudadjy los dichos senores visitadores 10firmaron de sus nonbres.Ques fecho dia e mes e ano sobredicho.Seuastian de Ca!;alla.Miguel Sanchez. Paso ante mi,Fran!;iscoHerro de Gueuara, escriuano publico.E yo, Seuastian de Nera, escriuano de Su Magestad e publica desta dicha !;iudad hize sacar 10susodichode los papeles de Fran!;iscoHerro de Gueuara, escriuano publico, questan en mi poder,ante quien pareze,auer pasadoj e por ende fizeaqui este mio signa a tal en testimonio de uerdad.Seuastian de Nera, escriuano publico.E yo, Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, saque este traslado de la dicha tassa quede suso se haze men!;ion de pedimiento delli!;en!;iado Ramirez de Cartajena, fiscalde SuMagestad en esta Real Audien!;ia,e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores della; e va!;ierto;y fueron testigos a 10uer corregire con!;ertar con ella Rodrigo Aluarez e Alonso Gon!;alezBustillo,escriuano de Su Magestad;y en fee dello fizeaqui mio signa a tal [sign] en testimonio deverdad. Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad [sigature with rubric].

AGE EsTIMATES FOR THE PETROGLYPH SEQUENCE OFINCA HUASI, MIzQUE, BOLIVIARobert G. BednarikInternational Federation of Rock Art Organizations (IFRAO)IntroductionReliable information about the antiquity ofpre,historic Bolivian rock art has remainedelusive until now, as is the case in the rest ofSouth America. We are better informed aboutrecent rock art corpora of Bolivia,i.e., of theColonial and Republican Periods (QuerejazuL.1992).However, for the time beforethe Spanishconquest,beginning in 1532,cluesforthe age ofallBolivia~rock art have until nowbeen limitedto archaeological speculation. In 1987,I exam,ined the then,newly discovered site Cabracan,cha (Department of Santa Cruz)and attemptedan approximate age estimate of its petroglyphs,using geomorphological criteria (Bednarik1988). This led to an age estimate of 500,1000years BP. The petroglyphs at this small site aredominatedbyadistinctive 'trident' designwhichis alsoprominent on ceramicremainsin Bolivia.Such remains were subsequentlyexcavated in astratified context at Comacho Tunal Mayu,where they occurred together with charcoalproviding a radiocarbon age of 560 :t 70 yearsBP in 1996 (Roy Querejazu Lewis, personalcommunication, April 1997). This seems toconfirm the estimate derived from 'direct' indi,ces,increasing confidence in the validityofsuchanalytical approaches.The last ten years have seen the develop,ment of the microerosion dating methods forpetroglyphs (Bednarik 1992, 1993a). Thesemethods have been subjected to a seriesofblindtests, involving petroglyphs on several conti,nents. With the exception of the controversialCOasites in Portugal, all these blind tests pro,duced results that are fully compatible witharchaeological predictions or other estimates,but even at the COasites they match the resultsof other direct dating evidence (Bednarik1995a, 1995b;Watchman 1995). Microerosiondata are believed to provide results of greatreliability,but lack precision, particularlywherelocal calibration curves are not established, orwhere only one mineral component is cali,brated. However, because the results appear tobe consistently reliable, and because numericalprecision is not a high priority in the initiale~tablishment of a chronological fr~ework for. the rock art of a region lacking such a systementirely, I consider the use of microerosionanalysis appropriate in the establishment of achronology of Bolivian petroglyphs. DuringMarch and April of 1997 I examined a seriesofpetroglyph sites in the Mizque Valley,and nearCochabamba, with the specific purpose ofsecuring data suitable for initiating a reliablechronological framework for prehispanic Boli,vian rock art. In the course of this work I suc,ceeded in acquiring such data from five sites:Inca Huasi, ToroMuerto, Kalatrancani 1and 3,and Lakatambo 2. Of particular importance increating such a chronology is the first,men,tioned site which is briefly described here.The siteInca Huasi is located 3 km from the townofMizque, immediately above the UyuchamaRiver (Figure 1). It occupies the lowestend of aprominent quartzite dyke, caused by contactmetamorphism, that extends in a wide sweeptothe top of the mountain at whose foot the siteissituated. The dyke has resisted the erosiveimpact of the river, and has preserved, on itsANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 277,287.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000).. 278side awayfrom the river, a slope of softersand..stone averaging 230 towards NNE. Petroglyphsoccur both on this slope and on the part of thedykeimmediately above it, over an area of c. 30m by 20 m. All those on the quartzite dyke arecupules, while those on the sandstone comprisecupules,circleswith central pit, a waveline, andlinear grooves. The cupules on the sandstoneslope are usually arranged to form linear sets,while those on the dyke above it are apparentlydistributed randomly, often covering smallpanels completely.At an elevation higher than the uppermostpetroglyphs, just above a recently constructedconcrete irrigation channel, isan area ofslopingsandstone pavement covered by numeroushorizontal polished grindingdishes,each around50 or 60 cm long. These are better preservedthan the petroglyphs on the sametype of rock,and are spatially separate from them. In thesame area numerous artifacts occurring on thesurfaceofa sediment have eitherbeen deposi.tedthere, or have been washed out of the soil byrain water. Stone tDolsand ceramicfragmentsare found here, but are absent belowthe petro..glyph panels. Most of the llthics observed arecoarse..grained flakes, some with concave re..touch, but the majority are crude, non..diagnos..tic implements.The various modification traceson the rocksurfaces of this site can readily be divided intothree groupson the basisof differentmorpholo..giesand ages.The polished dishesappear morerecent than the petroglyphs on the soft sand..stone, and these in turn are clearlyyoungerthanthe cupules on the significantly moreweathering..resistant quartzite of the dyke for..mation. There are several other featUreson therock surfaces that help us to create a relativetime frame of various processesand events thathave contributed to the present geomorphicexposures. For instance, there is a distinctivedifference in the weathering of the lowermostmeter or so of the sandstone slope,the zonejustabove the present sediment levelbelowthe site'smain panel. This zone shows relatively littlesurface deterioration in comparison to the restof the slope. Almost certainly this indicates aprevious higher sediment level during a longperiod of the past, and that the lowerpart of theslope wasonly exposed to weathering relativelyrecently. This is readily confirmed by the ab..sence of petroglyphs at this lower level, andtheir commencement immediately above theconspicuous blank zone. Also, there are severalareas of heat..induced exfoliation, usually alsoexhibiting distinctive reddening of thin edgesand prominent aspects of the rock surfacetopography. This discoloration, also foundfurther up on the sandstone slope, is no doubtthe result of dehydration of goethite containedin the sandstone to the more stable hematite,which accounts for the distinctive change in. color from brown to red. These examples ofsurface heat spallingand reddening of the rockindicate almost certainly the formerpresenceofhearths.Of particular importance to reconstructingthe geological history of the Inca Huasipetroglyph site are distinctive erosion phenom..ena on the SSW side of the dyke, i.e., on thenear..vertical cliff facing the river, which hasbeen pounded by fluvial erosive forces in thepast. At present, the top of this cliff reaches aheight of 12 to 15m above the river in the areawhere the petroglyphsare distributed (Figure2).Ancient damage can be found, especiallyat thetop of the rock formation, where it relates to atime when the river wasat a significantlyhigherlevel. All vertical edges of the cliff facing thedirection of water flow have been extensivelybattered at all levels, whereas similar edgesonthe 'off..side', i.e., those not exposed to thekinetic impact of the river cobbles, show nocorresponding damage.Individual impact marks are often easilyrecognizable,and there are even caseswherethepoint of percussion and radial lines remaindiscernible (Figure3). This raises the possibilitythat some of these flake scars may actuallybethe result ofsome anthropic action, ofquarrying

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000).. 278side awayfrom the river, a slope of softersand..stoneaveraging230 towards NNE. Petroglyphsoccur both on this slope and on the part of thedykeimmediately above it, over an area of c. 30m by 20 m. All those on the quartzite dyke arecupules, while those on the sandstone comprisecupules,circleswith central pit, a waveline, andlinear grooves. The cupules on the sandstoneslope are usually arranged to form linear sets,while those on the dyke above it are apparentlydistributed randomly, often covering smallpanels completely.At an elevation higher than the uppermostpetroglyphs, just above a recently constructedconcrete irrigation channel, isan area ofslopingsandstone pavement covered by numeroushorizontal polished grindingdishes,each around50 or 60 cm long. These are better preservedthan the petroglyphs on the sametype of rock,and are spatially separate from them. In thesame area numerous artifacts occurring on thesurfaceofa sediment have eitherbeen deposi.tedthere, or have been washed out of the soil byrain water. Stone tools and ceramicfragmentsare found here, but are absent belowthe petro..glyph panels. Most of the lithics observed arecoarse..grained flakes, some with concave re..touch, but the majority are crude, non..diagnos..tic implements.The various modification traceson the rocksurfaces of this site can readily be divided intothree groupson the basisof differentmorpholo..giesand ages.The polished dishesappear morerecent than the petroglyphs on the soft sand..stone, and these in turn are clearlyyoungerthanthe cupules on the significantly moreweathering..resistant quartzite of the dyke for..mation. There are several other features on therock surfaces that help us to create a relativetime frame of various processesand events thathave contributed to the present geomorphicexposures. For instance, there is a distinctivedifference in the weathering of the lowermostmeter or so of the sandstone slope,the zonejustabove the present sediment levelbelowthe site'smain panel. This zone shows relatively littlesurface deterioration in comparison to the restof the slope. Almost certainly this indicates aprevious higher sediment level during a longperiod of the past, and that the lowerpart of theslope wasonly exposed to weathering relativelyrecently. This is readily confirmed by the ab..sence of petroglyphs at this lower level, andtheir commencement immediately above theconspicuous blank zone. Also, there are severalareas of heat..induced exfoliation, usually alsoexhibiting distinctive reddening of thin edgesand prominent aspects of the rock surfacetopography. This discoloration, also foundfurther up on the sandstone slope, is no doubtthe result of dehydration of goethite containedin the sandstone to the more stable hematite,which accounts for the distinctive change in. color from brown to red. These examples ofsurface heat spallingand reddening of the rockindi~ate almost certainly the formerpresenceofhearths.Of particular importance to reconstructingthe geological history of the Inca Huasipetroglyph site are distinctive erosion phenom..ena on the SSW side of the dyke, i.e., on thenear..vertical cliff facing the river, which hasbeen pounded by fluvial erosive forces in thepast. At present, the top of this cliff reaches aheight of 12 to 15m above the river in the areawhere the petroglyphsare distributed (Figure2).Ancient damage can be found, especiallyat thetop of the rock formation, where it relates to atime when the river wasat a significantlyhigherlevel. All vertical edges of the cliff facing thedirection of water flow have been extensivelybattered at all levels, whereas similar edgesonthe 'off..side', i.e., those not exposed to thekinetic impact of the river cobbles, show nocorrespohding damage.Individual impact marks are often easilyrecognizable,and there are even caseswherethepoint of percussion and radial lines remaindiscernible (Figure 3). This raises the possibilitythat some of these flake scars may actually bethe result of some anthropic action, of quarrying

279.. Bednarik:PetToglyphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Boliviathe rock as a source of stone tool material. Thisis, however, unlikely, because:a ..the rock, while partially metamorphosed toquartzite, is not of sufficient quality to servefor the production of good lithic tools;b .. the flakes removed indicate no well..directedblows, and are usually too small for stoneimplements;c .. the kinetic damage occurs evenly down thecliffand the direction of percussion is alwaysthe same, horizontally;d ..the relative weathering of the impact scarsindicates a progressive loweringof the riverlevel; ande ..theedgesmost easilyaccessiqleforquarrying,e.g., ori the. uppermost surfaces, have notbeen affected in this way,onlyverticaledges.The details so far described are only some ofthose observed, but they should sufficeto pro..vide some basiC mformation concerning therecent geomorphologicalhistoryofthe site.Thepetroglyphscan.be chronologicallyslotted intothisrelative framework,through variousmeans.In describingthis rock art I beginwith the oldesttradition present at Inca Huasi.The early cupule traditionThe most conspicuous characteristic of thistradition is that it is entirely restricted to thehard quartzite surfaces of the dyke formation,i.e., there are no similar random panels of veryearlycupules on the softer sandstone slope. Inconsidering this curious distribution pattern weneed to appreciate that to produce a cupule onthe quartzite was vastly more difficult than toproduce a cupule of equal dimensions on themuch softer sandstone. The taphonomic expla..nation to account for the extant distributionpattern, the most logicalone can offer,wouldbethat the cupules were most probablyproducedonboth typesof surfaces,but have survivedonlyon the one that isfar more resistant to weather..ing .processes. While it is possible that, theharder quartzite wassought out specifically,thisalternative explanation is not convincing.Nevertheless, I am unable to offer thetaphonomic version as a falsifiableproposition,hence I shall abstain from basing any furtherdeductions on it. I am on more solid groundwhen I consider the characteristics of the earlycupule tradition and its support surface. AI..though the quartzite is incompletely metamor..phosed, grains and 'cement' form a reasonablyhomogenous whole. The cupules lack peckmarks, being rather smooth and well shaped.Under the binocular microscope the deep re..treat of the cement is, however, amplyevident,and has resulted in a deeply eroded micro..topography that is entirely indistinguishablefrom that of any adjacent, unworked surface.This applies equally to horizontal and verticalpanels. Microerosion analysis (Bednarik 1~93a)is not possible becau~e no originally fracturededges are detectable, and also because someofthe cupules are covered by eroding mineralaccretions. A series of pH readings taken fromrainwater collected in several cupules and otherrecesseson top of the quartzite dykerangesfrompH 5.6 to 6.1 (mean pH 6.0).Ofparticular significance is the observationthat the amount of weathering evident in thelichen..free early cupules on vertical surfacesispractically indistinguishable from the mostrecent of the edge..battering scars in their closeproximity,when both are examined microscopi..cally. We must therefore assume that the pro..duction of the early cupules commenced rela..tivelysoon after the river had exposed the dykeessentially as it is today. While this providessolidrelative dating information forthese petro..glyphs,it does not solve the question of the realage of this tradition: we do not as yet know atwhat time the river was 10..12 m above itspresent level. However, nearby archaeologicalfinds would suggest that this could have beenthe case during the earlypart of the Holoceneatthe latest. .

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) .The early cupules on top of the ridge aregenerallyof averagediameter forcupulesworld,wide, and 3..21nun deep, but there are also afew exceptionally large examples, includingthree of the four present on top of a free,stand,ing rock tower that marks the western end ofthe site. The smallest are generallyin the orderof 3 em, the largest in the order of 15 em indiameter.The later petroglyph traditionIn contrast to the unstructured arrangementsof the early cupules at Inca Huasi, the morerecent petroglyph tradition is quite structured,and appears to relate to an entirely differentbehavior pattern. Cupules are aligned in linearsets in most cases, and the peck marks remaindistinctly recognizable despite the much softernature of the rock. These petroglyphs are re,stricted to an area of 20 x 8 m on the sandstoneslope that survived the river'serosionbecauseofthe protection offered by the quartzite dyke.This sandstone is subjected to granular exfoJia,tion, and under magnification,the surfaceof thepeck marks is quite.eroded and exhibits a deepretreat of the silica cement. A widespreadblackdeposit on these petroglyphs resembles anaccretionary patina visually,but consistsin factof lichen growth comprising two distinctivespecies of lichen. The various linear groovepetroglyphs in the same area offer a similarpattern of erosion and are verylikelyto be fromthe same period.Because this tradition is executed on a muchless weathering,resistant rock type than theearly cupules, it is very difficultto estimate therelative age relationship. The absence of peckmarksin the old cupules tends to emphasizetheage difference greatly, but caution is advisablehere. It is quite possiblethat the relative hard,ness of the quartzite led to much lessdistinctivepeck marks. Nevertheless, on the basis of themicroscopic study I am confident in proposingthat the early cupules are at the veryleast twiceas old as the later petroglyph tradition, but arelikelyto be several times as old.The polished dishes,280To the NNW of the 'late petroglyphs', i.e.,slightly higher up the mountain slope, but onthe same sandstone facies, occurs a concentra,tion of polished dish,shaped depressions,cover,ingmuch of an area measuring about 5 m across.Microscopic study of these perhaps utilitariansurfaces offers considerable insight into theirproduction and weathering. The grains of thisfaciesare mostly70,240 j.tmmaximumsize,andthere is little retreat evident in the amorphoussilicacement, relative to the abrasion,truncatedgrains. At the surface, all grains are truncatedhorizontally (Figure4), through abrasionwith astone of a similar hardness to that of the bed,rock. This isevident from the waythe individualquartz grains are worn: primarily by micro,chipping from the perimeter of each grain.Striations across the ground surface of eachgrain are rarely observed, and where they dooccur they are very faint. They are oriented inboth principal directions, indicating that thepestle was moved horizontally as well as in thedirection of the hill's slope. Locally, erosionpock marks are evident, measuring up to 1 romacross,but they are neither dense nor deep, andagain there islittle retreat evident in the cementwithin them. This retreat amounts to about30%of that found in the recent petroglyph traditionat the site.The truncated grains are generallyoffrosted appearance.The excellent preservation of these polishedsurfaces renders reliable microerosion analysispossible, particularly as the truncation surfaceusually forms an angle of close to 90° with theemerging side surfacesof each grain (Figure4).Care needs to be taken only to distinguishreliably between micro,chipping and actualmicro,wanes. One of the polished dishes wasselected randomly for metrical analysis,and anarea measuring less than 20 mm2was scannedsyst~maticallyat 80x. A total of 35 micro,wanewidth measurements (Bednarik 1992, 1993a)was secured from this small area. They aresummarised in a histogram (Figure5) showingarange of8,15 j.tm(mean 10.97j.tm).This repre,

281.. Bednarik:Petroglyphsof IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Boliviasents a fairly reliable microerosion value, and ifa quartz calibration curve were available for theMizque Valley region, it could be readily trans..lated into a numerical age estimate for thepolishing action.In the absence of such a calibration curve Iresort to using the Grosio (Italy) curve, whichalso falls within the Lake Onega (Russia)cali..brationrange.Accordingly,andinfullapprecia...tion of the qualifications that apply to suchsubstitution, the polished surface analysed atInca Huasi would be EI028 j: 300 years old ifthe Grosio calibration values are accepted asrelevant.1 This procedure deserves full confi..dence, because recendy I obtained a very reli..ablecalibration curve from safelydated surfacesin northern Portugal, taken from a Romangranitebridgein Vila Real and fromtwo Romaninscriptions at the famous site of Pan6iiis. Theclimatic conditions are reasonably similar tothose of the.Mizque valley, and the Portuguesecurve is very similar to the Grosio calibration.Therefore the results reported here are probablymor~reliable than I am willingto accept.InterpretationA discussion of possible relationships be..tween the three phases of site use observed atInca Huasi and the various other petroglyphsites in central Bolivia would be very useful(consider, for instance, the very similar cupulerows at Toro Muerto and Lakatambo), but itmay be premature at this stage. Even thoughextensive direct dating evidence is now avail..able to us for several other petroglyph sites inthis region, such correlations are not developedon this occasion because they willbe discussedelsewhere.I should point out, nevertheless, thata tentative first chronologicalmodel of theregion'sprincipalpetroglyphtraditionsisimmi..1The conventional way of stating microerosional ageestimates is to place a capital "En in front of the numberto indicate that the date is erosion-derived.nent, and willbe based on a variety of analyticaltechniques.The present paper, however, is guided by aless ambitious rationale. The information fromInca Huasi is presented on its own, withoutseeking support in other data. In this way,confirmationist argument is avoided, which, Ibelieve, is the correct way to develop a soundregional chronology for central Bolivian rockart.In presenting the data from Inca Huasi Iemphasize that they must not be interpretedwithout due regard for the various qualificationsthat apply to them. Direct dating results are~cientific, not because they are thought to beprecise, true or factual, but because they arepresented as falsifiable propositions (Bednarik1996). They are testable without necessarilyresorting to induction, the application of alter..native methods, or other modes of reasoning,i.e., confirmationor uniformitarianism.Inter..preting scientific data in a simplistic fashionleads to their misuse and distortion, as hasalready happened frequendy in direct rock artdating (Bednarik 1994, 1996). This can beavoided in the Bolivian research program byreferring readers to the extensive literature onthis topic, and by stating the most obviousqualifications.In the present paper I offer a numericalvalueas the possibleage of one of the many polishedsurfacesat Inca Huasi. This does not mean thatthe remaining similardished surfacesat thissitenecessarilyhave to be of a similar age, althoughthat does appear be the case. As already men..tioned, the 'date' given for one anthropic rocksurface isnot a date in the conventional archae..ological sense, it must be read in the context ofcertain logicalreservations: there is the lack ofa valid calibration curvej the lack of opportUnityto use a second component mineral as requiredunder the basic methodology of microerosionarlalysis (this is not possible in siliceous sand..stone or quartzite)j and the lack of petroglyph..producing stone tools from Inca Huasi. (None

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)were found. These can be and have been datedindependently of the petroglyphsin somecases,including in Bolivia.)Finally,there is a seriesofminor qualifications, such as those concerningthe type(s) of crystalline quartz present at thesite, which wasnot determined. It wouldbe toocomplex to elaborate on the potential effectsofeach of these qualifications, but in consideringthem realisticallyI arrive at the conclusion thatthere is a very high probabilitythat the true ageof the polished surfacein question,i.e.,the timeit waslast treated, liesbetween E730and E1330years BP. If a calibration curve for the regionwere determined, the error margin would bequantified, and it would be very significantlyreduced if two mineral components could becalibrated and analyzed. .This mayseem a rather largetolerance factorbut this result is, nevertheless, invaluable as afirst building block in constructing a soundchronology for central Bolivian petroglyphtraditions. The recent petroglyphsat Inca Huasishow a cement retreat of more than three timesthat in the polished surfaces, which suggeststhat they may be in the order of two to threetimes as old (the solution of the cement isthought to increase with progressingrecession).Therefore we can estimate the linear petroglyphsarid arranged cupules on the sandstoneslope to be roughly between 1500 and 4000years old.Unfortunately we cannot extrapolate in asimilarfashion to the age of the random cupuleson the quartzite dyke of Inca Huasi, because ofthe significantly different lithology and theabsence of any quantitative microerosion datafor this tradition. However, that tradition seemsalmost as old as the time when the dyke wasinitially exposed by fluvial action. While thisprovides no numerical value of age, the dykemay have been first exposed during the finalPleistocene or early Holocene. The main problemwith estimating the antiquity of the earlycupules is that we cannot be sure whether theirspatial restriction to the resistant quartzite is ataphonomic phenomenon, although this is- 282suggestedto be the case. If it were thus attributableto selective survival, i.e.,if similar cupuleson the soft sandstone have entirely eroded, thenthis tradition is very likely to be of the finalPleistocene. If this assumption is incorrect, theearlycupulesofInca Huasi wouldmost probablybe of the early Holocene.For the time being this matter cannot beresolved but we note the recent discovery ofvery archaic petroglyphs in Cueva EpullanGrande, Argentina, which appear to be of thelate Pleistocene (Crivelli M. and Fernandez1996). It is to be expected that further sucharchaic petroglyphs, which often includecupules, willbe identified in the Americas, andI predict that they will be found either in wellshelteredlocations (e.g.,caves) or on extremelyweathering.;resistant rock (primarilyquartzite).It is to be noted that taphonomically determinedattribute profiles of extremely old petroglyphtraditionsin other continents consistentlycomply with this logical.prediction. The oldestknown petroglyphs in the world occur on fullymetamorphosed quartzite in deep caves (Bednarik1993b; Kumar 1996), in the form of cupules.Ibelievethat the above information concerningthe apparent antiquities of the three usephases of Inca Huasi,. however limited andvague, providesreliable firstglimpsesof the agesof petroglyph traditions in the central Bolivianmountains - provided that these data are usedwith the appropriate restraint, and are notarchaeologically misinterpreted.AcknowledgmentsI thank.RoyQuerejazu Lewisfor his enthusiasticsupport of all myresearch work in Bolivia,and for taking me to Inca Huasi on two occasions.My thanks are also due to the threereferees of this paper for their constructivecomments.

283.. Bednarik:Petrogl:yphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, BoliviaReferences CitedBednarik, Robert G.1988 EI arte rupestre Boliviano vista desde el exterior.SlARB Boletin 2:22~28.1992 A New Method to Date Petroglyphs. Archaeome~try 34(2}:279~291.1993a Geoarchaeological Dating of Petroglyphsat Lake .Onega, Russia. Geoarchaeology 8.(6}:443~4631993b Palaeolithic Art in India. Man and Environment18(2}:33~40. .1994 Conceptual Pitfalls in PalaeolithicRock ArtDating. Prehistoire Anthropologie Medite7Taneennes3:95~ 102.1995a The Age of the COa Valley Petroglyphs in Portu~gal. Rock Art Research 12(2):86-103.1995b The COa Petroglyphs: An Obituary to the StylisticDating of Palaeo lithic Rock-art. Antiquity 69:877 -883.1996 Only Time Will Tell: a Review of the Methodol~ogy of Direct Rock Art Dating. Archaeometry38(1):1~13.Crivelli Montero, Eduardo and Mabel M. Fernmdez1996 Palaeoindian Bedrock Petroglyphs at EpulllinGrande Cave, Northern Patagonia, Argentina.RockArt Research13:124-128.Kumar, Giriraj1996 Daraki-Chattan: a Palaeolithic Cupule site inIndia. RockArt Research13:38-46.Querejazu Lewis,Roy, editor1992 ArterupestT'ecolonial ':Irepublicanade Bolivia':IPaisesvecmos.Contribudones at EstUdiodelArte RupestreSudamericano 3, La Paz: Sociedad deInvestigaci6n del Arte Rupestre de Bolivia.Watchman, Alan1995. Recent Petroglyphs, Faz COa,Portugal. RockArtResearch12(2):104-108.

PeruLlanos de MQXOSi ~~~~N. o ........ .·Tacna....... .' .Arica. '.0,: ...,. ,.. .. LA PAZ.......B 0 L I V I Ao..'o.o,.,,0,COCHABAMBA." SANTACRUZ."'-* MIZQUEDE lA SIERRA0\-Na~Chileo , ,.o0,. '"'0eoo....o,ȯėȯo, ọoOKm. SUCRE. POTOSI100 Km 200Km 300Km'.IquiqueFigure1. Map of southern Boliviato show location of Mizque. Inca Huasiis 3 Ian from Mizque.N00~

285~ Bednarik:Petrogl'Yphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, BoliviaFigure2. Cupuleson the top of the quartzitedyke,with the UyuchamaRivervisiblebelow.IncaHuasipetroglyphsite,centralBolivia.

ANDEAN PAST ~ (2000) ..286Figure 3. Impact mark on vertical edgeof the quartzite dyke, with radial lines clearly visible. The impactisdue to fluvial action. Inca Huasi.

287.. Bednarik:Petroglyphsof IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Bolivia100 JUIlFigure4.Schematic section through polished dish surface at Inca Huasi, showing the abrasion..truncatedquartz grains, the retreating amorphous silicacement, and the locations (arrows) of micro..wanesmeasured for analysis.Arsmean1200-----------8004002 4 6 8 10 12 1416~mFigure5. Histogram of35 micro..wanewidths nom the polishedsurfaceanalyzedat Inca Huasi,projected ontothe Grosio calibration curve for crystalline quartz.

loCATINGTHE PuZOLANA OBSIDIAN SOURCE:TIlE GEOLOGIC SOURCE OF AYACUCHO TYPE OBSIDIANRichard L. BurgerYale UniversityandMichael D. GlascockUniversity of Missouri Research ReactorIntroductionIn the study of Andean obsidiancarried outbyRichard Burgerand Frank Asaroin the 1970sat the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory (LBL),only two chemical types of obsidian were en,countered among the Preceramic artifactsrecoveredbyAyacucho,HuantaArchaeological,Botanical Project (Burger and Asaro 1977,1978, 1979). These were assumed to corre,spond to two geological sources of volcanicglass. One of these obsidian types,referred to asthe Ayacucho Type, constituted about 12% ofthe 66 Preceramic artifacts fromAyacucho thatwere tested. Artifacts of this chemical typecame from a range of Ayacucho Basin Prece,ramie sites ,located in varying habitats andtemporal placements. Burger and Asaro con,eluded that the Ayacucho Typewasone of eightobsidiantypes utilizedin the Central Andes, butits geologic source remained unknown. AI,though a large sample of sites and artifacts wasincluded in the initial study, including manyspecimensfrom]unfn to the north ofAyacuchoand Andahuaylas to the east of Ayacucho,artifacts of Ayacucho Type obsidianwere neverencountered in samples from outside of theAyacucho Basin (Figure1). This ledBurgerandAsaro to hypothesize that obsidian of theAyacucho Type came from a "local".sourcewithin the Basin. This hypothesis,whilereason..able, led inevitably to the question of why, if itwas true, another chemical type (known asQuispisisa) from outside the Ayacucho Basinwasused throughout prehistory more frequentlywithin the valley than the Ayacucho Type.The trace element compositionofAyacuchoType Obsidian was originally based on X,RayFluorescence (XRF) analysis of eight obsidianflakes from RS. MacNeish's excavations atPreceramic sites in Ayacucho. These artifactscame from the sites of Ac102 (Ayamachay),Ac158 (Puente Cave), and Ac500 (ChupasCave) (Burger and Asaro 1978: table 4). Four'of these same flakes'from Ayamachay, ChupasCave, and Puente Cave also were analyzedby10ng..Neutron Activation Analysis (NM) inorder to provide precise compositions for addi,tional trace elements (Burger and Asaro 1978:table 1). Knowledge of the Ayacucho Type'schemical composition wasfurther refinedbytheXRF analysis of five obsidian flakes from theEarlyHorizonmound ofChupas (Ar23) (Burgerand Asaro 1982).Over the subsequent two decades, until1999, no new information came to light on thesource of Ayacucho Type Obsidian or why itwas not more widely used. The present articleprovides empirical evidence which places thelocation of the source of Ayacucho Type obsid..ian in the zone between Chupas and CerroCampanayocc within the central AyacuchoBasin. Data are offered which confirm thisidentification through NAA of source samplesat the Missouri University Research Reactor.The new information raises the possibilitythatthe specific geologic nature of this obsidianANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 289..307.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)deposit with its intrinsic limitationswasresponsibleforthe source not being utilizedintensivelyduring most of Andean prehistory. The casestudy of Ayacucho Type Obsidian helps us tounderstand the more general pattern of dominantand minor obsidian sourcesin PrehispanicPeru, and it suggests the great importanceascribed to high quality lithic material by theearly setders of the Andes.Location of the sourceDuring the 1980s and early 1990s,politicalinstability in the Ayacucho region discouragedthe search for obsidian sources, but with thereturn of peace to the area, it was possible topursue questions left unresolved in earlier decades.In April 1999, Burger, accompanied byPeruvian archaeologist Jose Pinilla, traveled tothe city of Ayacucho to follow"up on leadsconcerning the location of the obsidian sourceknown as Quispisisa (Burger and Glascock2000). Ayacucho archaeolo~t JoseOchatomaput them in contact with mining engineer BIasCardenas, who had an intimate knowledge ofthe local geology. In"the ensuing discussions,BIasCardenas referred to the presence of obsidiannodules in a layerof volcanic tuffrecognizedlocally as a ~olana.1 According to BIas Cardenas,this geological stratum begins at thesouthern edge of the city of Ayacucho andcontinues for many kilometers to the south. Hehad observed that concentrations of obsidianinclusions within the puzolanalayervaried, butthey wereparticularlydense abovethe hamlet ofChupas where the geologicallayerhad been cutby the recent construction of the Cachi Canal.In his Ayacucho office, BIas Cardenas showedBurger and Pinilla examples of unworked nod-1~olana (Spanish), pozzolana (English),or pottmJlana(Italian) isa type ofvolcanic ash named for the geologicaltype deposit near Pozzuolion the Bayof Naples (OED1999, s.t'.). Although the term is employed in Romanarchaeologyand in the buildingand cement industries torefer to construction material taken from pozzolanadeposits, these usages are not evoked in the presentnomenclature [Editor'snote].- 290ules from the puzolanastratum and the qualityof this volcanic glass appeared to be extremelyhigh. However, none of the nodules waslargerthan 4 cm on a side.On April 22, 1999 Burger, Pinilla, andOchatoma drove to the section of the CachiCanal described by BIas Cardenas. Chupas islocated approximately 7 km to the south ofAyacucho and 7.5 km northwest of the townofChiara at approximately 3500 meters abovesealevel (masl), about 250 m in elevation aboveChupas (Figure2). Numerous obsidiannodulesand flakes were scattered along the flat groundthat comprises the platform of the canal. Nod,ules of volcanic glass also could be observedinsitu eroding out of the layer of light tuff; thisstratum was over 20 meters thick (Figure 3).Most of the nodules were only 1 cm on a sidebut some that were 3,4 em on a side were alsoencountered, although they were not common.Above the layerof rhyolitic tuffwasa depositofpoorly sorted materials' with angular stones,which appeared to be of glacial origin. Burger,Pinilla, and Ochatoma walked for 1.5km alongthe standing geological profile and confirmedthat this pattern continued unchanged. Therewasno worked obsidian nor was there degradedor flawed volcanic glass (which typicallyshowsinclusions, cracking, or bubbles). Many of thenodules had black streaking and a few 'hadreddish coloration due to iron impurities. Alarge sample of the nodules wastaken foranaly,sis at the MissouriUniversity Research Reactorto determine whether their trace element chemistrymatched that of the Ayacucho Type arti,facts.In subsequent discussionSat the UniversidadNacional de San Crist6bal de Huamanga severallocal archaeologists commented that smallobsidian nodules also could be found on theslopes immediately to the south of the city ofAyacucho. On April 23, 1999, a short trip wasmade with archaeologist Martha CabreraRomero to Cerro Campanayocc, located 3 kmsouth of Ayacucho, in order to evaluate informationthat the northern continuation of the

291 ~Burger & Glascock: puzolanaObsidian Sourcegeological stratum of rhyolitic tuff containsobsidian nodules. Located 3 Ian northeast ofthe Chupas exposure and at 3400masl,the layerlooked very similarto that' encountered the daybefore. A road cut had exposed over 10 m ofthe puzolanastratum and similarinclusionswereencountered (Figure 4). Once again, most ofthe nodules measured approximately'1em on aside, but larger nodules of high qualityobsidian3 em on a side were sometimesfound. The cutwas examined for about 1 km in a southerlydirection and this pattern continued. Onceagain, the obsidian varied from black to clearwith black streaks and it was of uniformlyhighquality. In geologicterms, it isunweathered andunretrograded. As in the Chupas exposure, noworked obsidian wasfound.Jay Ague, a Yale geologist specializing inpetrology, had the opportunity to examine theobsidian samples taken from the Chupas andCerro Campanayocc exposures (Figure5). Heconcluded that they looked very similar and,judging from the photographs of the exposures,appeared to come from the same the samedeposit, although until NAA resultswere avail~able,alternative explanations couldnot be ruledout. Ague observed that both samplesincludedbanded obsidians which result from flow pro~cesses. He also noted that the obsidian recov~ered is basically globs of molten silicate of thekind which form in heterogeneous magmachambers containing silicate melt and crystals.The obsidian nodules have irregularsideswhichare rounded but not entirely roundj in fact, mosthave some flat irregular sides probablydue tothe conditions in which they hardened. Thegeneral rounding may have come from beingblown out of the volcano.It was possible to locate the two collectionsites within the region'~ geology using theINGEMMET monograph on the AyacuchoQuadrangle (Morche et al. 1995). Both groupsof samples had been taken from the MiembroInferior of the Ayacucho Formation (Nm~Ay1)in the deposit referred to as puzolana(Ibid.:81).The puzolana layer is reported to be composedmostly of volcanic glass, quartz crystals, feld~spars, and some pumice clasts. It is almosthorizontalin positionand reaches30~50 m inthickness in some spots (Ibid.:81). In the mono~graph's account, the Formation resulted fromexplosive volcanic activity. This pattern ofactivity tends to produce viscousproducts suchas those responsible for the obsidian nodulesrecovered, according to Jay Ague (personalcommunication, May 1,1999). On the geologi~. cal map (27~n),this formation is shown as mid~Miocene in date, and in an appendix of radio~metric dates (Morcheetal. 1995: 105),sevenK~Ar dates are included for the Ayacucho Forma~tion, ranging from 6.0:t0.6 to 7.7:to.2 millionyears ago (mya). One measurement (AYA~81~08) is of special interest because was taken onobsidian in tuff. It yielded a date of 7.6:t0.2mya (Megardet al. 1984).Above the Miembro Inferior of the Ayacu~cho Formation lies the more effusiveformationknown as the Miembro Superior. This appar~ently incorporated at least one obsidian flowinthe zone of Chaupiorcco (Figure 2) (Morcheetal. 1995:42). The authors note that there is aconspicuousrelation of a hydrothermal anomalyin the area with the presence of a rhyoliticobsidian flow (Ibid.:40~41). At the time ofRichard S. MacNeish's work in Ayacucho,MacNeish provided Burger with pieces of geo~logicobsidian fromthe Tukumachay area 10kmnorth of Chaupiorcco (Burger and Asaro 1978:65; MacNeish personal communication 1999).The obsidian from near Tukumachay had beennaturally altered, perhaps by hydrothermalactivity, thus producing cracking and discolor~ation. Its cloudy and opaque appearance wasdue to the devitrification of the original glass.This obsidian sotirce material stands in markedcontrast to the obsidian collected in the olderpuzolana stratum to the north. The sourcesamples from near Tukumachay would havebeen inappropriate for the production of arti~facts because the structural flawsin the materialprevented it frombeing chipped in a controlled

manner.2 NAA analysis (845 X BURG60) atLBL of a sample of source obsidian collectedfrom near Tukumachay demonstrated that itschemical composition did not match either thatof the Ayacucho Type or that of Quispisisaobsidian (Burgerand Asaro 1977:39'40,65,71).In contrast, as willbe seen in the followingsection, the samplescollected near Chupas andCerro Campanayocc analyzed at MURR wereboth found to have the samecompositionas theAyacucho Type obsidian artifactscharacterizedat LBL. Because the layer with the obsidianinclusionsextends over a broad area,wesuggestthat this source of Ayacucho Type Obsidian bereferred to in the future as the PuzolanaObsid,ian Source after the distinctive geologicallayerin which the nodules are encountered.Neutron Activation Analysis of puzolanaobsidian samples at MURRSamplepreparationTwo artifacts and ten sourcesamplesattrib,uted to Puzolana were analyzedbyNAA in"thisstudy. The two artifacts (i.e.,PUEI and PUE7)are obsidian flakesfrom the site ofPuente Cave.PUEI was found in Zone XIII (12,6), whilePUE7 was recovered from Zone XII (12,5a).Garcia Cook and MacNeish (1981:105) esti,mate the date of these zones as 6900:!:150 BCand 6500:t200 BC, respectively. Both wereoriginallyanalyzed at Lawrence BerkeleyLabo,ratory and classifiedas belongingto the Ayacu,cho Type (Burger and Asaro 1977:61). Foursource samples from the Chupas exposure andsixsourcesamplesfromthe CerroCampanayoccexposure were analyzed for the first time forcomparison with the two obsidianartifacts fromPuente Cave. All twelve samplesin this studywereprepared forneutron activation analysisby2The outcrop of obsidian at Chaupiorcco has not beensampled. but the presence of hydrothermal activity theremay have had a negative impact on this deposit ofvolCanic glass.first cleaning the surfaces using tap water and atoothbrush. Acetone and ethyl alcohol wereused to remove all identification markingsmadewith ink and/or fingernail polish from the sur,faces. The cleaned specimens were cut with adiamqnd,edged trim saw and gently reduced tosmaller fragments of 10,25 mg sizeusing a cleanceramic mortar and pestle. Individualfragmentswere sorted under a magnifyingglassto removethose with inclusions, crush fractures, or metal,licstreaks. Analytical sampleswerepreparedforthe two separate irradiations procedures em,ployed at MURR by weighing them into thepolyethylene vialsand quartz vialsused forshortand longirradiations, respectively. For the shortirradiations, a 100 mg aliquot of fragmentswasused, and for long irradiations, a 250mgaliquotof fragments was used. In both instances, sam,pIe weights were recorded to the nearest 0.01mg. Along with the source samples, referencestandards were similarly prepared from SRM,278 Obsidian Rock and SRM,1633a Fly Ash(Glascocket al. 1998).Irradiation andmeasurementNeutron activation analysis of obsidian atMURRinvolvesone or two irradiationsfollowedby one or three measurements, respectively,tomeasure betWeen 6 and 27 elements. The firstprocedure employs a short irradiation in se," quential fashion of the samples in polyethylenevials for five seconds in a neutron flux of 8 x1013n cm,2S'l followed by a 25 minute decayand 12,minute count with a high,purity germa,nium (HPGe) detector. By measuring theemitted radioactive gammaraysand comparisonto the standards, the concentrations of up to sixelements (i.e., Ba, CI, Dr, K, Mn, and Na) canbe determined. This short irradiation procedureat MURRis frequentlycalledour abbreviated,.NAA procedure and is often satisfactory todetermine sources for a large percentage ofartifacts in most geographic regions (seeGlascocket al. [1994] for more information).The second procedure involves a long irradia,tion of the quartz vials in batches of approxi,mately 30 unknowns along with standard refer,

293,Burger & Glascock:puzolanaObsidian Sourceence materials for 70 hours in a neutron flux of5 x 1013n cniz S.lwhich is followedby a pair ofmeasurements. The first count afterlong irradi,ation occurs one week after the end of irradia,tion for 2000 seconds and the second counttakes place about four weeks later for threehours on each sample and standard. The longirradiation procedure enables measurement ofseven elements during a first count: Ba, La, Lu,Nd, Sm, V, and Yb; and fifteen additionalelements during the second count: Ce, Co, Cs,Eu, Fe, Hf, Rb, Sb, Sc, Sr, Ta, Tb, Th, Zn, andZr.ResultsThe individual NAA data listing elementconcentrations for the ten source samples andthe two artifacts fromPuente Cave attributed tothe Puwlana Source are shown in Table 1.Table 2 lists the means and standard deviationsfor the specimens. It is notable that relative toother obsidian'sourcesin Peru, there is a greaterspreadin element concentrations forthe Puzola,na artifacts.3 II! particular, the elements Mnand Na often used in the abbreviated,NAAmethod show much larger coefficientsof varia,tion for Puzolana. Bivariate plotsofMn vs Na,Mn VB.Ba,nd Cs vs Hf are presented in Figures6,8 showing the Puzolana artifacts relative toother obsidian sources in Peru. The plot withthe short' lived elements Mn and Ba in Figure 7differentiates Puzolana from all sources exceptAndahuaylas Type A. The long,livedelementsCs and Hf plotted in Figure 8 are successfulinseparating Puzolana from all of the othersources. The match between the artifacts andsource samples is excellent and allows theidentification of the Puzolana deposit as thesource of raw material for the two AyacuchoType Obsidian artifacts tested here and the3 Some suggestion of the Puzolana source's chemicalvariabilitycan be seen in NAA measurements reported(Burgerand Asaro 1977: 65-71) for the five AyacuchoSource artifacts analyzed.otherprehistoricartifactsanalyzedinthe earlierLBLstudy.Chemically heterogeneous sources havebeen documented previouslyin Ecuador (Asaroet al. 1994), Guatemala (Braswelland Glascock1998), and other parts of the world (e.g.Bow,man etal. 1973). Additional fieldgeologywouldbe necessary to 'explain the chemical heteroge,neity observed in the Puzolana Source un,worked nodules and the prehistoric artifactsproduced from raw materials recovered at thissource. Nevertheless, it has been observedthatlarge pyroclastic eruptions resulting in massiveash,flow sheets with obsidian inclusions some,times are characterized by chemicallyheteroge,neous obsidian. This is the result of combiningmaterials from different portions of a chemicallyzoned magma chamber (Braswelland Glascock1998:359; Hughes and Smith 1993:85). ThePuzolana Source may be an example of thisprocess.'DiscussionThe evidence presented indicates thatAyacucho Type Obsidian occursnaturallyinthemid,Miocene puzolanalayer in the formofsmallirregular nodules. The layer in which they canbe collected stretches for at least three kilome,ters from near the southern edge of the modemcity of Ayacucho to the hamlet of Chupas northof Chiara. Although the obsidian glassformingthese nodules is of high quality, most are toosmall to be used for tools. The procurement ofthe largest nodules, measuring 3,4 cm, wouldhave required considerable searching and/orexcavation along eroded slopes. Moreover,even the largest of the nodules would not 'havebeen adequate for producing some implements.Byway of contrast, nodules from the Quispisisasource in central Ayacucho near Sacsamarca,some 85 km to the south, are often ten timesthe dimensions of those from the PuzolanaSource (Burger and Glascock 2000). Thisdifferencewould have been important formanykinds of tools, including large projectile pointsand scrapers. It islikelythat this sizedifferential

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)...294in the source material was responsiblefor thepreference so often shown for Quispisisaobsid,ian, despite the considerabledistance fromwhichit had to be brought.Despite the inherent limitations of thePuzolana Source, it was sometimesused by thehunters and gatherers of Ayacucho during thePreceramic Period, constituting eight of thesixty,sixPreceramic artifacts sampled. This wastrue even for sites in the Ayacucho Basin 10'cated to the north of the modem city of thesame name. The earliest evidence of exploita,tion of the Puzolana Source comesfrom Acl58(Puente Cave) in the Thorn Forest RiverineEcozone, where it appeared in zonesVII, XII,XIII dated to 5050,4750 BC, 6700,6300 BC,and 7050,6750 BC, respectively (Garcia Cookand MacNeish 1981: figure 4,10). Obsidianfrom thePuzolana Source wasalsoexploited bythe occupants of Ayamachayin the ThornForest Scrub Ecozone from zone VI dated to theChihua Phase (3600,3000 Be) (MacNeish1981: figure 5,7) and from rone D,1 of Ac500(Chupas Cave) in the Humid Woodland &0'zone dated to 34OP,2500BC (Vierra 1981:141,figure 5..28). At the present time, we do notknow the specific locus or loci where obsidiannodules were being collected, but all four ofthese Preceramic sites are within 25 km of thepuzolanalayerin which the obsidiannodules canbe recovered (Figure 9). Clearly, the exploita,tion pattern of the Puzolana Sourcewas a localone during the Preceramic.It is equally important that obsidian fromthe more local Puzolana Source was not de..tected in our obsidian artifact samplesfromfoursites (Acl00 [Pikimachay], Ac300 [RuyruRumi], Ac335 Uaywamachay], and Ac351[Tukumachay]). This absence couldbe a £One,tion of the relativelysmallsample analyzed,butit is interestirig that the tWositeslocated in theHigh Puna Ecozone lacked obsidian from thePuzolana Source. In contrast, obsidianartifactsmade ofrawmaterial from the QuispisisaSourcewere present at all seven of the Preceramicsitesstudied in Ayacucho. It is also worth notingthat the obsidianflakestested fromthe archaeo, .logical site of Tukumchay all came from theQuispisisa Source rather than from the nearbylow..qualitydeposit of volcanic glasssampledbyMacNeish near Tukumachay or the localPuzolana Source to the north.In several. respects, the above results areconsistent with the results of our ongoingworkelsewhere on obsidian procurement in theCentral Andes. The findings illustrate thatthose very few sources of high quality obsidianthat exist in Peru were located and exploitedatan early date (cf. Sandweiss et al. 1998) whileobsidian of low quality was systematicallyig,nored by manufacturers of lithic artifacts.Despite the portrait of the early hunters andgatherers of the Early and Middle PreceramicPeriods as leading circumscribed and isolatedlives adapted to local resources, the obsidian.sourcingdata from Ayacucho suggestsa consid,erable degree of contact by the earlyoccupantswith areas outside the valley. .The opportunistic exploitation in Ayacuchoof a local obsidian source featuring small nod,ules while at the same time favoring a more, distant obsidian source which featured largernodules issimilarto the pattern recently chroni..cled for the Carahuarazo Valley in southernAyacucho. Residents there exploited obsidianfrom the local ]ampatilla Source while at thesame time importing large quantities ofvolcanicglass from the more distant Quispisisa Source(Burgeret al. 1998).In the Ayacucho Valley, the pattern of dualobsidian procurement from the QuispisisaandPuzolana sources continued at least until theEarly Intermediate Period (1..500 A.D.). Forexample, the sample of obsidian(n = 12) ana..lyzedfrom the late EarlyHorizon/EarlyInterme,diate Period site of Chupas (Burger and Asaro1982, 1993:211)excavated by Augusto Cruzattincluded 11 samples from late Early Horizonstrata. Six of these were from the nearby Puzo,lana Source, whilefivewere from the QuispisisaSource. The single sample tested from the

Burger & Glascock: PUtolana Obsidian SourceupperEarlyIntermediate Periodlayercamefromthe puzolana Source. Apparently, this strategyhad changed by the Middle Horizon (500,900A.D.), judging from a large sample of obsidianflakes (n = 52) analyzed from the preeminentregionalurban center of Huari (Ar 4). Duringthis time, utilization of the local Puzolana. Sourceappears to have been discontinuedinfavor of the intensive exploitation of materialfrom the Quispisisa Source (Burgerand Asaro1977:27,32, 36) which accountedfor 96%ofthe obsidian utilized. To understand this shiftwouldrequire an exploration ofthe mechanismsused for provisioning a large city such as Huariand the role of the state in these processes.AcknowledgementsWe gratefullyacknowledgethe assistanceofJose Pinilla, Jose Ochatoma, and Martha Ca,brera during the fieldwork, and of Jay Ague inour treatment of the geologicalcontext. We.also acknowledge funding from the NationalScience Foundation Archaeometry ProgramGrant (SBR9802366) to MURR and additionalsupport from the Yale University ProvostialResearch Fund. 'We also want to express ourappreciation to Rosemary Volpe for producingthe mapsand to Sharon Rodriguezforassistancein the preparation of the manuscript.References CitedAsaro, Frank, Ernesto Salazar, Helen V. Michel, RichardL Burger, and Fred H. Stross1994 Ecuadorian Obsidian Sources Used for Artifact. Production and Methods ofProvenienceAssignments.Latin American Antiquit'J 5 (3) :257 -277.Bowman, H.R., Frank Asaro, and Isadore Perlman1973 On the Uniformity of Composition in Obsidiansand Evidence of Magmatic Mixing. The Journalof Geology 81 (3):312-327.Braswell, Geoffrey E. and Michael D. Glascock1998 Interpreting Inttasource Variation in the Compositionof Obsidian: The Geoarchaeology ofSan Martin Jilotepeque. Latin American Antiquity9(4):353-369.Burger, Richard L. and Frank Asaro1977 Trace Element Analysis of Obsidian Artifactsfrom the Andes: New Perspectives on Pre-Hispanic Economic Interaction in Peru andBolivia. Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory Report6343:1-88. Berkeley.1978 The Distribution and ProvenienceofPreceramicObsidian Artifacts from the Central Highlandsand Coast of Peru. Contributions of the Uniwrsit'Jof California Archaeological Research FadUt'J36:61-83.Berkeley. .1979 Anlilisis de rasgos signmcativos en la obsidianade los andes centrales. Revista del Museo Nadonal43:281-326.1982 La procedencia de artefactos de obsidiana de 105sitios formativos en.Ayacucho: Chupas y Wichqaha.BoletfndelMuseoNacional deAntropolog(ayArqueologfa 7:9-10. Lima.1993 La distribuci6n y procedencia de artefactos deobsidiana durante el Periodo Inicial y.HorizonteTemprano. In Emergenciadela a_ciOn enlosAndes: Ensayosde interpretaciOn,pp. 189-232.Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de SanMarcos.Burger, Richard L. and Michael D. Glascock2000 Locating the Quispisisa Obsidian Source in theDepartment of Ayacucho. Latin.AmeriainAntiquit'J 11(3)258-268.Burger, Richard L., Katharina J. Schreiber, Michael D.Glascock, and Jos~ Ccencho1998 The Jampatilla Obsidian Source: Identifying theGeological Source of Pampas Type ObsidianArtifacts from Southern Peru. Andean Past5:225-239.Garcia Cook, Angel and Richard S. MacNeish1981 The Stratigraphyof Puente,Ac 158. In Prehistoryof the Ayacucho Basin, Pern 2: Excavationsand Chronology, edited byRichard S.Mac Neish,Angel Garcia Cook, Luis G. Lumbreras, RobertK. Vierra, and Antoinette Nelken Turner, pp.80-112. Ann ArboJ;: University of MichiganPress. .Glascock, Michael D., Geoffrey E. .Braswell, and RobertH.Cobean1998 A SystematicApproachto ObsidianSourceCharacterization. In Archaeological ObsidianStudies: Method and Theory, edited byM. StevenShackley, pp. 15-65. Advancesin Archaeologicaland Museum Science 3. New York:PlenumPress.Glascock, Michael D, Hector Neff, K.S. Stryker, and T.N.Johnson .1994 Sourcing Archaeological Obsidian by anAbbreviated-NAAProcedure. JournalofRadioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry 180(1):29-35.Hughes, Richard E. and Robert L. Smith1993 Archaeology, Geology, and Geochemistry inObsidian Provenance Studies, in Effects of Scaleon Archaeological and Geoscientific Perspectives,edited by Julie K. Stein and Angela R. Linse,pp.79-91. Geological Society of America SpecialPaper 283, Boulder, Colorado.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)MacNeish, Richard S.1981 Ayamachay, Ac102. In Prehistoryof theAyacucooBasin, Pern 2, Excavationsand Chrorwlogy,edited by Richard S. MacNeish, Angel GarciaCook, Luis G. Lumbreras, Robert K. Vierra, andAntoinette Nelken Turner, pp. 114.121. AnnArbor: University of Michigan Press.MacNeish, Richard 5., Thomas C. Patterson, and DavidL. Browman1975 The Central PeruvianPrehistoricInteractionSphere. Papers of The RobertS.PeabodyFounda.don 7. Andover, Massachusetts: Phillips Acad.emy.Megard, Fran~is, Donald C. Noble, Edwin H. McKee,and Herve Bellon1984 Multiple PulsesofNeogene CompressiveForma.rion in the Ayacucho Intermontane Basin,Andes of Central Peru. GeologicalSocietyofAmerica Bulletin 95(9):1108.1117...296Morche, Wolfgang, Carlos AlMn, Julio de la Cruz, andFreddy Cerr6n1995 Geolog(adel Cuadrangulode AyacucOO,Boletfn61. Lima: InstitUto Geol6gico, Minero y Meta.lt1rgico. - .(OED) Oxford EnglishDictionary1999 CD. ROM version. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress.Sandweiss, Daniel H., Heather McInnis, Richard L.Burger, Asunci6n Cano, Bernadino Ojeda, RolandoParedes, Marla del Carmen Sandweiss, and MichaelGlascock1998 Quebrada Jaguay: EarlySouth American Mari.time Adaptation. Science28:1829.1832.Vierra, Robert K..1981 Chupas, Ac 500, in Prehistoryof the AyacudwBasin 2, Excavations and Chronology, edited byRichard S. MacNeish, Angel Garcia Cook, LuisG. Lumbreras, Robert K. Vierra, and AntoinetteNelken Turner, pp. 138.144. Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press.

297 .. Burger & Glascock:PUtolana Obsidian SourceSampleID Ba(ppm) I.a(ppm) Lu(ppm) Nd (ppm) Sm(ppm) V (ppm) Yb(ppm) Ce(ppm) Co(ppm)RLB355 201 18.7 0.122 .12.4 2.61 5.29 0.831 37.7 0.123RLB357 278 21.1 0.120 12.9 2.76 5.37 0.782 40.9 0.161RLB358 279 2M 0.113 13.2 2.59 5.53 0.802 38.3 0.154RLB359 277 20.6 0.121 13.8 2.62 5.45 0.814 41.S 0.161RLB360 199 19.3 0.124 11.1 2.60 5.50 0.877 38.6 0.127RLB361 278 20.9 0.128 12.8 2.72 5.52 0.809 40.4 0.161RLB362 204 19.0 0.123 12.3 2.61 5.66 0.878 37.4 0.129RLB363 197 19.1 o.m 11.7 2.36 5.70 0.774 36.3 0.143RLB364 202 19.2 0.122 12.0 2.62 5.81 0.787 38.5 0.126RLB365 205 19.9 0.124 13.6 2.71 5.82 0.837 38.1 0.129PUEI 234 21.6 0.110 12.3 2.26 5.59 0.755 39.9 0.159PUE2 247 21.9 0.117 12.2 2.29 5.83 0.765 40.2 0.15SamplelD Cs(ppm) Eu(ppm) Fe(%) HI (ppm) Rb(ppm) Sb(ppm) Sc(ppm) Sr(ppm) Ta(ppm)RLB355 3.80 0.325 0.498 3.81. 120 0.247 1.78 52 2.06RLB357 3.70 0.360 0.524 3.85 116 0.238 1.75 76 2.03RLB358 3.60 0.333 0.502 3.67 122 0.253 1.65 67 1.95RLB359 3.74 0.374 0.530 3.89 118 0.243 1.77 67 2.06RLB360 3.89 0.332 0.512 3.94 123 0.243 1.82 46 2.09RLB361 3.67 0.354 0.520 3.81 146 0.225 1.73 69 2.00RLB362 3.78 0.324 0.498 3.81 1Z1 0.247 1.77 SO 2.06RLB363 3.81 0.291 0.490 3.72 118 0.247 1.63 54 1.96RLB364 3.87 0.323 0.504 3.87 119 0.241 1.80 45 2.09RLB365 3.81 0.332 0.508 3.93 119 0.246 1.81 47 2.08PUEI 3.63 0.299 0.502 3.87 117 0.257 1.57 57 1.90PUE2 3.85 0.303 0.511 3.85 118 0.264 1.59 62 1.89Sample ID Tb(ppm) Th (ppm) Zn(ppm) Zr(ppm) a (ppm) DJ(ppm) K(%) Mn (ppm) Na(%)RLB355 0.282 i4.9 35 114 674 1.58 . 4.32 512 2.75RLB357 0.272 14.7 35 127 748 0.95 4.04 496 3.24RLB358 0.258 14.1 36 115 647 1.61 3.58 443 3.40RLB359 0.289 14.9 36 128 697 1.19 4.64 491 2.73RLB360 0.267 - 15.2 36 123 767 1.24 3.81 514 3.12RLB361 0.260 14.6 35 121 757 1.59 5.27 489 2.91RLB362 0.262 14.8 35 129 726 1.50 4.31 507 2.94RLB363 0.236 14.9 31 117 724 1.16 3.61 476 3.21RLB364 0.257 15.2 35 121 646 1.69 3.50 515 3.27RLB365 0.262 15.1 3S 116 634 1.47 3.66 514 3.24PUEI 0.226 15.2 30 129 589 0.83 3.83 453 3.16PUEl 0.223 15.3 31 112 488 1.22 3.62 461 3.20Table 1.Element concentrations in obsidiannodules fromthe ChupaSand Cerro Campanoyocc outcropsof the Puzolana Source and obsidian artifacts from Puente Cave (ppm =partsper million).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..298Element Mean Standard % Standard Minimum Maximumdeviation deviationBa (ppm) 233 ::t: 36 15.5 197 279La (ppm) 20.1 ::t: 1.1 5.4 18.7 21.9Lu (ppm) 0.120 ::t: 0.005 4.3 0.110 0.128Nd (ppm) 12.5 ::t: 0.8 6.2 11.1 13.8Sm (ppm) 2.56 ::t: 0.17 6.5 2.26 2.76U (ppm) 5.59 ::t: 0.18 3.2 5.29 5.83Yb(ppm) 0.809 ::t: 0.040 5.0 0.755 0.878Ce (ppm) 39.0 ::t: 1.6 4.0 36.3 41.5Co (ppm) 0.146 ::t: 0.020 13.5 0.123 0.185Cs (ppm) 3.78 ::t: 0.09 2.3 3.60 3.89Eu (ppm) 0.329 ::t: 0.025 7.5 0.291 0.374Fe (%) 0.508 ::t: 0.012 2.3 0.490 0.530Hf (ppm) 3.84 ::t: 0.08 2.1 3.67 3.94Rb (ppm) 121 ::t: 8 6.5 116 146Sb (ppm) 0.246 :!: 0.010 4.0 0.225 0.264Sc (ppm) 1.72 ::t: 0.09 5.1 1.57 1.82Sr (ppm) 58 ::t: 10 18.0 45 76Ta (ppm) 2.02 ::t: 0.07 3.6 1.89 2.09Tb (ppm) 0.258 ::t: 0.020 7.9 0.223 0.289Th (ppm) 14.9 ::t: 0.3 2.3 14.1 15.3Zn (ppm) 34 ::t: 2 6.5 30 36Zr (ppm) 122 ::t: 6 5.2 112 129CI (ppm) 675 ::t: 81 12.0 488 767Dy (ppm) 1.34 ::t: 0.28 20.9 0.83 1.69K (%) 4.02 ::t: 0.53 . 13.2 3.50 5.27Mn (ppm) 489 ::t: 26 5.2 443 515Na (ppm) 3.0 ::t: 0.21 6.9 2.73 3.40Table 2.Descriptive statistics for ten source geologic samples from the Puzolana Source and two artifactsfrom Puente Cave (ppm= partsper million).

299.. Burger& Glascock:PUtolanaObsidianSource12'13'. Towns. Cities.. ObsidianSourceso. 20 . 40 . 80 . 120 . 160 . 200.km77' 76' 75' 74'Figure1.MapofPeru'ssouthernhighlandsillustratingthe locationofthe PuzolanaSourceandthe othergeographicalfeaturesmentionedin the text. MapbyRosemary Volpe.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..30085480008S4OOOO8S36000853200085280008524000576000 580000I0 1 2 3 4 5I I I I IKILOMETERS584000§ UrbanCenter. Village.& Obsidian Deposit1 Cerro Campanayocc Obsidian Sample2 Chupas Obsidian Sample3 Chauplorcco Obsidian OutcropFigure 2.Detail map showing the loci where nodules of the Ayacucho Type we~e recovered and indicatingthe extent of the geologicalstratum referred to as the Puzolana Source. MapbyRosemaryVolpe.

301 .. BurgeT & Glascock: Puz,olanaObsidian SourceFigure3.Viewed near the villageof Chupas, the thick puzolanastratum is cut by the Cachi Canal andoverlain byglacialdeposits. The Ayacucho Basinisvisiblein the distance. PhotographbyRichardL Burger.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..302Figure4.At CerroCampanayocc,immediatelyto the southof the cityof Ayacucho,the samepuzolanastratum wasfound to contain obsidiannodules similarto those recovered at Chupas. PhotographlryRichardL Burger.

303 ~ Burger&Glascock:Puz,olanaObsidianSourceFigure5.The largest sizegrade of the obsidian nodules collected from the puzolana layer above Chupas.Photograph by William Sacco.

00t"")(!)t'1i~tool0\- Naạ9Figure 6.Bivariate plot of Mn versus Na for Puzolana Source specimens and artifacts relative to other obsidian sources in southernPeru with 95% confidence ellipses surrounding each source group except puzolana. (No ellipse has been generated forPuzolana in this graph because of the source's extreme heterogeneity.)~ ạ.p..

oNo....AndahuaylasType BAleao =Chupas. =C. CampanayoccA =Ae158~o\J\oCX)-E0.00.0-CDCtScaoQuisplsisaAndahuaylasTypeA~ Jampatillao voNo350 400Puzolana450 500 550Mn (ppm)600 650 700Chivayc --=:>750b:Jfi~~C)a~l or~iFigure7.Bivariate plot ofMn versus Ba for Puzolana Source specimens and artifacts relative to other obsidian sources in southernPeru with 95% confidence ellipses surrounding each source group.V)~ @

IX)to~toAndahuaylasType B = Chupas. = C. Campanayocca = Ac158.~~0\Jampatilla'N aa.9toĒa.-- a.NJ: .PuzolanaAlca;:jrI00JAndahuaylas TypeA"ChOQuispisisa01"12 468101214Cs (ppm)Figure 8.Bivariateplot ofCsversusHf for PuzolanaSourcespecimensand artifacts relative to other obsidian sourcesin southernPeru with 95% confidence ellipsessurrounding each sourcegroup.\.N~

307.. Burger& Glascock:PutolanaObsidianSourceARCHAEOLOGICAL SITESANDECOLOGICAL ZONESOf THEAYACUCHOBASINFigure9.Location~ndecozonesof Preceramicsitesexcavatedby theAyacuchoHuantaArchaeologicalBotanicalProjectin relationto thePuzolanaObsidianSource(afterMacNeishetal. 1975:figure1).

nIBNORTHEAST CONFERENCE ON ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY ANDETHNOIDSTORY: TIlE FIRST EIGHTEEN YEARSRichard E. DaggettUniversityofMassachusetts, AmherstIntroductionAs I recaU,it was late in the springof 1982. .My doctoral field~work was behind me and I hadbegun the arduous task of organizing on paper thedata that my family and I had coUected during ourstay in Peru's Nepena VaUey. My wife, Cheryl,was very much a partner in this task and we weredeveloping a shared passion for Peruvian archaeol~01rY. Like most people in our situatiOn, we werestrapped financially and we knew that attending themeetings held annually in California at Berkeleyand in the Midwest were beyond our means. Yet itcost us nothing to dream and we often talked about1ww great it would be if only there was a similarmeeting in the Northeast. Though we did nothing toput this dream into action, someone else did...Donald A. (Don) Proulx headed my doc~toral committee and one day in the Spring of1982he gaveme a copyof an open invitation hehad received from Daniel H. Sandweiss(hereaf~ter Dan) to attend the First Annual NortheastConference 'on Andean Archaeology andEthnohistory at Cornell University the comingFall (Figure 1). I remember being stunned bythe fact that this wasjust what Cheryland I hadbeen talking about. So struck was I by thiscoincidence that it became indeliblyimpressedon my mind.It isnow the Fallof 1999and I ambeginningto write the history of this conference. This wassomething that I thought Dan woulddo, thoughI had imagined him tackling the subject follow~ing the Twentieth or the Twenty~fifthAnnualMeeting. Circumstances, however, dictatedotherwise. The Seventeenth Meeting washeldat the University of New York, Binghamton(SUNY) in October, 1998. Technical difficul~ties caused an extended delay in the programand an animated public discussion quicklycentered on where the first meeting had beenheld and whether the name of the conferenceshould be amended. There wasa lack ofconsen..sus on both issues. It was during a scheduledbreak that Dan asked me to write the historyofthe conference. I will leave it up to Dan toexplain why he chose to honor me.Part historian, part pack rat, I have main~tained filesof mailings, hand~outs and the likewhich I have received over the yearsfor each ofthe eighteen meetings. Dan generously sharedhis more complete filesfor the first meeting andfor the two meetings that I was not able toattend. Much of this material is reproduced atthe back of this paper. Figures 1..5offercopiesof documents, relevant' to the first meeting atCornell in 1982. Appendix 1givesa chronolog~icallist of the papers in the programs for theeighteen conferences held to date. The papersare grouped by conference. Individual papersare listed in the order that they occurred on theprogramsand they are numbered sequentiallysothat they may be so referenced in the text.Where known, papers not actually presented orpresented bysomeone other than the scheduledspeaker are noted.I must expressmydeepest appreciation to allwho answered my call for information. Theseinclude individuals involved in the originof the. conference, people who served as meeting hosts,and selected scholars who represent an unscien~tific cross~section of conference a~tendees.Most especiallyI would like to thank Dan whohas been forthright in answering (often inANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 309~345.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)amazing detail) the many questions I posedregarding his roles as founder, host, and editor.The Origin of the ConferenceIt was a great idea with an equally greatfuture. There were, at that time, two annualmeetingsdevoted exclusivelyto Andean archae~ology and ethnohistory. The first, held eachJanuary at the University of Californiaat Berke~ley is sponsoredby the Institute for Andean .Studies and organized by John Howland Roweand PatriciaJ. Lyon. The FirstBerkeleyConfer~ence was in 1961. The second annual Andeanmeeting is the Midwest Conference on Andeanand Amazonian Archaeologyand Ethnohistory,first held at Urbana, Illinois in 1973. This nowoccurs in February at various sitesin the UpperMidwest (Browman this volume, pages 345~365). In 1982, however, a Northeast Confer~ence must have seemed a pipe dream to a groupof graduate students returning from the Mid~western meeting ~t Ann Arbor, Michigan. Inthe SUNYBinghamton Department ofAnthro~pologyvan were Binghamton graduatestudentsAnita Cook, Lynda Spickard, ChristineBrewster~Wray, Michael Brewster~WrayandDan, an anthropology graduate student atCornell University in Ithaca, NewYork. It wasDan's first such regional conference and he wasthe only one in the group who did not presenta paper (Browman 2000:353). On the returntrip the upstate New York students were bothenergized and exhausted and discussion oftenreturned to the lament that they had to travelso far to attend these meetings. The idea ofholding a local conference emerged and Danwas the one who ran with it.Dan presented the idea of a conference atCornell to Thomas F. Lynch (Tom), then aProfessor in the Department of Anthropology.Tom liked the suggestionand agreedto promoteit but left the details up to Dan. Dan thenspoke with Craig Morris of the American Mu~seum of Natural History. At the time, Craighad a contract with Cornell that called for himto. teach a course there one semester out ofevery four and, as luck would have it, this wasthe semester and Dan was in his class. Craig,too, liked the idea and he offered to ask theMuseum to pay for the initial mailing. WhatDan calls the "great, great. . . great~grandlistofthe current mailing list" he created from theGuide to Departmentsof Anthropologypublishedby the American Anthropological Association.He put on the list anyone who expressed aninterest of any kind in the Andes or SouthAmerica, as well as the chairs of the anthropol~.ogy departments in the Northeastern UnitedStates and eastern Canada which had no spe~cmc Andeanists listed among their faculty.The first call for papers was announced in aletter fromthe Cornell UniversityAnthropologyDepartment, signed by Dan and dated May 5,1982 (Figure 1). It read, in part:"I am sending you this I~tter as an advance noticeof and invitation to the 1st Annual Northeast Conferenceon Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory, to beheld at Cornell University on Saturday, November 13,1982. The idea for this conference derives in large partfrom the successful series of regional meetings held inthe Midwest, and a similar format will be followed.Papers are invited from students, faculty, and otherresearchers concerned with Andean archaeology andethnohistory. . . If there is sufficient interest, the conferencecould run over to part of November 14th... Therewill be no registration fee, and everyone is invited. Theconference is meant as an opportunity for Andeanistsfrom the Northeast region to get together and discusstheir current research in a fairly informal setting."According to Dan, his decision to empha~size the archaeology and ethnohistory of theAndes in the title of the conference reflectedboth his interests at the time and the particularstrengths of the Department ofAnthropologyatCornell. No mention is made in this initial- mailingof the CornellLatin AmericanStudiesProgram (LASP). Dan subsequently circulatedan internal memo (Figure 2) to Cornell facultyand students dated August 16, 1982, in whichhe states that the LASP "is sponsoring theevent, which means that they are pickingup thetab and also that there is a possibilityofpublish~ing the conference in their Occasional Papers

311..series."Then, in his second callforpapers datedSeptember 1, 1982 (Figure3), Dan repeated hisgeneral invitation. In addition, he specificallystates that the meeting will be a two-dayaffairand that it will be sponsored by the LASP.Clearly something transpired between the twogeneral mailings.The involvement of the LASP was somethingof an accident. Dan had attended a partyhosted by fellow graduate student David Hesswhose interests centered on Brazil.!In atten..dance was the Latin American historian Dr.Thomas Holloway who was one of David'scommittee members and who, as luck wouldagainhave it, was the current .directorofLASP.The opportunity aroseand Dan spokewith TomHolloway about the upcoming Andeanist con..ference. Toni Holloway was sufficiently:inter..ested in the idea to invite Dan to come see himat his office. Tom Lynch recalls talking withTom Holloway and asking him to pick up theminor costs of the conference. When Dan wentto Tom Holloway's office, the latter offered tohave -the LASP pay the costs of running themeeting, including subsequent mailings,as wellas providing coffeeand donuts. Tom Hollowayalso asked what plans Dan had for the publica..tion of the proceedings (somethingDan hadn'teven considered) and he offered the possibilityof using the LASP Occasional Papers Series todo it. Lookingback, Dan cami.otrecall actuallyhaving a plan for obtaining the money neededto run the meeting, just faith that somethingwould work out.Successful ventures require inspiration,luck, and a lot of hard work. It wasnow time toconcentrate on the thousand-and-one detailsthat conference attendees never notice, letalone fully appreciate, unless something isforgotten or goes awry. Tom Lynch was theonly faculty member of the Department ofAnthropology involved in the planning stage.1 Hess is now a faculty member at Rensselaer PolytechnicInStitute.Daggett:The NortheastAndean ConferenceHis was essentially an advisory role, though hewas called upon to convince the Dean's Officethat the conference was "for real". The rest ofthe arrangements fell to Dan. The final pre..conference mailing, dated October 20, 1982(Figure 4), included a copy of the advanceprogram and information on travel and lodging.Presenters also received a special informationsheet (Figure5) suggestingthat talksbe limitedto twenty to twenty..five minutes and givinginstructions for voluntary submission of papersforpossiblepublication in the LASPOccasionalPapers Series.The First ConferenceThe First Annual Northeast Conference onAndean Archaeologyand Ethnohistory (hereaf..ter the NCAAE) washeld at Cornell Universityon the weekend of November 12 through 14,-1982.On Fridayevening, ethnographic filmsonthe Andes wereshown in 165McGraw Hall,siteof the Department of Anthropology. Paperswere presented on Saturday and Sunday in theHollis E. Cornell Auditorium, Goldwin SmithHall, in the College of Arts and Sciences. Aregistration desk was outside the auditoriumstaffed by student volunteers. Copies of theprogram were available, as wellas copiesofa listof mailingaddressesfor the speakers. Individualname tagsdenoting institutional affiliationwereprovided. These, along with the coffee anddonuts, were designed to facilitate interactionamong attendees who, for the most part, wereunknown to one another. Welcoming remarkswere made byTom Lynch and byDan. At somepoint during the Saturday proceedings, Dr.Holloway was introduced and he providedinformation about LASP. He also indicatedthat copiesofLASP publications were availablefree of charge at the registration desk.Dan served as moderator and he askedspeakers to heed the time limit. He warned thathe would flash a red light at the twenty minutemark and would then turn it on permanendy atthe twenty-five minute mark until the speakerstopped. He had designated Anita Cook as t~e

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)first speaker because she lived rather close byand, as such, he thought she would have notrouble arriving on time. This came to fallunder the heading of "The Best Laid Plans ofMice and Men..."Anita arrived about an hour late, havingbeen delayed by house guests. She was upsetand began reading her paper without foreknow..ledgeof Dan's plan of deterrence. According toDan, he flashed the red light, but it had novisibleeffecton Anita's presentation. When heturned the light on permanendy, it filled theroom with a bright red glow and Anita wasclearlydiscombobulated, though it did not stopher. Finally, William H. (Bill)Isbell, then heradviser, jumped up and demanded that Danturn the light off. Dan agreed if Anita wouldstop. She quicklywrapped up her talk. It wasnot the most auspiciousbeginning. Fortun~tely,the reSt of the meeting proceeded withoutincident.Dan had organized the program to beginwith four papers (1..4)reporting on excavationsat the site of Huari in the South Central High..lands of Peru. These were presented by AnitaCook, Christine Brewster..Wray, LyndaSpickard,2 and Bill Isbell, respectively. Thiscommencement was all the more appropriate, Ithink, because Anita, Christine, and Lyndahadhelped givebirth to the idea of the conference.These papers were followedby three in whichDon Proulx (7), Cheryl Daggett (5), and I (6)reported on the results of field..workwe haddone in the Nepena Valley on the North Cen..tral Coast of Peru. Clearly, whenever possible,Dan employed a thematic approach to organizethe speakers. This wasto set the tone forfuturemeetings. The next two papers were on theethnohistory of Peru (8~9). Presentations onthe archaeology of Peru dominated the rest of~ 312the meeting. Subjects were wide..ranging,andare not easilysummarized. From this disparateassemblage, however, a number of papers maybe highlighted.. For example, we heard the firstof many field reports from Richard Burger (23),Joan Gero (12), John Hyslop (16), MichaelMalpass (11), and John and Theresa Topic (15).Furthermore, the paper co~presented by An..thony Aveni and Gary Urton (13) dealt with a.subject that would be revisited in future meet..ings ~the Nazca Lines.A total of twenty~three papers was pre..sented,3 all on Peru, with speakers representing13 institutions in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania,Ontario, New York, Massachusetts, and Con..necticut. Mike Malpass (11) was the lonespeaker from outside the Northeast and, begin..ning the followingyear, he, too, listedan institu..tional affiliation (36) more in keepingwith thisgeographicalcore. There were numerous oppor..tunities to ask questions and make commentsabout specificpapers- during the time allottedimmediately after each presentation, duringscheduled breaks, and at the party held Satur..day night at the house of Tom Lynch and histhen..wife,Barbara Deutsch Lynch.On Sunday, in conjunction with the morn..ing break, an informal business meeting washeld by all in attendance to determine a loca..tion for the next meeting. Don Proulx andCraig Morris each offered to organize the Sec..ondAnnual Conference. After somediscussion,it was voted to hold the. next meeting in NewYork City. Finally, in a spontaneous show ofappreciation, it was suggested that Dan beapplauded for his efforts in staging the ongoingmeeting. This public expression of thanks forthe efforts of the current organizer(s) immedi..ately became accepted practice. So, too, didother aspects of this first meeting.2 This was the only paper she presented at the conference.Lynda died on August 10, 1999 (Brown2000 (thisvolume):1..5).3 Of this total, 14 (1..6, 8..11, 14, 19..20, 22) were subsequentlypublished as collected papers of the conference(Sandweiss 1983) in the Cornell University LASP OccasionalPapers Series. See also Notes 5 and 7.

313 ..Dan created the conference as an annualweekend eventto occur in the falland he estab..lished certain unwritten conventions to whichorganizershave since largelyadhered. Followinghis lead, the meeting has come to be character..ized by: (a) a Friday evening event or get..to..gether; (b) free registration at desks staffed byvolunteers who provide name tags and varioushandouts including programsi (c) free refresh..ments during day sessionsi (d) scheduled and.moderated single..session presentations withtirile allotted for discussion; (e) a Saturdayevening event or get..togetheriand (f)a Sundaymorning business meeting held specificallyforthe purpose of choosing the site of the nextmeeting..Froman historicalstandpoint,those of uswho attended the First NCAAE represent itscharter members. We are also a base group ofindividuals and institutions upon which tomeasure the growth of the conference,to ascer..tain its health, and to identifyits relative degreeof geographic influence over time. In the ab..sence of actual registration listsforall the meet..ings,information providedin the programsmustsufficefor comparative analysis.Preliminary study of the programs andrelated information made it clear to me that theconference has experienced three distinctphases of growth characterized byever..increas..ing rapidity of change. I willnow discussthesephases in turn. I willfollowthis with a generalanalysisof the papers presented at the meetingsand conclude with some general observations.Daggett: The Northeast Andean ConferencePhase I: 1983..19911983The Second Annual Meeting of theNCAAE washeld at the American Museum ofNatural History over the weekend ofNovember18..20,1983. This weekend coincided with thelatter part of the annual meeting of the Amer..ican Anthropological Association and, as aresult, attendance was somewhat affected. OnFriday evening, Alberto Rex Gonzalez pre..sented the Museum's second JuniusBirdMemo..rial Lecture"and it wasfollowedbya showingofBird's film, liTheSouth Chilean ArchaeologicalExpedition." This was held in the KaufmannTheater on the first floor of the Museum. TheMuseum restaurant, one floor below, wasopenfor a by..reservation..onlydinner followingtheshowing of the film. .Twenty..one paperss were then presented onSaturday and Sunday in the Linder Theater,located on the first floor of the museum. CraigMorris, the meeting organizer, served as moder..ator. In this, he Wa$ assisted by D. PeterKvietok who had also seen to the myriad pre..conference details. There were thirteen newpresenters, including the first to represent NewJersey (35). Another first was a (co..)presenta..tlon (37) which dealt with a country other than.. During October 8..10, 1982, a conference, entitled"EarlyCeremonial Architecture in the Andes", washeldat Dumbarton Oaks in Washington D.C. A yearbefore,it had been decided to dedicate the conference to JuniusBird, and, one month after the conference was held,Gordon R. Willey gave the inaugural paper in the JuniusBouton Bird Lecture Series at the American MuseumofNatural History (Donnan 1985:4). Junius Birddiedat hishome in New York City on April 2, 1982 (Morris 1985:120).S Of this total, nine (24, 29,34, 36..41) weresubsequentlypublished as collected papers of the conference (Kvietokand Sandweiss 1985) in the Cornell LASP OccasionalPapers series.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Peru; in this case Venezuela. Included amongthe new presenters were a number ofindividualswho would become familiar participants inNCAAE meetings: ElizabethP. (Betty) Benson(24), Patricia Netherly (33), Dwight Wallace(39),John Murra (42), and Leon Doyon (43).William (Bill)and Barbara Conklin hosteda party at their home on Saturdayevening. Thisoccasion provided the opportunity to surpriseDolly Menzel and present her with a copy ofthe latest' edition of Nawpa Pachawhich hadbeen dedicated to her and to John Rowe andassembled in secret.6 On Sunday morning itwas voted to hold the next meeting at theUniversity of Massachusetts at Amherst. Themeeting officiallyended with the showingof theJunius Bird film, "Huaca Prieta Excavations".1984.The Third Annual Meetingof the NCAAEwas hosted by the University of Massach~settsthe weekend of October 26 to 28, 1984. OnFriday evening, a. special showing of the newfilm, "Mountain Music of Peru", waspresentedby its maker, John Cohen, who provided intro~ductory comments and later answered ques~tions. Also shown was Cohen's film, "Qeros:The Shape of Survival". This was held inTt1ompsonHall, Room 106,the site alsochosenfor the conference. Following the lead of theFirst NCAAE, a typed list of the names andaddresses of those giving papers was madeavailableat the registration desk.The meeting organizer,Don Proulx,chaired the sessionson Saturdayand Sunday.Presentationsweremadebyseventeenindividu~6 The 20th volume of Nawpa Paeha was dedicated toDorothy Menzel and John H. Rowe (Lyon 1982:1).Included in this volume were three articles initiallypresented as papers (7, 17,23) at the first NCAAE.,314als,7 seven of whom had not previouslyspokenat the conference. With the exception of ourfirst presenter from California (55), the newspeakers were drawn from what had alreadybecome the core NCAAE geographic area. Ofnote, IzumiShimada (46),Tom Lynch(56),andMonica Barnes (58) gave their initial presenta~tions to the conference. Though Peru againdominated the talks, we heard papers dealingwith Chile (56) and Colombia (60).On Saturday evening, conference partici,.pants attended a special "sneak preview"of theexhibit, "Art of the Andes: Pre,ColumbianSculptured and Painted Ceramics from theArthur M. Sackler Collections". The showwason the fourth floor of the University's TowerLibrary. Don and Mary Jean Proulx hosted awine and cheese reception at this, its unofficialopening. On Sunday morning, it wasdecidedtohold the next meeting at The State Universityof New York at Albany.1985The Fourth Annual Meeting of theNCAAE washosted by SUNY Albany over theweekend of November 1 to 3, 1985. Partici,pants gathered at Lecture Center 1 to heartwenty papers.s Dwight Wallace organizedthemeeting and served as its chair. New facesand7 Of the total of seventeen papers presented at thismeeting, nine (45, 48-52, 57, 58 and 61) were subsequentlypublished as collected papers of the conference(Sandweissand Kvietok 1986) in'the Cornell UniversityLASP Occasional Papers Series.SOf this total, three (64, 68, and 69) were subsequentlypublished in a new journal sponsored by the CornellUniversity LASP. With Dan Sandweiss as editor andRichard Burger,Tom Lynch,and CraigMorriscomprisingthe editorial advisory board, this new, open, and peerreviewjournal, AndeanPast,retained a strongconnectionwith the NCAAE (Sandweiss 1987':iii-iv). D. PeterKvietok wasAssociate Editor for Volume 2 (1988). LaterMonica Barnesbecame Associate Editor (1992)and thenEditor (1994) of Andean Pastjointly with Dan and DavidFleming became Graphics Editor (1998).

315..old made presentations and our horizons wereexpanded to include Ecuador (74), Bolivia (75and 91), and Chile (78).There were nine new speakers, includingKate Cleland (77) from UCLA and BillHurley(75) fromthe UniversityofT oronto. LeeHollo..well (66) made his first presentation to thegroup as well. On Saturday evening, Dwightand Carol Wallace hosted the group at theirhome. During the business meeting on Sundaymorning it was voted to return the meeting toits roots at Cornell University in Ithaca, NewYork the followingyear.1986. Before volunteering to organize the FifthAnnual Meeting of the NCAAE at Cornell,Dan had first consulted with Monica Barnes(hereafter Moni~) who agreed to run themeeting if he should be out of the country. Heforesawthis as a possibilityand, in fact, Monicadid end up '(inheriting" much of the job whenDan received finandaI support for his work inPeru. Prior to heading into the field,Dan madeinitial preparations and he set up the guidelinesfor the meeting, but Monica wasleft to attendto the many small details.The Fifth Annual NCAAE was hosted byCornellUniversity over the weekendofNovem..ber 7..9, 1986. It was co..organizedby Monicaand Dan and co..sponsoredby Cornell's LASP,International Studies Programand DepartmentofAnthropology. An informalbuffetreceptionwas held on Friday evening at the apartmentMonica shared with David Fleming. As it hadbeen with the inauguralmeeting, the conferencewasheld in HollisE. Cornell Auditorium, Gold..win Smith Hall.- In addition to copiesof theprogram, copiesof a typed list of the names andaddresses of the speakers and organizersweremade available at the registration desk.A total of sixteen papers were presented,divided into sessionsdealing with archaeology,archaeological technology, and ethnohistory.Dagge~: The Northeast Andean ConferenceMonica chaired the first two sessions, whileJohn Murra chaired the last one. Two of thepapers dealt with a country other than Peru,oneeach on Chile (82) and Bolivia (92). Therewere seven new speakers, including HelaineSilverman (88) and Clark Erickson (92) fromthe Universityof Illinois at Urbana and ThomasAbercrombie .(96)from the University of Chi..cago. They were to be just the first of manyspeakers to represent these institutions at theNCAAE. Martha Anders (85) and Ann Peters. (87), both from Cornell, also made their firstpresentations to the conference. An informaldisplay of the Frank Collection of AncientPeruvian Art wasopen to conference attendeesin Room 150, McGraw Hall early Saturdayevening. Later there was a party at the Knightsof Columbus hall in downtown Ithaca. This washosted by Cornell University and organizedbyMonica and David. On Sunday morning,it wasvoted to hold the next meeting at Trent Univer..sity in Peterborough, Ontario.Thinking back to that Sunday morning, Irecall that concern wasexpressedabout whetherPeterborough was too remote a location for thenext meeting. I also recall an absence of coffeeand donuts. In a commu~cation to me,Monicaprovided the followingexplanation:"We had already establishedthe 'free coffeeanddonuts'custom. An adequate supplyhadbeenorderedfrom Cornell Catering, and theywereputout onSaturdaywithout incident. NaturaUy,whenpeoplereturnedon Sundaymorning,theyexpecteda continentalbreakfast,asusual. I couldnotfindthepastry,soI assumedthat CorneUCateringhadmessedup. TherewerecomplaintswhichI fieldedasbestI could. As the meetingwas breakingup, ascholar then in residenceat Cornell invited thoseremaining to come to his housefor coffee anddonuts! He claimed that he just found theminboxesoutsideoneof the building'sdoorsashewasarriving thatmorning,andtheyhadbeen,according(to him, clearlyabandoned,sohesafeguardedthemby storing themin his car! I think I wasactuallylungingat him whenDavid physicallyoverpoweredme, andpushedme into thecar we hadrented.. .

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)For weeks afterwards when I heardhowgenerousthatscholarhadbeento obtaindonutsfor thewholecrowdI becamelivid!"1987The Sixth AnnualNCAAEwasheldwith..out a similar incident at Trent University theweekend of October 16 to 18, 1987. It wasco..organized and run by John and Theresa Topicand it remains the only international setting forthe conference. The sixteen papers were pre..sented in the Champlain CollegeLecture Hall.They included talks on Ecuador (109 and 110),Chile (111), and Bolivia (113). Dan returnedto give a talk (98) and he was accompanied byhis new wifeMariCarmen RodriguezSandweiss.There were nine new presenters, includingDavid Fleming (110). Other first..timespeakersreflected the broad geographical draw of themeeting. Charles (Chuck) Hastings (107) andWarren Church (108) came fromMichiganandColorado, respectively,whileEur.opewasrepre..sented by Michae.lCzwarno (103) and SergioPurin (101). The latter just happened to be inthe area and had decided to participate in theconference. He was so impressed with theproceedings that he spoke animatedlywith DonProulx and me about hosting a futuremeeting inBelgium. Wouldn't that have been great!Unfortunately, nothing came of it.On Saturday night, the Topics hosted aparty at their home and made available forviewing a video on the archaeologyof Bolivia.I stillremember what a huge housethey had andwondering.how they could possibly afford toheat it in the dead of winter! I also rememberthat, in spite of the skepticismexpressedduringdiscussion the year before, the meeting provedto be a complete success. On Sunday morningit was voted to hold the next meeting inAmherst, Massachusetts...316chusetts the weekend of November 4..6, 1988.Don Proulx once again served as organizerandmoderator and, as at the third meeting, thepapers were presented in Thompson Hall 106.There were twenty..three presentations, includ..ing one each on Bolivia (127) and Ecuador(128). There were eight new speakers. Amongthem were Tamara Bray (128) from SUNYBinghamton, Patrick Carmichael (114) fromCalgary, and Tom and Shelia Pozorski (118)from Texas. Cheryl and I had begun a mend..ship with Tom and Shelia in 1980when wehadworked in the neighboring Nepefia and CasmaValleys,respectively. Over the years,I had keptthem posted on the doings of the NCME andthey decided. to come from Texas: to see forthemselves. Finally, it should be noted thatJoan Gero (121), Martha Anders (119),9andMike Malpass (125) were now comingfromtheUniversity of South Carolina, the UniversityofCalgary, and the College of William and Mary,respectively.On Saturday night Don and Mary JeanProulx hosted a party at their home. It wasraining hard that evening and I recall linkingupwith the car driven byBillIsbell. He waslost,soI confidently told him to follow me. I hadvisited Don's'home on countless occasionsandhad never had a problem. That evening, how..ever, I did something I had never done beforenor have I done since- I took a wrongturn.On Sunday morning, it was voted to hold thenext meeting in New Haven, Connecticut.1989The Eighth Annual Meeting of theNCAAE was hosted by Yale Universitytheweekend of October 13 to 15, 1989. The meet..ing wassponsored byYale'sCouncil on Archae..ological StUdies,Department of Anthropology,and Council on Latin American Studies. Rich..1988The Seventh Annual Meeting of theNCAAE was hosted by the University of Massa..9 This was the last meeting at which Martha Anderspresented a paper. She died on August 8, 1990 (Sandweiss1992:1).

317..ard Burger organized the meeting and served asits moderator. The eighteen paperswere deliv..ered in Davi~s Auditorium. Presentations onPeru continued to dominate the program, butone each dealt with Argentina (152), Bolivia,(147), Ecuador (146), and Venezuela (145).There were six new speakers, including Heidy.Fogel (143):° In the absence of one speaker(149), Izumi Shimada showed slides of recentexcavations at the site of Kuntur Wasi in theNorthern Highlands of Peru. Mike Malpass.(138) now listed Ithaca College as his institU..tional affiliation.On SatUrday evening many of us joinedRichard and his wife Lucy at the HamdenHouse, a local restaurant specializingin North..em Chinese cuisine. We then reconvened as agroup on campus, at an auditorium in KlineGeologyLaboratory,to hear Tom Patterson givean invited lecture (148): This wasfollowedbyaconcert bythe EcuadoriangroupAndesmanta.The evening ended in grand fashion with cakeand champagne..-On Sunday morning, it wasagreed that the next meeting wouldbe held atThe State University of New York in Bing..hamton, New York.1990The ninth meeting.of the col)ference washosted by SUNYBinghamton overthe weekendof October 26..28, 1990. For the first time,"Amazonian" was included in the title of theconference. On Friday evening, early arrivalswere invited to gather informallyat Johnnie'sTavern in the Holiday Inn, SUNY. Bill Isbellhad organized the meeting and he chaired theSaturday morning session, while Tamara Brayand Peter Stahl chaired the Saturdayafternoonand Sunday sessions,respectively. All sessionswere held in lectUre Hall 9 of the Lecture HallBuilding.The Lounge in Science I BuildingwasDaggett:TheNortheastAndeanConferenceopen throughout the meeting for relaxationand/or collegial discussion.Twenty..threepapers were presented, sixdealing with Ecuador (156, 173..177), twowithBolivia(167..168),and the rest with Peru.Therewere eight new speakers, including Peter Stahl(156) and James Zeidler (175), the first personto represent the University of Pittsburgh. AnitaCook (164) and Clark Erickson (168) werenowat Catholic University in Washington D.C. andthe University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia,respectively.Bill Isbell and his wifeJudy Sigginshosteda gathering at their home on Saturday night.On Sunday morning it was voted to hold thenext meeting at the American Museum ofNatural History in New York City. Thosechoosing to do so were invited to enjoy anIndian buffet at a local restaurant after the lastpaper had been presented.1991The Tenth Annual Meeting ofthe NCMEwashosted bythe American Museum ofNaturalHistory over the weekend of November 1..3,1991. The museum's first floor Linder Audito..rium served as the location of this meeting and15 papers were presented. Craig Morris orga..nized the meeting and he served as its modera..tor. In addition to the usual papers on Peru,one was presented on Chile (191) and twoconcerned Ecuador (184..185). John Hyslop'spresentation (187) was accompanied by a film,the first time one wasused at the Conference inthis way.11 Among the six new speakers wasour first from Winnipeg (181).Those attending were invited to gather atthe Whale's Lair in the Museum on ,SatUrdayevening and/or to explore the Museum's HallofSouth American People which remained open10This was to be the only paper she wouldpresent to theconference. Heidy died on November 11, 1994 (Burger1998:1).11This was to be John's last presentation to the confer..ence. He died on)uly 23,1993 (Murra 1994:1). .

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)until 8:45 p.m. On Sunday, it was decided tohold the next meeting at Colgate University inHamilton, New York. At the closeof the meet,ing, John Cohen premiered his film, "Dancingwith the Incas".SummaryA total of 169 papers were presented atmeetings of the NCAAE held during the nineyears from 1983 to 1991. This comes to anaverage of about nineteen per meeting. First,time presenters accounted for seventy'three ofthese papers, or roughly forty,three percent ofthe total. This averages to about nine newspeakers per meeting, and most came fromwithin the northeastern geographical coreestablished at the first meeting held at Cornellin 1982. Despite occasional, yet increasingparticipation, by speakers from the Midwest,West Coast, and western Canada, the NCAAEhad not grown beyond its geographical core.Furthermore, the t;otal of twenty-three paperspresented at the first-meet~g was never surpassed,and only twice equaled. In both re,spects, change was on the horizon.Phase n: 1992..19941992The Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Con,ference was hosted by Colgate University overthe weekend of November 20,22, 1992. Forthe second time "Amazonian" wasincluded inthe title. An initial informal gathering tookplace on Friday evening in the Colgate Inn.Beginning on Saturday morning, a total oftwenty..three papers was presented in 209Lathrop Hall, with speakers comingfrom suchfar,away places as Missouri (197), Michigan(205), and Wisconsin (208). The University ofChicago was also well represented (199 and201). There were eight new speakers, amongthem Jack Rossen (193). In addition to theusual preponderance of talks on Peru, therewere papers on Ecuador (197 and 208), Bolivia(201 and 209), Argentina (207), and Chile..318(195). In the audience was Yuri Berezkin, amember of the Russian Academy of Scienceswho was travelling in the United States as avisitingscholar. The morning sessionsonSatur..day and Sundaywere moderated bythe meetingorganizer,GaryUrton, while Tony Aveni servedin this capacity for the Saturday afternoonsession.. On Saturdayeveningattendeesdinedat theColgate Inn. This was followedby the showingofJohn Cohen's film,"Dancing with the Incas",which also had been presented the previousyear. John's film had been scheduled to bescreened in the Maroon Room at the Inn. Thefilm was actually shown to an overflowingaudience in a downstairs room. On Sundaymorning, it was decided that the next meetingwould be held at the Carnegie Museum ofNatural History in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.1993The Twelfth Annual Meeting of theNCAAE washosted bythe Carnegie MuseumofNatural History the weekend of OctOber22..24,1993. For the first time, a program with ab,stracts was prepared as a handout and it listedDan as the program chair and JamesB.Richard..son III as the local chair.12 On Fridayevening,filmswere shown in the museum's Lecture Hall.This wasalso to be the location for the meeting.Twenty..sixpaperswere presented, a record totalfor the conference. A record, too, were the12Dan had volunteered to organize the Pittsburgh meet..ing because, the previous year, he had begun a tWo yearRea Post-doctoral position in the Section of Anthropologyat this museum and he expected to be in residence thereduring 1993. As it happened, he applied for and waschosen to fill a faculty position at the University of Maineat Orono. Dan moved to Orono and organized themeeting from a distance with the able help of Jim Richardsonand his staff. Dan's job was to indicate what those;irrangements should be, to set up the program,and, withJim's help, to chair the meeting. It feU to CharmaineSteinberg, the departmental secretary at Pittsburgh,to seeto most of the local arrangements. .

319..twelve papers which dealt with countries otherthan Peru. Bolivia (236, 237, 239, and 240),Ecuador (219..222), Columbia (216..218),andChile (241) were represented. We had our first.speakers from Ohio (222 and 234). The Uni..versityof Pittsburgh waswell..representedin theprogram (216..218)/3 as was the University ofIllinois at Chicago (231..233). There werethirteen new speakers, notably Ellen Fitz..Simmons Steinberg (231), JoEllen Burkholder(237), and John Walker (240), each of whomhave since become familiar speakers at theconference.This was one of the two meetings thatCheryland I were unable to attend. In speakingwith colleagueswho did, I wastold that thingsweQt very well. In view of this, I find mostinteresting the comments that I received fromCharmaine Steinberg who was responsible forseeing to the many local details in preparationfor this meeting.(see Note 12). She wrote: ". . .1hadNO ideawhat -1was gettingmyself into! Themost difficult thing was working with the museum'scateringand audio..visualstaff. 1discoveredthefirstmonung there was no overhead projectorfor MikeMalpass's talk. 1had to call variousdepartments inthe museum on a Saturday to locate one (no easytaSk) and drag it back to the auditorium - afterabdominal surgery five weeks before. Most of the13According to Jim Richardson, the Pittsburgh meetingcould not have come at a moreopportune moment for thehost institUtion. At the time, the Universityof PittsburghDepartment of Anthropology wa,sin the initial stages ofdevelopingits Latin American archaeologyand bilingualpublication programs, which were funded by the HeinzEndowment. The Latin American archaeologyprogramis now fully endowed and is supporting six to eight LatinAmerican students in the doctoral program at anyonetime. I should also note that Jim Richardson kindlyprovided me with a copyof the registrationsheets for thePittsburgh meeting. Included among the 66 who signedin wasa heavycontingentfromthe Universityof Pitts-.burgh: 21 students ang three faculty.Daggett: The North£ast Andean Conferenceconference went by in a blur after thatt,,14 Clearly,meeting organizers have a very different per..spective on things. .On Saturday evening, a cocktail receptionwas held on the third floor of the Grand Stair..case of the Muse,um.A cash bar complementedthe cocktail food which wasmade availableanda number of Anthropology Halls adjacent to thereception were open. On. Sunday morning, it.wasdetermined that the next meeting wouldbeheld at Ithaca College in Ithaca, New York.1994The Thirteenth Annual Meeting of theNCAAE washosted by Ithaca Collegeover theweekend of October 14 to 16, 1994. The meet..ing was co..sponsored by the Department ofAnthropology and Office of Conference andEvent Services. Michael (Mike) Malpass wasmeeting organizer, and he served as its modera..tor. Twenty..five papers were presented inTextor HaU,Room 102. This total fellone shyof tying the new record set the previous year,but definitely suggested a trend toward greater.participation. In this same vein, it should benoted that, for the first time, a noticeable num..ber of multi..authored papers were included onthe program. There were five of them (245,249,250,252, and 253).15As at Pittsburgh, there wasa greater balancebetween papers which dealt with Peru and thosewhich dealt with other South American coun..tries. PapersdiscussingArgentina (249),Bolivia14She also wrote, "I do remember some wonderful chatswith associates of Jim's and Dan'sthat I had onl1 known viaphone and their articles. It was an especiaU'J rewardingopportunity to finaU'J meet them . . . They provided greatinsights on traveling/working in Peru, which I was able to dothe next summer. That was m'J first Northeast Conferenaand I continuedto attendman'Jafter that. . ." .IS Excludingthoseauthoredbyspouses,therehadneverbeen more than two such papers presented at a meeting.In fact, the average was one co-authored paper for thefirst twelve years of the conference.

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)(242-244,259, and 260), Chile (253-255),andEcuador (261..262)were included on the program.The Universities of Pittsburgh (257 and259) and Illinois at Chicago (251-252)continuedto be represented. There were seven newspeakers, notably Jim Richardson (257), JackProst (251), IsabelleDruc (246), and TomZoubek(247). Finally, it should be pointed outthat Jack Rossen (254) and Tamara Bray (263)now listed their institUtional affiliationsas theUniversity of Kentucky and the SmithsonianInstitution,respectively.Early Saturday evening, a reception withcash bar was held in the Tower Club of IthacaCollege. Later,Tom Lynchand hissecondwife,Jane Flaherty,hosted a party at their house. OnSunday morning, it was determined that thenext meeting wouldbe held at the Rhode IslandSchool of Design in Providence, Rhode Island.Summary",A total of seventy-four papers were presentedat the three meetings of the NCMEheld during the years 1992 through'1994. Thisaverages nearly twenty..fivea meeting, up fromthe previous average of nineteen, and two morethan the highest single meeting total for thepreviousten years. The programscontinued thetrend toward a more balanced pan..Andeancoverage. There were twenty-eight new speakers,many comingfrombeyond the geographicalcore established during the first ten years of theconference. For the first time,'~ meeting washeld outside this core; thus, expanding it westward.There were also significantly moremultiple-authored papers. These,facts suggestthat the NCAAE was expanding its influenceand becoming a destination meeting.Phase m: 1995..19991995The Fourteenth Annual Meeting' of theNCAAE washosted bythe RhodeIslandSchoolof Design (RISD) over the weekend of October-32020 to 22, 1995. The meeting was co-sponsoredby RISD and Brown University and it had beenco-organized by Elisabeth Bonnier and Edward(Ned) Dwyer. An opening reception, sponsoredby Monica Barnes and David Fleming,washeldat The John Carter Brown Libraryon the cam..pus of Brown University. This venue waschosenbecause Monica is a former fellow andcurrent supporter of the Library. She wanted tomake conference participants aware of the John'Carter Brown Library's resources. Daniel J.Slive, who was then the Reference Librarianatthe Library, gave a presentation entitled, IIRe_sources for the StUdyof Andean Ethnohistoryand Archaeology at the John Carter BrownLibrary".16Sessionswere held on Saturday andSunday in the RISD Auditorium. Copies of aProgram and Abstracts were available at theregistration desk. As I recall, E-mail addresseswere first requested at this meeting.17Copiesofa typed list of participants and their postaladdresses were subsequently made available.The morning and afternoon sessions onSaturday were chaired by Tom Lynch and BillIsbell,respectively.Tom had relocated to Texasand had made a special trip to attend the meeting,something we all appreciated. Ned Dwyerchaired the sessions on Sunday. Including aspecialguest lecture, a total of twenty-sixpaperswere presented. With the exception of fivepresentations, one dealing with Chile (272)andtwo each dealing with Ecuador (270 and 271)and Bolivia (289 and 290), Peru wasthe domi-16 Dan Slive is now a rare books librarian at the Universityof California, Los Angeles.17According to Mike Malpass, he began the processofcollecting e-mail addresses while organizing the Ithacameeting the year before. He did so because of variousdifficulties he was having in corresponding with certainindividuals. He included this limited information on themaster address list he then forwarded to Ned and Elisabeth.They carried the process the rtext step by includinga request for e-mail addresses at registration in Providence.

321-nant topic. There were ten new speakers,mostof whom, unlike Elisabeth Bonnier (274), traveledfar to attend the meeting. RichardSchaedel (280) came from Texas while JohnRowe (281), his wife, Pat Lyon (291), andGeorge Miller (284) flew in from California.There were also participants from other countries;Claude Chapdelaine (278) from Canada,Henning Bischoff (275) from Germany, andJuan Ossio (287) from Peru. As at the previousmeeting,a numberofmultiple-authoredpapers .(267-270) were presented.Early Saturday evening, John Rowe gave aspecial guest lecture (281). This was followedbya reception at the EwingCenter forArts andHumanities at RISD. On Sunday morning, itwasagreed that the next meeting wouldbe heldat the University of Pennsylvania in Philadel,phia, Pennsylvania.181996The Fifteenth Annual Meeting of theNCAAE washosted by the Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseum of Archaeology and Anthropologyover the weekend of October 18-20,1996. The meeting was co-sponsored by theMuseum and the University's Department ofAnthropology. It was co-organized by ClarkErickson and Katherine Moore. For the firsttime, a World Wide Web site was establishedfor the conference. This has since become thenorm. On Friday evening, a cash bar andinformal reception was held at the New DeckTavern. The meeting took place the next twodays in the Museum's Rainey Auditorium. OnSaturday, the early and Jate morning sessionswere moderated by Dan (Sandweiss)and TerryD'Altroy, respectively. Monica (Barnes)chaired the first afternoon session that day,while Mario Rivera assumed.this responsibility18It was also decided to hold the 1997 and 1998 meetingsin Orono, Maine and Hanover, New Hampshire, respec,tively.Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conferencelater in the day. Betty.Benson acted as chair forthe Sunday session.A total of twenty-six papers were presentedat the meeting, about a quarter dealing withcountries other than Peru. Bolivia (293 and306), Chile (295), &uador (303 and 308), andBrazil (311) were represented. There were tennew speakers, including one from Pittsburgh(306), and our firstfrom Drew University (308),the University of Western Ontario (312), and&uador (303). There were five multipleauthoredpapers (293, 294,311,312, and 314),one of these (293) having five secondary authorslisted. A number of presenters indicatedchanges in institutional affiliation. MikeMalpass (294) was back at the College ofWilliamand Mary on sabbatical from Ithaca College,while Theresa Topic (301), Tom Zoubek(297), and Jack Ro~sen (314) were now atBrescia College, SUNY New Paltz, and IthacaCollege, respectively.A businessmeetingwasheldearlySaturdayevening and it was confirmed that the nextmeeting would be held at the UniversityofMaine in Orono, Maine. A "FallBBQ"wasthen held at the home of Clark EricksonandKayCandler. Immediatelyfollowingthe meeting,a first-time attendee, Lloyd Anderson,reported on the conferenceon the AZTLANListserve,somethinghe has continued to doafterattendingeach subsequentmeeting.1997The Sixteenth Annual Meeting of theNCAAE was hosted by the University of Maine,Orono over the weekend of October 3 to 5,1997. The meetingwassupported bythe University'sCultural AffairslDistinguished LectureSeries and College of LiberalArts and Sciences,as wellby anonymous donors. On Friday afternoon,Jim Richardson gave a talk entided,"Collecting Pre-Columbian Peru: Archaeologi..cal Research vs. Treasure, Loot and Booty",inthe BodwellArea of the Hudson Museumin theMaine Center for the Arts. A numberof us,

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)who arrived earlier in the day, had a chance tohear this very interesting talk. Later that evening,the Oronoka Restaurant and Hotel wasthe designated gathering place for earlyarrivalsto the meeting.The meeting was held in the Donald P.Corbett Building, Room 100. A program withabstracts wasprovided at the registration desk.Dan was the meeting organizer and program.chair. A total of thirtypaperswerepresented,the most to date. Of these, one each dealt withEcuador (326), Bolivia (332), Argentina (340),and Chile (344). There were ten new speakers,including four from the host schbol (320, 342-344) and two from Canada (324 and 336).Patrick Williams (331) was the firstrepresentativefrom Florida to give a. talk. Other newspeakersincluded Alexei Vranich (332), DavidJohnson (346), and Lloyd Anderson (347).There wereonly three multiple-authored papers(330,331,345), two of these by husband-wifeteams (331, 345). Isabelle Druc' (328) nowlisted Yale as her institutional affiliation.On SatUrdayevening, a reception was heldin the Bodwell Area of the Hudson Museum.The museum wasopen beyondnormal'hoursforthe enjoyment of conference participants. Ofparticular interest was the special exhibit,"Empires Emerging: Collecting the PeruvianPast" which had opened on September 20th.Other permanent and temporary exhibits werealso open for viewing and Steve Whittington,the Director of the museum, proved an excellenthost. On Sunday morning a.decisionwasmade about the location of the next meeting.Dartmouth College in Hanover,. New Hampshirehad been so designated, but complicationsmade it necessary to postpone holding themeeting there for one year. After discussion,itwas decided to hold the next meeting atBinghamton University (SUNY),in Binghamton,New York.1919It was also decided to hold the 2000 meeting in Am,heist, Massachusetts:1998..322The Seventeenth Annual Meeting of theconference was hosted by Binghamton University(SUNY) the weekend of October 16-18,1998. For the third time, the word "Amazonian"appeared in the title of the conference.Bill Isbell was the meeting organizer and, tosome extent, he followedthe format that he hadestablished in 1990. As before, earlyarrivalsonFriday evening were directed to meet at Johnnie'sTavern. All talks were again held in thelectUre Hall Building,though, this timeweusedLecture Hall 14. Other aspects of this meetingwere very different, however.Billemployeda seriesof paired Coordinatorsand Speaker's Assistan~ for the Saturday andSunday sessions. In sequential order of appear..ance, these pairs consisted of: Peter Stahl andGreg Ketteman; Catherine Bencic and SondraSainsburyjRodrigoNavarette and Tom BesomjEmilyStovel and Juan Leonij and Tyler O'Brienand Greg Ketteman. Byfar, this was the great..est number of facilitators to date. The programconsisted of thirty..nine papers and two specialpresentations. The total of forty,one presenta..tions far exceeded the previous high of thirtysetthe year before. The twelve non-Peruvianpapers were divided among Argentina (380),Bolivia (354:.355, 378..379), Brazil(388),Chile(368), and Ecuador (349-352).The sixmultipleauthoredpapers(351,368,372,374,375, and380) set a conference record.The fourteen new speakers came from farand wide. Included were such places as Califor..nia (358), Colorado (362), Indiana (388),Illinois (364), and Canada (350,359,360, and369). Patricia Netherly (349) retUrned to theconference after a long absence and listed theFundaci6n Alexander von Humboldt in Quito,Ecuador as her new institutional affiliation. Anumber of other regulars alsolisted a change ofinstitutional affiliation: David Johnson (383)was now at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst; Tamara Bray (365) was at WayneState University;JoEUenBurkholder (379)was

323..Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conferenceat Indiana University of Pennsylvania;WarrenChurch (385) was at Dumbarton Oaks; andMike Malpass (375) was back at Ithaca College.A business meeting washeld earlySatUrdayevening after the supper break. Bill scheduledpresentations by Jose Ochatoma P., MarthaCabrera R., and himselfon an emergencysitua..tion at the site of Conchapata, abutting theAyacucho airport in the South Central High..lands of Peru. The other businesswas to con..firm the location of the next meeting. Onceagain, it was reported that the Hanover, NewHampshire site would have to be postponed. Itwas then voted to move the Amherst, Massa..chusetts meeting forward from 2,000to 1999.20The business meeting was followed'by twospecial presentations, given' by Adriana vonHagen (370) and Gary Urton (371), that dealtwith recent discoveries tpade at Lagunade LosCondores in Chachapoyas, Peru. Billwas theevening Coordinator while Juan CarlosBlackerwas the Speaker's Assistant. Later that eve..ning, BillIsbell and his wifeJudySigginsho~teda reception at their home. At the close of themeeting on Sunday, they invited those notleaving the area until the next day to meet attheir home for the purpose of diningwith themat a local restaurant.1999The eighteenth annual meeting of theconference was hosted by the University ofMassachusetts at Amherst the weekend ofOctober 22..24, 1999. Support wasprovided bythe College of Social and Behavioral Sciences. andbythe DepartmentofAnthropology.DonProulx was the meeting organizerand he estab..lished the Boltwood Tavern in the Lord JeffreyInn on the town common in Amherst as the20It was also agreed to hold the 2000 meeting in Hanover,New Hampshire, and the 2001 meeting at YaleUniversity, New Haven, Connecticut.designated meeting place for early arrivals onFriday evening.The meeting was held in the newly reno.-vated Room 104 in Thompson Hall. Copiesofthe program and abstracts were made availableat the registration table. Booksellersadvertisedtheir publications at the adjoining table. Donchaired the meeting and he invited participantsto view the special photo exhibit by die Peru..vian photographer, Vincente Revilla, entideduQoyllur Rit'i: In Search of the Lord of theSnow Star", which was on display on the mainfloor of the nearby W.E.B. Du Bois Library.A total of 37 presentations were made,including a special invited lecture (413) onSaturday eveningbyNilda Callafiaupa. Shewasintroduced by Susan Bruce of the HarvardUniversity Peabody Museum of Archaeologyand Ethnology. Following this talk, the annualbusiness meeting was held. It was confirmedthat the 2000 and 2001 meetings wouldbe heldat Dartmouth and Yale, respectively. Discus..sion then centered on the fact that the expan..sion in the number of talks the past two yearshad come at the expense of the discussiontimeimmediately followingtalks. It was concludedthat those who volunteer to host future meet..ings of the conference do so with the under..standing that discussion is highlyvalued bytheparticipants. Though a number of suggestionswere offered, it was decided to leave it up toeach organizer to decide how to achieve thisend. Followingdinner, Don and his wifeMaryJean hosted a party at their home.The total of 37 talks presented at thismeeting nearly matched the new high estab..lished the year before. Like the previousyear,there were twelve non..Peru..relatedtalks repre..senting five countries. In this case, Argentina(416 and 417), Bolivia (412,418,419, and 425),Chile (391 and 392), Colombia (420), andEcuador (414 and 415) were so represented.Notably, the Universities of Chicago (397) andPittsburgh (394and 412) continued to be repre..sented at the conference. There were fifteen

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)new speakers (391,393,399,401,403,406,411,413,418,420,423,425, and 426), a conferencerecord. Though most of the new speakerscamefromwithin the conference's geographicalcore,we heard our first speakers from Tennessee(418), Colombia (420), and The Netherlands(403). Finally,five of the new presenters (400,403, 406, 413, and 420) reflected a growinginternational participation in the conference.SummaryA total of one hundred and sixty paperswere given at the five NCAAE meetings heldduring the years 1995,1999. The averagenum,ber presented was thirty,two. Even excludingthe huge increase in papers presented in 1998and 1999, the average was twenty'seven, twomore than the preceding phase. The paperscontinued to provide pan,Andean coverage.There wereflfty,ninenew presenters,an averageof twelve a meeting, and many now came fromoutside the geographicalcore ofthe conference.In addition, with the exception of the meetingheld in 1997, a noticeable number of paperswere by multiple authors. The trend towardgreater outside participation in NCAAE meet,ings noted in Phase II continued in Phase' IIIand this was likely facilitated by the spread ofelectronic communication.DiscussionThe four hundred and tWenty,sixpaperswhich have been presented at meetings of theNCAAE to date reflect a wide array of subjectmatter. Though a somewhat daunting task, it ispossible to assign the great majority of thesepapersto one or morebroadcategories. .A number of papers have dealt with a spe,cmc archaeologicalperiod. In this waywe havebecome informed about early and middle Holo,cene times (420), Paleoindian times (183,220,194, 344), the Preceramic (11, 55, 137, 138,193, 229, 268, 303, 314, 319,322, 385), theArchaic (391) the Formative (109, 142, 195,222, 235, 247, 249, 272, 275, 380, 416, 417,..324425), the Initial Period (68, 117, 118, 158,159,179,227,248,274,276,277,297..299,307,339,356,357,384,395,396,398), the EarlyHori,zon (38,83,140,161,339), the EarlyIntermedi,ate Period (15, 38, 45, 49, 50, 121, 163), theRegional Developmental Period (174,270),theRegionalClassic (216), the Middle Horizon(25,85,104,119,295,296,334,378,392,404,407,408), the Late Intermediate Period (205, 250,252), the Protohistoric Period (219)and theColonial Period (58,329,366).In like manner, other papers have focusedon specific archaeological cultUres. Hence, wehave learned about the Cham (22, 23,67,144,157,246,328,341), Guafiape (276,398), Para,cas (39,87, 115, 133, 139, 140, 160,234,377),Nasca (13,19,30,31, 70, 87, 88,114,115,141,198, 199, 279, 345, 346, 382, 383, 399, 401,403), Recuay (7, 28, 226, 376), Gallinazo(143),Moche (7,24,101,144,224,225,278,336,338,358,360, 377), Huari (1,4, 120, 335, 372,376,404'407), Tiahuanaco (1'27,165,259,260,290,293, 332, 333, 335, 378, 379), Sican (77 and203), Chimu (8,190,204), Chiribaya (393),andInca (16, 17, 32, 40, 41, 43, 53, 72, 90, 91, 96,112, 122, 123, 131, 132, 134, 148, 149, 151,152, 154, 169, 182, 207, 208, 210, 213, 221,230,255,264,265,281,284,288,300,306,323,329,330,348,362,367,371,409,412,415,423)cultures. In particular, we have heard anum,ber of reports dealing with the Nasca Lines (13,30, 31, 199, 346, 383, 401, 402) and the NascaValley filtration systems (124, 170, 171, 345).The quipu (264,286,300,323,371), masonrytechniques (90, 91, 105, 123, 285, 348, 367,409, 411, 412), road network (16, 112, 255),and frontier (152, 207, 255, 306) of the Incaculture also have been widely discussed.Archaeological periods and cultUresmaybeviewed as forming a set of related categories. Asecond set of related categories concern thenatural and social environment. Papers onclimate (56, 74, 116,267,269,334, 344),land,scape (17, 259, 342, 343), soils (75, 113, 147),and water (17, 125, 230, 239, 297, 346, 375,383) fall into the former, while papers dealing

325.. .with subsistence (11, 14, 18,21,35,50,51,55,82, 92, 98, 125, 127, 136, 150, 168, 228, 233,254, 262, 283, 284, 303, 320, 355, 380, 388,417), exchange (263, 270,301,328,360,392,394,414,418), social structure (95, 114, 132,138, 203, 206, 216, 242, 249, 286, 301, 425),gender (121, 225, 226, 266, 292, 301, 318),ethnicity (103, 107,134, 153,211,221), iconog..raphy (1, 26..28, 69, 141, 144, 198, 202, 224,234, 275, 370, 400, 403, 425), ritual (59; 154,206, 224, 274, 276, 297, 299, 333, 338, 341),symbolism (34, 103, 157, 182, 186, 188, 192,215, 264, 286, 300, 313, 341, 371), complexsociety (4, 18, 20, 40, 47, 72, 118, 143, 148,206,245,248,389), and ethnohistory (8,9,31,33,41,42,53,54,58,94,95,97,112,154,173,213, 238,.261, 265, 287, 288, 302, 347, 363,387,422, 423) fall into the latter.The history of archaeology,based on archi..val research, has been' the concern of somepapers (68, 78, 102, 126, 139, 160, 167, 187,212, 258, 273; 304, 325, 390). Many otherpapers have been based on current archaeologi..cal field work. Survey reports have been givenfor Argentina (340), Bolivia (168, 209, 239,240, 242, 289, 354, 355), Brazil (311), Chile(191 and 368), Ecuador (109, 128, 146, 174,222), Peru (6, 7, 11,36,38,45,52,83,86, 107,140, 161, 164, 178, 200, 296, 369, 382, 408),and Venezuela (37). Excavations reports havealso been presented for Argentina (416, 417),Bolivia (236, 237, 293, 332, 378, 418, 425),Chile (272), and Peru (1..4,23, 25,88, 106, 108,117..120,158,159,179,205,223,227,247,248,268,274,276..278,294,296,298,299,312,322,331, 336, 337, 356, 357, 360, 362, 372, 373,376, 384, 395, 396, 398, 404..407). Promisingnew research tools were discussedin the surveyreports dealing with low altitude aerial photog..raphy (368) and satellite imagery(369).Finally, we have heard many technical.reports. They have dealt with architecture (2,3, 15, 32, 33, 49, 79, 94, 105, 106, 122, 162,163, 165, 171,247,336,389), marine shell (62and 98), lithics (12, 63, 193), textiles (22, 44,65,104,130,133,166,189,190,192,210,339,Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference366), wood (329), metal (29,46,61,64,66,93,129,241,253,277,337), pottery (5,39,43,57,71, 76~77, 85, 86, 89, 99..101, 108, 135, 142,155, 176, 185, 196, 197, 203, 204, 246, 260,270, 305, 327, 328, 330, 333, 360, 365, 379,421), faunal remains (35, 156, 262, 283, 284,381), floral remains (50, 51, 233, 254), andhuman remains (114, 115, 177, 184,231,232,243,247,250..252,282,309,310,315,391,393,397). The science of archaeologywasespeciallydemonstrated by papers dealing with stableisotopes (268), DNA (315), trace elementanalysis (337), X..ray analysis (101), and theelectron microscope (330).Final Thoughts. Dan was initially criticized for having hadthe audacity to include "Annual" in the title ofthe first meeting held in 1982. Clearly, theconference has proven to be a great successandDan should be appiauded for having exhibitedboth foresightand determination. The questionremains, however: why has the conference metwith such success? My informants and I agreethat this is due to a number of factors.First and foremost~ the small scale of themeeting is a pure delight. One is able to speakwith friends, both old and new, in a generallyunhurried and informal atmosphere. Over theyears a group identity has formed as manyofthesame people have returned annually to attendthe gathering. If you will, a sense of extendedfamily has emerged and this sense has beenheightened by the fact that the group includesa large number of couples. Many of the spouses. have not participated formally in the meetingsand many have little or no background in theAndes. Still, they all enjoy attending and thisspeaks for the conviviality of the conference.From the student's perspective, the confer..ence has provided an inexpensive and easilyaccessiblealternative to regional meetingsheld.outside the Northeast. Furthermore, the con..ference has provided an opportunity to interactwith professionals in an atmosphere consider..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)ably less intimidating than that found at nationalmeetings. Students have the opportunityto make contacts and to have their ideas takenseriouslybysenior scholars. The fact that manyin the group first participated in the conferenceprior to completing their doctorates means thatstudents can hone their speakingskillsbefore agenerallysupportive audience.The earlyFallisan ideal time forthe conferencebecause other meetings are rare then. Inaddition, because people are just returning fromthe field, they have new information to presentand new ideas to discuss. The single sessionformat has helped create a greater sense ofgroup participation because we all get to hearthe new information and ideasat the same time.The conferencehas alwayswelcomedfreshideasas wellas new members. & such,'not onlyhavewe heard from a growing number of speakers,but an amazing array of topics have been presentedunder the Andean umbrella.A fascinating .aspect of hearing particularspeakers over the yeats is that you begin to seehow they have developed certain ideas or perspectiv~sthrough time. As their knowledgeadvances, so too does that of the group, albeit,mostly in an incremental way. We come toexpect, indeed anticipate the next "chapter" oftheir life's work. Tom Patterson has spokenabout the evolution (20) and nature of theAndean State (40,47, 72, and 148),while Incastonework has been the focusof LeeHollowell'spresentations (66, 91, 123, 285, 348, 367 and409 ). We have watched GaryUrton sbift fromethnographic (31,54,81,94, and 154) to symbolic(157 and 188) concerns, in general andqUipu-relatedones (264,286,300, and 371), inparticular. Monica has drawn heavily fromethnohistoric sourcesfor her presentations (58,97, 170,213, and 288), whileI have made use ofthe Lima press (68, 102, 126, 139, 160, 212,258, 273 and 304) and museum archives (325and 390) to speak about the historyof Peruvianarchaeology.- 326Archaeologicallyspeaking,Don Proulxhasbecome our resident expert on the Nasca Culture(70, 141, 198, 279, and 382) while IzumiShimada has informed us on the Sican CultUre(77,89, and 203) as well as prehispanic metallurgyin northern Peru (46, 93, 129, and 142).Heading back in time, Richard and LucyBurgerhave presented information about the InitialPeriodoccupation of the LurinValley (117,158,179,299,384, and 396) j Tom and Shelia Pozorskihave done the same for the Casma Valley(118, 159,227, 248, 298, 356, 395), and TomZoubek has imtiated a similar study of InitialPeriod settlement in the VirUValley (247,297,357, and 398). Jack Rossen has principallyconcentrated on the Preceramic (193,314 and322) and Dan's work concerns the emergenceofcomplex society in Preceramic times (18, 194,245.,268, 269, and 319) and particularlythe roleplayedbyclimaticchange (62,98, 116and267).The research interests of Mike Malpassoverlap with those of Dan and Jack regardingthe Preceramic (11, 36. 138, 229, and 321) andwith others concerned with post-fonnativesettlement in southern Peru (71, 86, 178, and294), in general, and, specifically,as it relatestoterraced agrlculturalsystems (52 and 125). Inthis way,Mike also overlaps with GrayGraffamwho has spoken regarding Tiwanaku agriculture(127 and 150) as well as on metallurgy (241and 253) and the Middle Horizon (295) inChile. Clark Ericksonhas taught usmuch aboutBolivian raised-field agriculture (92, 168, 209,239,242, and 289) and he has discussedagrariancollapse during the Middle Horizon (334).The Middle Horizon has preoccupied AnitaCook (1, 26, 164, 296, and 373), JoElIenBurkholder (237, 260, 290, 293, and 379) andBill Isbell,who has focused his attention on theAyacucho area (4, 25, 389, and 404), Bolivia(236, 293, and 335), and the Northern Highlandsof Peru (120). In the latter area, he wasled to reconsider the importance of local architecturaltraditions (162 and 206). Such localtraditions had been discussed in detail byJohnand Theresa Topic (15,49, 106, and 163),who

327 ~then shifted their attention to related ethno~historic research in Northern Peru (153) andEcuador (221,361, and 415).21From the above, it can be seen that theconference has acted as a crucible of sorts,allowingfor the interplay of ideas and the cre~ation of new perspectives especiallyconcerningthe Preceramic Period, the Initial Periodand theMiddleHorizon. The conferenceoffersspeakersabundant opportUnities for feedback, both.immediatelyafter their presentations and duringscheduled breaks. The conversations that areheld are often intense and one can't help but bestimulated by the livelyexploration of ideas.. During the past tWoyears, the number ofpresentations has reached an all~time high.This has been achieved, however,at the cost ofgreatly reduced opportUnities for discussionimmediately following presentations. Partici~pants have expressed dissatisfaction with thistrend and future organizershave been chargedwith the responsibllityof restoring this valuedtime for discussion. How they do so, however,has been left.to their discretion.Overall, however, I think we should feelvery good about the conference. We have hadwonderful institutional support and the manyspecial venues have added to the weekendexperiences. The conference gains prestigethrough its association with Andeanpast22and,in this regard, we need to acknowledge thecontinued support of the Cornell LASP, itscurrent Associate Director, MaryJoDudley,andits former Directors Tom Holloway,BillieJeanIsbell, Lourdes Beneria, and Debra CastUlo.Conference membershipisnot yetunwieldyand21This shift was pardy due to the uneasy political sitUa.tion in Peru during the late1980s and early 1990s whichmade it increasingly dangerous to continue research in thehighlands. I suspect that Bill Isbell's shift to Bolivia (236)and Joan Gera's move to Argentina (249) were similarlyinfluenced.Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conferenceit consists of individuals who ~njoy collegialinteraction and who have learned to appreciateone another. We can boast some top peopleintheir fields, many of whom are still relativelyyoung. We have begun to plan meetings inadvance and we have a solid core of individualswho have volunteered to host meetings. Again,some of these individuals are near the beginningof their professional careers. Finally, with thecontinued involvement of Dan and other dedi.cated members, the future of the conferencelooks assured.ReferencescitedBrowman, David L.2000 An Informal History of the Origins and EarlyYearsof the Midwestern Conference on Andeanand Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory:The First 25 Years, 1973.1997. Andean Past6:347-367.Brown, Robin M.2000 Lynda Elliot Spickard, 1944.1999. AndeanPast6:1-4.Burger, Richard L.1998 Heidy Fogel, 1956.1994. Andean Past5:1-3.Donnan, Christopher B.1985 Preface. In EarlyCeremonialArchitectureIn TheAndes: A Conferenceat DumbartonOaks, 8th to10th October 1982, edited by Christopher B.Donnan, pp. 3-6. Washington, D.C.: Dumbar.ton Oaks Research Libraryand Collection.I

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..328ArchaeologyandEthnohistory. Ithaca,NewYork:Cornell University Latin American StudiesProgram.Sandweiss, Daniel H. and D. Peter Kvietok (editors)1986 Perspectives On AndeanPrehistoryAnd Protohis.tory: Papersfrum the Third Annual NcrrthuutConferenceonAndeanArchaeologyandEthnohis.tory. Ithaca, New York: CornellUniversityLatin American Studies Program.~Iogy vepar-tmen'tCorne1l University215 l~cGrav HallIthaca, Hev York ;1.4853May 5, 1982"Dear Colleague:I am sending you this letter as an advance notice of and invitation to the1ft Annual Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeology and Etbnohistory. to behel.d at Corne1l University on Saturday, I.ovember 13, 1982. The idea for thisconter~nce derives in large part from the successtul series of regional meetingsheld in the Midwest, and, a similar format will -be followed. Papers are invitedtrom students, faculty, and other researchers concerned with Andean archaeologyand ethnohistory.' A final deadline of Septsber 30, 19~2 has been set for thereceipt of titles. It there is sufficient interest, the conference could runover to part of November 14th. ." In order to save money, on1;y one letter has been sent to each departmen1i,either to the first person listed in The Guide as being interested in Andean -:.archaeology or et1inohistory, or else to the department chairman. I would appreciateit it you could bring this notice to the attention of interested colleaguesand students. There will be no registration tee, and ev.eryone is invited. Theconference is meant as an opportunity tor Andeanists from the northeast regionto get together and discuss their current research in a fair~ informal setting.If you have any questions, feel.tree to contact me through the Departmentof Anthropology, Cornell University or at (607) 256-7254. I anticipate a secondmailing in early September, and a short program will be sent out some time inOctober (after all the paper titles have been received), along with generalinformation on travel, lodging, and so forth."I look. forward to seeing you in November!" Sincerely, .D~~r;Daniel Sand\l'eissFigure 1. Invitation to first NCAAE meeting dated May 5, 1982.

329 ~Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference'1'0:,,"-'"!ti1ropol~ GnY.1uateStudent$f):"'CWt~ Dan Sandtleill$na~ l.:ndean Con!erenaep..nthropology Colloqu'.aj}"telr 16 August'l 1982a.nd'FacultyL 'rho .f'1rst.'NcrtbeastCc:d'e:rence on Andean Archaeology and Ethnoh1at.arywill be held at Cornell on No,,-ember13...14. l.nyone who tlouJ,d like togiTe a paper ~ wOUldlike t.o be involv£d in the organization and running~i the conference should let. me moo. 'the Latin American Stutlies Program",521 be sponsoring the event.~ which meSn3 that t.bey are 'Pick L'1gupthe tab ared slso that there is a possibility of publishing the contorencein their 6ccaa tonal rapers series..2.. Pe

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ,330Depart~ent of Anthropology215 McGrawHallCornell UniversityIthaca, New York 14853S'eptember 1, 1982'..-NORTHEAST'CONFERENCE ON ANDEANARCHAEOLOGYAND ETHNOHISTORY...NOVEMBER13-14, 1962CORNELLUHIVERSITYDearColleagueI am sending you this letter as a notice o'f and invitationto the 1st Annual HortheastConference on Andean Archaeology andEthnohistory, to be held at Cornell University on Saturday andSunday, 13-14 Novem~er, 1982. Papers are invited from students,~aculty, and other researchers concerned with Andean archaeologyand ethnohistory. A final deadline of October 10th has been setfor the receipt.of titles. A number have already come i~hFormat will be =limllar to' that of the Midwest regionalconference, with "plenary" sessions on Saturday morning andafternoon and on SUnday mornipg. Each-speaker will have 30minutes. Talks should last about 20-25 minutes, with 5-10minutes for questions and discussion.The oonference will be sponsored by the Cornell Latin AmericanStud ies Program.As with the first mailing, only one oopy of this letter hasbaenserit to each department, although I have:also sent copies topeople who have corresponded with me about the conferenc~. Iwould appreciate it if you could bring this notice to theattention of interested colleagues and students. There is noregistration fee, and everyone is invited. The conference ismeant aa an opportunity for Andeanists from. the northeast regionto get together and discuss their current research in a fairlyinformal setting.If you have any questions, feel freeto writeor oallme atthe Departmentof Anthropology,Cornell (607) 256-5137, or callme at home at (607) 217-0547. As soon as all the titles are.received, by October 10th at the latest, I will mail _p shortprogram along with general information on travel, lodging and' soforth. Anyone who would like to be added to the mailing listshould send me their name and address.I.~ook forward to seeing you ~n .NovemberSincerely,D.:J.~Daniel SandweissFigure 3. Invitation to the first NCME meeting dated September I, 1982.

Daggett: The Northeast Andean ConferenceDepartment ofAnthro"polog y215 .McGraw HallCornell UniversityIthaca, New York 1~853October 20, 1982"DearColleague,Enclosed is a program. for the FIRST ANNUAL NORTHEASTCONFERENCEON ANDEANARCHAEOLOGYAND ETHNOHISTORY, to be.held at Cornell University on November 13 and 14, 1982. Theconference is sponsored by the Cornell Latin AmericanStudies Program. I hope that you will be able to attendI have also enclosed information on practical matterssuch as travel and ~odging. You will find a list of local'hotels on the reverse of this sheet and a separate sheetwith travel directions and campus map.. If you have anyquestions, please feel free to contaot me at theAnthropology Department, tel~ (601)256-5137, or at home.~qtel.(607) 277-05~1.Beoause economic considerations make it impossible tosend this notice to everyone, X would really appreciate itif you could make the information available to colleagues inyour institution. Thanks."Xlook forward to seeing you here!.Sinoe:,lY,D".;J~~Daniel Sandweiss.--ATTENTIONGRADUATESTUDENTSI Several of the graduatestudents in the Anthropology Department here havevolunteered floor spaoe for visiting grad students to throwsleeping bags. These spaoes will be allocated on a firstoome~first-serve basis; please get in touoh with me as soonas possible. X need to know arrival date (Friday or,Saturday), number in party, whether or not you will nave acar, and your phone number and address.Figure4. October20,1982 coverlettersent to thoseattendingthe firstNCAAE.

UwEAN PAST 6 (2000) ..332. INFORMAtIoN-'-ORSPE~~CIfSFIRST ANNUAL NORTHEASTCONFER~E ONANDEIW-ARCHAEOLOGf ANDETHNOHISTOKr- ---1. Please check the enclosed program. It I have made any errorsor it you w~sh to make a change, let me know at least a weekbefore the conference so that the alterations oan be incorporatedin the final prcgram. . .2. Each speaker wUl have a t.otalof 30 lI1inutes alloted to" him/h~r. The suggested length ot talks is 20-25 minutes, leaving5-10 minute~ for discussion. Because we have so many papers, itlsvital that we stick to the schedule.3. The room we wial be using seats about 200 hundred persons; it15 equipped with a projection booth, 2 Kodak carousel projectors,a large screen, and a sound system! 'Ifyou have any specialrequirements, let me know and I will try.to arrange for them.There will be a number of empty slide carouselsavailable,thoughyou might find it easier to bring your own carousel pre-loaded.4. As part of their sponsorship, the Cornell Latin AmericanStudies Program has agreed to publish a volume of Selected Papersfrom the conference in.their Occasional Papers series. ThesepUblications are offset from typescript,'softbound, and producedin limited press runs. Those who wish to do'so must sUbmit aclean copy of their paper 'by January 15,.1983. Let me emphasizethat delivering a paper at the conference does not carry anyobligation to submit a version, for publication. Details on theeditorial process will be forthcoming. The Cornell ~tinAmerican Studies Publications Committee reserves.the right totinal apprdva~ of the collection of papers to be 'published.5. It you have any problems or questions, do get in t9uch .withme through. the Anthropology Department, tel. (601) 256-5131, orat. home, tel. (607) 211-0547.' .Thanks,O".J~DanSandwe1s~gure 5. Information for Speakers, first NCAAE meeting..

333.. Daggett: The Northeast Andean ConferenceAPPENDIX 1: ChronologicalListingOf PapersPresentedAt The NortheastConferenceFirst meetingorganizedbyDanielH.Sandweiss, CorneuUniversity,Ithaca,NewYork,Nowmber13~14,1982.1. Aspects of State Ideologyin Huari and Tiwanaku Iconography:The Central Deity and the SacMcer byAnitaG. Cook (Colgate University).2. Spatial Patterning and the Function of a Huari Architectural Compound by Christine Brewster~Wray (SUNYBinghamton). .3. Square Pegs in Round Holes:An Architecture of Sacred Power by Lynda E. Spickard (SUNY Binghamton).4. IdeologicalAntecedents of Empireby William H. Isbell (SUNY~Binghamton).5. Casma~IncisedPottery: An Analysisof Collections from the Nepefia Valleyby Cheryl C. Daggett (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).6. Virahuanca Bajo:On Understanding Megalithic Sitesin the Nepefia Valleyby Richard E. Daggett (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).7. Moche and RecuayRelationshipsin the NepefiaValley,Peru byDonaldA. Proulx (UniversityofMassachusettsAmherst).8. La Lengua Pescadora: The Lost Dialect of Chimu Fishermen by Joel Rabinowitz (Johnson Museum, CornellUniversity).9. TheChancasofAngaraes:1450(1) ~ 1765 by Paul H. Dillon (Cornell University).10. The Chincha ValleyProject by Craig Morris (American Museum of Natural History).11. Preceramic Subsistence Technologies of the Casma Valley, Peru by Michael A. Malpass (University ofWisconsin Madison).12. Stone Tools in Ceramic Contexts: Edges,Actions, and Shapes byJoan M. Oero (University of MassachusettsAmherst) .13. A PreliminaryInvestigation of Order in the Nazca Lines by Anthony F. Aveni (Colgate University) and GaryUrton (CQlgateUniversity).14. High Altitude Land Use in the Huamachuco Area by Tom McGreevey (Trent University) and RoxanneShaughnessy (Trent University).15. Viracochapampa:New Informationby John R. Topic (Trent University)and Theresa L. Topic(TrentUniversity).16. Results of an ArchaeologicalSurveyof the Inka Road SystembyJohn Hyslop (Institute of Andean Research).17. The Shape of Things That Were: Landscape and Waterscape near Inca Cuzco by Susan A. Niles (LafayetteCollege).18. Ecologyand Analogy: A RevisedModel of the Origin of Complex Sbciety on the Peruvian Coast, by Daniel.H. Sandweiss (Cornell University).19. Huaca del Loro Revisited byAllison C. Paulson (Hartwick College).20. The Evolution of Andean SocialFormations on the Central Coast of Peru, 5000 to 1000 B.C. by Thomas C.Patterson (Temple University).21. Sierra, Selva, and Salt: The Case for a Central Huallaga Prehistory by Warren DeBoer (CUNYQueensCollege).22. The Uses, Roles, and MeaningsofChavfn~tyle Painted Textiles by Rebecca Stone (YaleUniversity).23. Two Villagesin the ChavCnHeartland: Pojoc and Waman Wain by Richard L. Burger (YaleUniversity).SecondmeetingorganizedbyCraigManisandD. PeterKvietokAmericanMuseumof Natural History,NewYorkCity,November19~20,1983.24. The Moche Moon by ElizabethP. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California).25. The Ayacucho Valley in the Middle Horizon by William H. Isbell (SUNYBinghamton).26. The Significance of the Conchapata B Deposit: I by Anita G. Cook (Colgate University).27. The Significanceof the Conchapata B. Deposit: II by Dorothy Menzel (Institute of And~an Studies, Berkeley,California).28. A Distinctive Supernatural Creature ofRecuay Iconography by Steven Wegner (Dumbarton Oaks).29. Impressionsin Metal: Reconstructing Burial Context at Loma Negra by Anne~Louise Schaffer (MetropolitanMuseum of Art).30. New Data on the Nasca Line Centers by Anthony F. Aveni (Colgate University).31. Ethnographic and Ethnohistoric Perspectiveson the Nasca Linesin the Plaza at Quebrada de la Vaca byGaryUrton (ColgateUniversity). .32; Symbolic Structure at Inkawasi,Cafiete Valley byJohn Hyslop (American Museum of Natural History).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -33433. Dualism and Ceremonial Architecture in the Northern Andes by Patricia Netherly (Cornell University).34. Written Sourceson AndeanCosmologybyGeorgeKubler(YaleUniversity). .35. The Guinea Pigis Good to Eat:The Guinea PigisGood to Think byCarolyn}. North (princeton University).36. Two Preceramic and FormativePeriod Occupations in the Cordillera Negra: Preliminary Report by.MichaelA. Malpass(St.LawrenceUniversity). .37. Recent Archaeological Investigationsin the High Llanos and Piedmont of Western Venezuela by CharlesS.Spencer (Universityof Connecticut) and ElsaM. Redmond (Universityof Connecticut).38. The Transition From the EarlyHorizon to the Early Intermediate Period: A Comparison of the Nepefia and. VirU Valleys by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst).39. A Re*evaluation of the ParacasSeriation by Dwight Wallace (SUNYAlbany).40. Pachacamac: .The Production of Ideologyin Central Peru under the Incas by Thomas C. Patterson (f empleUniversity).41. The Spanish League and Inca Sites:A Reassessmentof the 1566Itinerary ofJuan de Matienzo through N.W.Argentina by Gordon C. Pollard (SUNYPlattsburgh).42. Bolivia:Progresson Andean HistorybyJohn V. Murra (Cornell University).43. Machu Picchu Ceramics:HiramBinghamand the Lost City of the Incas RediscoveredbyLeon G. Doyon (YaleUniversity).44. Patterns/Designs of the Huaca Prieta Textiles by Milica Skinner (American Museum of Natural History).Third meetingorganizedby DonaldA. Proulx,Universityof Massachusetts,Amherst, October27-28,1984.45. . The EarlyIntermediate PeriodOccupation of the North.Centrai Coast: An Emerging Perspective byRichardE. Daggett (University of MassachusettsAmherst).46. Ancient Mining and Metallurgyon the Northern Coast of Peru by IzumiShimada (Harvard University).47. Pre~IncaicClass and State Formationin Peru by Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University).48. The Processof State Formation in the Andes: A View through Time by Patricia Netherly (Dumbarton Oaksand UniversitYof Massachusetts Amherst).49. Evolution of Architectural Formsin Huamachuco byJohn R. Topic (Trent University). .50. Analysis of Organic Remains 6:omHuamachuco Colcas by Coreen Chiswell (Trent University).51. The Archaeological Botany of a Highland Andean Site at Tantamayo Huanuco, Peru, by Lawrence Kaplan(UniversitYof Massachusetts Boston).52. Terrace Systemsof the Colea Valley,Peru: A preliminary report by Michael A. Malpass.53. Large Scale Coca*LeafGrowingin Eastern Qollasuyu byJohn V. Murra (Institute of Andean Research).54. The History and Geographyof Origin Places in Pacariqtambo by Gary Urton (Colgate University).55. Differentiated Subsistence Modeof the Peruvian Cotton Preceramic Period by ElzbietaZechenter (UniversityCalifornia LosAngeles).56. The Salar de Punta Negra: ClimateChange, Water Budgetsand Settlement around a Former FreshwaterLake(in Northern Chile) by Thomas Lynch (Cornell University).57. Topam, by Dwight Wallace (SUNYAlbany).58. Representations of the CosmosbyMonica Barnes (Community College of Allegheny CountY).59. Earth Mother, Earth Father: Ancient Shrinesin Contemporary Andean Worship by SusanA. Niles (LafayetteCollege).60. An Analysis of Two Tairona Pendants by Robert Sanin.61. Aspects of Casting Practice in Prehispanic Peru by Stuart V. Arnold (Harvard University).Fourth meetingorganizedbyDwightWallace,State Universityof New York at Albany, November2*3, 1985.62. Choromytiluschorusin Andean Prehistoryby Daniel H. Sandweiss (Cornell University).63. Basalt Use~WearStudies by D. Peter Kvietok (American Museum of Natural History).64. Manufacture of Beadsin Prehispanic Peru by Stuart V. Arnold (Harvard UniversitY).65. Textile Conservation in the Fieldby Sandra Evans.66. Were Bronze Tools Used in Andean Stone Working? by J.Lee Hollowell.,67. Chavinoid Incised Bone Implements in the Collection of the Fine Arts Museum of Long Island by MarilynGoldstein (Fine Arts Museum of Long Island).68. The Excavations of Two CupisniqueTemples in Nepefia: Reconstructing the EvidenceJor Cerro BlancoandPunkurl by Richard E. Daggett (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).69. The Iconography of Bats in South America by Elizabeth P. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley,California).

335- Daggett:TheNortheastAndean Conference70. Nasca Mythical Iconography: Some New Discoveries.by Donald A. Proulx (University Massachusetts ofAmherst).71. Ceramics from the Colca Valley: ProvisionalIdentification by Michael A. Malpass (Washington and LeeUniversity). .72. Merchants and Markets in the Inca State and Beyondby Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University).73. A Reanalysisof the Copper Man by Nancy Demyttenaer.74. How Important isClimate in UnderstandingCulture History:The Caseof the Santa Elena Peninsula, Ecuador,by Eugene McDougle.75. The Soilsof Sierra Moko, Cochabamba,Bolivia,byWilliam H. Hurley (University of Toronto ), Gray Graffam.(University of Toronto) , and David Pereira Herrera.76. The Kaolin Ceramic Tradition in the Northern Sierra by Theresa L Topic (Trent University).77. Variabilityin Slean Blackware:Morphology,Decoration,Chronologyby Kate M. Cleland (UniversityofCalifornia Los Angeles) and IzumiShimada (Harvard University).78. JuniusBird'sExcavationsin SouthChile:1936~37byJohnHyslop(AmericanMuseumofNaturalHistory).79. Architectural Features of La Centinela, Chincha by Dwight Wallace (SUNYAlbany).80. . StonesIn ContemporaryCachorabyRaquelAckerman.81. [Tide unknown] by Gary Urton (ColgateUniversity). (Paper not confirmed.)Fifth meeting argankedby Monica Barnesand Daniel H. Sandweiss,Corneu University, Ithaca, New Yark,November8~9,1~~ -82. Transhumance Patterns in the South Central Andes byCalogeroM.Santoro (Universidad de Tarapad., Arka,Chile and Cornell University). .83. The EarlyHorizon Period in the lea Valley:A Reassessmentof the Ocucaje Sequence by Sarah A. Massey. (Inabsence of author, paper read by Kate M. Cleland.)84. EarlyRidge Top Administrative Centers and the Consolidation of Power in the Callej6n de Huaylas,Peru byJoan M. Oero (Universityof South Carolina). (Author did not attend; paper not presented.)85. Middle Horizon Ceramicsfromthe Planned Site of Azangaro (Ayacucho,Peru) by Martha B.Anders (CornellUniversity).86. The Ceramic Sequence fromChijra, Colca Valley, Peru, by Michael A. Malpass (St. Lawrence University).87. Images and Environments: Nasca and Paracas, by Ann Peters (Cornell University).88. Nasca 8 at Cahuachi: A Late Nasca Occupation at an Early Nasca Site by Helaine Silverman (UniversityofIllinois Urbana).89. Paleteada Ceramics at Huaca del Pueblo: Chronology and Functional Classesby Kate M. Cleland (UniversityCalifornia Los Angeles) and IzumiShimada (Harvard University).90. The Role of Abrasive Cutting in Inca Stonework by StUartV. Arnold (Harvard University).91. Stone Deterioration and the Bolivian Pachamama by J. Lee Hollowell.92. Archaeology and Development: Applied Investigation of Raised Field Agriculture in the Lake Titicaca Basinby Clark L Erickson (Universityof IllinoisUrbana).93. Experimental Smelting of Copper:Behaviorallnsights by IzumiShimada (Harvard University), Joan F. Merkel(HarvardUniversity),and StephenM. Epstein(UniversityofPennsylvania).94. History of an Adobe Wall from 1915to 1985:Public ArchitectUre as Social Context by Oary Urton (ColgateUniversity). I .95. Social Structure as CultUral Mediator in the Peruvian Highlands byJean~Jacques Decoster (Cornell University).96. The Killakain Quallasuyuand in the Audienciade Chacas: Some MethodologicalIssuesbyThomasAbercrombie (University of Chicago).97. Cristobal de Albornoz and the Taki Ongoy in Soras by Monica Barnes (Cornell University) and David Fleming(Cornell University).Sixth meetingarganizedby]ohnR. and Theresa L. Topic" Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario, Canada, October 17-18,1987.98. Molluscs in Peruvian Prehistory: A Preliminary Overview by Daniel H. Sandweiss (Cornell University)andMana del Carmen Rodrfguez.99. Sites with Textile~Impressed Pottery from the Nepefia Valley, Peru by Donald A. Proulx (UniversityofMassachusetts Amherst).100. Textile-Impressed Pottery fromthe Nepefia Valley,Peru by William H. Hurley (University of Toronto).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..336101. X~RayAnalysis of Moche Ceramic Manufacturing Techniques by Sergio Purin (Mus~es Royaux d'Art etd'Histoire,Brussels). .102. The Pachacamac Studies: 1938~1941by Richard E. Daggett (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).103. Identification of Group Identity: Explanation through Cosmography by Michael Czwarno (CambridgeUniversity).104. A Middle Horizon MummyBundleHead CoveringType from the Central Coast of Peru by Margaret Young-Slinchez (Columbia University).105. Inferences from Masonry, Fort A, Marcahuamachuco by H. Stanley Loten (Carleton University).106. Results ofExcavationsin MonumentalArchitecture at Marcahuamachuco byJohn R.Topic ([rent University).107. Prehispanic Ethnicity in the Eastern Andes: Wading through the Quagmire by Charles Hastings (CentralMichigan University).108. Stratigraphy and CeramicsfromBuildingNo.1 at the Gran Pajaten byWarren Church (Universityof ColoradoBoulder).109. . Archaeologyof the FormativePeriodin the SouthernHighlandsofEcuadorby FernandoSmchez(CornellUniversity).110. An Examination of Various Interpretations oflngapirca, Ecuador, 1748-1984 by David Fleming.111. Recent Research at Catarpe Tambo, Chile by Thomas Lynch (Cornell University).112. Mojones, Polity Boundaries, and the Inka Road by Geoffrey Spurling (Cornell University).113. The Archaeology of Central Bolivia by William H. Hurley (University ofToromo).Seventh meeting organized by Donald A. Proulx, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, November 5-6, 1988.114.115;116.117.118.119.120.12l.122.123.124.125.126.127.128.129.130.131.132.133.134.135.136.Nasca Burial Patterns: Implications for Socio-political Structuring by Patrick Carmichael (Universityofcalgary). '. .Physical Anthropological Analysis of Late Paracas and Early Nasca Trophy Heads by Jose Pablo Baraybar(UniversidadNacional Mayor de San Marcos and Field Museum of Natural History).The Prehistory ofEl Nifio by Daniel H. Sandweiss (CorneD University).The Second Season of Excavations at Cardal, Lunn Valley, Peru by Richard L. Burger (Yale University) andLucy Salazar Burger (Yale University).~arly Complex Society in the Casma Valley, Peru by Thomas Pozorski (University ofT exas Pan American) andShelia Powrski (University of Texas Pan American).Recent Research at Maymi, a Middle Horizon Site in the Lower Pisco Valley by Martha Anders (University ofCalgary).Honcopampa and Huari: A Report on the First Season of Research at Honcopampa in the CalIej6n de Huaylasby William H. IsbeO (SUNY Binghamton).Early Intermediate P~riod «Administration" at Queyash: A Preliminary Report on the 1988 Excavations by JoanM. Gero (University of South Carolina).Orthogonal Patterns in Inka Settlement Design by John Hyslop (InstitUte of Andean Research).Jecas: A Study of their Occurrence and Interpretation in Andean Stonework by J. Lee Hollowell.Archaeological and Historical Arguments for the Introduction ofQanat Irrigation to the New World by DavidFleming.Irrigated Versus Non~lrrigated Terracing in the Andes: Environmental Considerations by Michael A. Malpass(College of William and Mary).Peruvian Archaeology and the Press: The Case of El Comercio. Preliminary Report, 1935~1964 by Richard E.Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst).Tiwanaku's Agricultural Legacy by Gray Graffam (University of Toronto).Archaeological Survey in Northern Highland Ecuador by Tamara Bray (SUNY Binghamton).Metallurgical Survey in the VieCtsRegion by Izumi Shimada (Harvard University).The Excavation and Preservation Considerations of Textile Material in the Acan River Valley by T. RoseHoldcraft (Harvard University).The Inca Transformation of Colla Umasuyu by Geoffrey Spurling (Trent University).Kinship and Labor in the Structure ofTawantisuyu by Michael Brewster-Wray (SUNY Binghamton).Syntax and Paradigm in a Visual System: Paracas Necropolis "Block Color" Images by Ann Peters (CornellUniversity). .Inter~EthnicRelationsin Aricaat the Eveof the SpanishConquestbyJorgeHidalgoOohnCarterBrownLibrary).A Cache from Chongos by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany).Origins of Herding Economies on the Puna ofJun{n by Katherine Moore (Bentley College).

Daggett: The Northeast Andean ConferenceEighth meeting org~ed by Richard L. Burger, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, October 14~15, 1989.137.138.139.140.14l.142.143. .144.145.146.147.148.149.150.15!.152. .153.154.New Evidence for the Cotton Preceramic in the South Central Andes by Karen Wise (NorthwesternUniversity), Elaine Huebner (Northwestern University), and Niki R. Clark (Washington University).Preceramic Houses and Household Organization Along the Western Coast of South America by Michael A.Malpass (Ithaca College) and Karen Stothert (Trinity University, San Antonio, Texas).Paracas: Discovery and Controversy by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst).Parncas in Nazca: The Early Horizon occupation of the Rfo Grande de Nasca by Helaine Silverman (Univetsityof Illinois Urbana).Monkeys in Nasca Art and Society by Donald A. Proulx (University of Massachusetts Amherst).Excavation of Formative Ceramic Kilns, Bat~n Grande, North Peru: 1989 by Izumi Shimada (peabody Museum,Harvar4 University); and Carlos Elera (Uriiversity of Calgary).Reconsidering the Chronology and Political Organization of the Gallinazo Culture by Heidy Fogel (YaleUniversity). /. Decapitator Iconographyin Chavfnand Moche IconographybyAlana Cordy~Collins(UniversityofSan Diego).Prehistoric Settlement and Land Use Along the Rfo Canagu~, Barinas Venezuela by Charles S. Spenser(University of Connecticut) and ElsaM. Redmond (University of Connecticut).A Framework for the Prehistoryof the Santiag~Cayapas Basins,Coastal Ecuador by Warren DeBoer (CUNYQueens College).Archaeological Sites and Soils in Cochabamba, Bolivia: 1985~1989by William H. Hurley (UniversityofToronto).Pax Incaica: Reality or Ideological Construct by Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University).Hydrology and Hierarchy in Inca Cuzco by Jeanette Sherbondy (Washington College). (Did not attend; papernot presented.)Raised Fields and Verticality of the Pakaq by Gray Graffam (University ofT oronto).Inca State F~rms in the HatUn Xauxa Region, Peru by Terence N. D'Altroy (Columbia University).A Major Inca Site in Tucum§n, Argentina by John Hyslop (Institute of Andean Research).Los Primeros Augustinos and the Cultural Geography of Huamachuco, by John R. Topic (Trent University).Monkey~Men and Saints in an Andean Community Ritual and Political Implications of the Distribution andUse ofK'eros and K'usilloqs in Pacariqtambo by Gary Urton (Colgate University).Ninth meeting organized byWilliamH.IsbeU, State Unitlersity of New Yorkat Binghamton, October27~28,1990.155. Evidence of Perishable Material Impressionon Ceramics in South America by William H. Hurley (Universityof Toronto).156. SizeConstraint in the Archaeological Recovery ofNeotropical Mammal Remains from Manabt, EcuadorbyPeter Stahl (SUNYBinghamton).157. The Bodyof Meaning in Cham Art by Gary Urton (Colgate University).158. Preliminary Report on the 1990Investigation at Mina Perdida, Lurln Valley, Peru by Richard L. Burger (YaleUniversity).159. Administration of Intersite CommodityFlow:Evidence from Bah!aSeca and Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxequein the Casma Valley, Peru by Thomas Pozorski (University of Texas Pan American) and Shelia pozorski(University of Texas Pan American).160. The MummyBundles of the Great Necropolisof Wari Kayan by Richard E. Daggett (UniversityofMassachusetts Amherst).161. The EarlyHorizon in the Callango Basin, lca Valleyby LisaDeleonardis (Catholic University).162. Mortuary Monuments in the Far North Highlands of Peru by William H. Isbell (SUNY BinghamtOn).163. Early Intermediate Period Architecture ofHuamachuco byJohn R. Topic (Trent University).164. The Lower lca Valley Survey:A Report on the 1990 Field Season by Anita G. Cook (Catholic University).165. A Tiwanaku Semi~SubterraneanTemple in the Moqueg~aValley,Peru byPaul Goldstein (American MuseumofNaturalHistory). . .166. The San Pedro de Atacama TextileProgram: 1990ProgressReport byWilliam J.Conklin (Instirute of AndeanStudies and American Museum of Natural History) and Barbara Conklin (Institute of Andean Studies andAmerican Museum of Natural History).167. Adolf Bandelier and the ArchaeologyofSurco, 1892by John Hyslop (American Museum of Natural History).168. New Research on RaisedAgricultural Fieldsin the Llanos de Mojos, Boliviaby Clark L Erickson (UniversityofPennsylvania). .169. CapacHucha in the Inca's Administration ofCoUasuyuby Thomas Besom (SUNY Binghamton).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..338170. Documentary Evidence for Filaation GalleryIrrigation in Spain and in the Andes by Monica Barnes (CornellUniversity).171. The Architecture of Old and New World Filtration Galleries by David Fleming.172. Health and History in the Alto Madre de Dios, Peru, by BeverlyBennett (Cornell University).173. Court, Church, and Cemetery:The caseofthe Chachi Ceremonial Center by Warren DeBoer (CUNYQueensCollege).174. The Regional Developmental Period in the Guayas Basin, Ecuador by Michael C. Muse.175. Radiocarbon Chronology and Stratigraphic Correlation in Northern Manab{, Ecuador by James Zeidler(University of Pittsburgh).176. Panzaleo Puzzle:Non.local pottery in Northern Highland Ecuador by Tamara Bray (SUNYBinghamton).177. High Status Shaft Tombs at the Site of La Florida,Pichincha, Ecuador, by Leon G. Doyon (YaleUniversiry).Tenth meeting organizedby CraigMorris,AmericanMuseumof Natural History,New York City, Ncwember2.3, 1991.178.179.180.181.182.183.184.185.186.187.188.189.190.191.192.Reconnaissance in the Upper Camami Valley by Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College).The Second Season at Mina Perdida by Richard L. Burger (Yale University) and Lucy Salazar Burger (YaleUniversity).The Creation of the Hall of South American Peoples: Dilemmas and Achievements by Craig Morris (AmericanMuseum of Natural History).The Chronology of Geoglyphs. by Persis Clarkson (University of Winnipeg) .A PreliminaryReporton the CuzcoCequeSystemProject (1990.1991)by BrianS. Bauer (UniversityofChicago).Paleo.lndian Studies: A view from the northern Andes by WilliamJ. Mayer-Oakes (Texas Tech University).North Ecuadorian Burials: A Review by Qswaldo Benavides and Mana Auxiliadora Cordero.Ceramic Styles and Chronologies in the Northern Highlands of Ecuador: Dates and Contexts from La Florida,Quito by Leon G. Doyon (Yale University).Lathrap's Dual.Gaymans Revisited by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany).The Shippee.Johnson Photographic Collections at the AMNH (and Viewing of Shippee Johnson Film "WingsOver the Andes") by John Hyslop (American Museum of~atural History).The Symbolism of a Weasel Money Pouch; or, My Brother.in.Law the Weasel by Gary Urton (ColgateUniversity).Making Pairs: The Logic of Andean Sling Braids by Ed Franquemont (lnstirute of Andean Studies).Considerations on Chimu Warp Pairing by William J. Conklin (American Museum of Natural History).Recent Research in the Azapa Valley, Chile by Paul Goldstein (American Museum of Natural History).Textile Texts: The Choices and Manipulation of Symbols Used by Peruvian Weavers by John Cohen (SUNYPurchase).Eleventh meeting organizedbyGary Urton,ColgateUniversity,Hamilton,New Yark,Ncwember21-22, 1992.193. Unnaces in Early Andean Culture History: The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru by Jack Rossen(Middlebury College).194. Quebrada Jaguay and the EarlyPrehistory of the Peruvian South Coast: Some Preliminary Observations byDaniel H. Sandweiss (CarnegieMuseum of Natural History) and Bernardino Ojeda (Lima).195. A Late Formative Bath in Northern Chile: DomesticHydraulic Architecture in the Atacama Desert by AndrewMartindale (Trent University).196.197.South American Ceramic ImpressionsbyWilliam H. Hurley (University of Toronto).The Ferdon Prehistoric CeramicCollectionsfromEcuador: An Exercisein Ceramic Classificationand AnalysisbyEarlH.Lubensky(University ofMissouri). .198. Representations of Humans in Nasca Art by Donald A. Proulx (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).199. Ethnoastronomy and the NazcaFiguresby PhyllisPiduga (Universityof Chicago).200. The Lower lea Valley Ground Drawingson the South Coast of Peru by Anita G. Cook (Catholic University).201. The Lines of Sajama by Brian S. Bauer (Universityof Chicago).202. Foxes in South American Art and Narrative by Elizabeth P. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley,.California).203. Qasses in Perpetuity: Reflectionsof EarlyMiddle Sicin SocialStructure and Economyin MortuaryPottery andPractice by Kate M. Cleland (Swarthmore College) and Izumi Shimada (peabody Museum, HarvardUniversity) ..

339~ Daggett:The NortheastAndean Conference204. A Chronological Study ofChimu Ceramics from Chan Chan, Peru byJoan Kanigan (Author did not attendand paper was not presented) "The solution of a calendrical problem in a Huari textile" presented in this slotby R. Tom Zuidema (University of Illinois and The Center for the Study of World Religions, HarvardUniversity).205. Preliminary Results of the Investigation of Pukarani, a Late Intermediate Period Site in the Peruvian Sierra(Tumilaca River, Osmore Valley)byM. Antonio Ribeiro (Universityof Michigan).206. Mortuary Monuments and AylluAntiquity by William H. Isbell (SUNYBinghamton).207. The Southern Inka Empire: A viewfrom the Valle Calchaqui, Argentina by Terence N. D'Alttoy (ColumbiaUniversity).208. Tolas and Pukaraes, Yumbosand Inkas, by Ronald D. Lippi (University of Wisconsin).209. Archaeological Survey and MappingofPrehispanic Earthworks in the Llanos de Mojos, Boliviaby Clark LErickson(UniversityofPennsylvania). .210. Warping, Weaving, and Cultural Boundaries in Cuzco by Ed Franquemont (Institute of Andean Studies).211. Mapping the Huaynos by John Cohen (SUNYPurchase).212. The Incidental Archaeologist: Tello and the Peruvian Expeditions of 1913 and 1916 by Richard E. Daggett(University of Massachusetts Amherst).213. Eighteenth-Century Illustrationsof Inca Sites by Monica Barnes (Cornell University).214. Social Concerns in Latin American Archaeologyby Oswaldo H. Benavides.215. The Poetics ofCreation: Urarina Cosmogonyand Historical ConsciousnessbyBartholomew C. Dean (HarvardUniversity).Twelfth meeting organited by Daniel H. Sandweiss and James B. Richardson III, Carnegie Museum of NatUral History,Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, October 23-24, 1993.216. Social Differentiation in the Regional Classic Period (A.D. 1~900) in the Valle de la Plata, Colombia by JeffreyP. Blick (University of Pittsburgh).217. Archaeology of the Muisca: New Research and New Perspectives by Carl Henrik Langebaek (University ofPittsburgh).. .218. The Tairona Chiefdoms: Toward an Understanding of Spatial and Temporal Regional Variation by Augusto219.Oyuela-Caycedo (University of Pittsburgh).Searching for the ProtohistoricPunAeCacicazgo:The View from Ceibo Grande by Thomas F.Aleto.(Bloomsburg University).220. Paleo-Indian Lithic Studies at San Jose, Ecuador by WilliamJ. Mayer-Oakes (Texas rech University) and AliceW. Portnoy (Texas Tech University).221. The Mitmaq ofChimbo, Bolfvar, Ecuador by John R. Topic (Trent University) and Theresa L Topic (TrentUniversity). .222. Coastal Formative Period RiverineSettlements in the Southern Highlands of Ecuador by Fernando Smchez(Oberlin College.).223. Late Prehistoric Architecture of the Northeastern Montane Rainforest of Peru: Gran Pajaten and LaPlayabyWarren Church (YaleUniversity)and EIkeCedr6n Church.224. Meche Myth, Rite, and Politics:What Might the Sipan Grave GoodsTell Us?byElizabeth P. Benson (Instituteof Andean Studies).225. Some Aspects of Gender in the Symbolismof the Moche SacrificialContext by Daniel Arsenault (UniversityofSouthCarolina). .226. Asserting Power/SeeingGender in Recuay Iconography by Joan M. Gero (University of South Carolina).227. Recent Investigations at Taukachi-Konkan, Sechfn Alto Complex, in the Casma Valley, Peru byThomaspozorski (University of Texas Pan American) and Shelia pozorski (University of Texas Pan American).228. Opal Phytolith Evidence Complements Isotope Studies of Archaeological Food Residues from the UpperMantaro Valley, Peru by Robert G. Thompson (University of Minnesota).229. The Early and Middle PreceramicPeriod of Coastal Peru: A Reviewby Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College).230. Irrigation Practices in Cuzco and Exttemadura Compared byJeanette E. Sherbondy (Washington College).231. Skeletal Traits and Grave Goods from Anc6n, Peru by Ellen FitzSimmons Steinberg (University ofIllinoisChicago).232. Skeletal Pathologies as Evidence of Division of Labor in Anc6n, Peru by Karen Weinstein (University of IllinoisChicago).233. Archaeobotany of Anc6n, Peru by Samuela Perez-Stefancich (University Illinois Chicago).234. The Shaman Theme in ParacasArt: Two Examples from the Cleveland Museum of Art by Margaret Young-Sanchez (Cleveland Museum ofArt).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ~340235. A New View of the Upper FormativePeriod in the Lake Titi~ca Basin by Charles Stanish (FieldMuseum).236. lwawi: A Deeply Stratified Tiwanaku Center by William H. Isbell (SUNYBinghamton).237. IwawiChronology: A PreliminaryCeramic Sequence byJoElIen Burkholder (SUNY Binghamton).238. Guaman Porna, Hieronymo de Chaues and the Kingsof Persia by David Fleming (Columbia University).239. Prehispanic Water Control in the Llanosde Moxosof BoliviabyClark L.Erickson (Universityo£Pennsylvania).240. Remote Sensingand RaisedFieldsin the Llanosde MoxosBoliviabyJohn Walker (Universityof Pennsylvania).241. Ancient Metallurgyat the RamaditasSite,Quebrada de GuatacondoChile byGrayGraffam (Trent University),Alvaro Carevic, and.Mario Rivera. .Thirteenth meetingofgankedbyMichaelAMalpass,Ithaca College, Ithaca, New York, October 15~16, 1994.242. RaisedField Patterning and SocialGroupingsin the Llanosde Moxosof Boliviaby Clark 1. Erickson(University of Pennsylvania).243. An Urn Burial and Its Prehispanic Context in the Bolivian Amazon by John Walker (UniversityofPennsylvania) .244. Loma Ibibate: Occupation Moundsin Beni,Boliviaby MarcelIo~AndreaCanuto (Universityof Pennsylvania).245. Another Lookat EarlyMaritimeAdaptations in Peru byDanielH. Sandweiss (Universityof Maine Orono) andJames B. Richardson III (Universityof Pittsburgh).246. Ceramic Trade Relationshipsin the Chavfn Sphere as They Appear fromWithin: A Paste Analysisby IsabelleC. Druc (Universit~de Montreal).247. The Formative Site of Huaca EI GallolHuaca La Gallina, Viru Valley, Peru: Ceremonial Architecture andBurialsbyThomasZoubek(YaleUniversity). .248. A Possible Palace Structure at Taukachi~Konkan, Casma Valley, Peru by Shelia Pozorski (University of TexasPan American) and Thomas Pozorski (University of Texas Pan American).249. Rethinking Household Arrangements of the Argentinian Early Formative: PrelimiQary Excavations at Yutopian,Province of Catamarca by Cristina Scattolin (Universidad de Buenos Aires) and Joan M. Gero (University ofSouth Carolina).250. Anc6n, Peru: The Enigma of Porotic Hyperostosis during the Late Intermediate Period by Ellen FitzSimmonsSteinberg(UniversityIllinoisChicago)and KarenWeinstein. .251. How Do Bones Grow: The Evidence from Anc6n, Peru by Jack Prost (University of Illinois Chicago).252. Report on a Peruvian Incisor Inlay from the Late Intermediate Period at Anc6n by Ellen FitzSimmons Steinberg.(University ofIllinois Chicago), Gordon K. Jones (Carnegie Museum), and Charmaine C. Steinberg (CarnegieMuseum).253. Prehispanic Metal Smelting Along the RfoSan Salvador, Chile by Gray Graffam (Trent University), LautaroNufiez (Museo Gustavo Le Paige,Chile), and Francisco Tellez (Museo Gustavo Le Paige, Chile).254. Food For the Frontier: The Archaeobotany of the Inca Fortress at Cerro de la CompanCa,Central Chile byJackRossen (University of Kentucky).255. Inka Roads in the Atacama: Effects of Later Use by Mounted Travelers through the Gran DespobladobyThomas Lynch (Institute of Andean Research).256. How Do We Know the Andean Past? byWilliam H. Isbell (SUNYBinghamton).257. Reflectionson Writing a PopularBookon Central Andean ArchaeologybyJames B.Richardson III (Universityof Pittsburgh).258. Tello's "Lost Years":1931~1935byRichard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst).259. Tiwanaku Interaction and Human/Land Relationshipsin Cochabamba, BoliviabyAlvaro Higueras (Universityof Pittsburgh).260. Early Iwawi:Ceramics and Cultural Processat a Tiwanaku Site by JoEllen Burkholder (SUNYBinghamton).261. Long Ago, Far Away: Use of Time and Space by Chachi Shamans (Ecuador) by Warren DeBoer (CUNYQueensCollege). .262. Interpreting Ancient Mammalian Diversity from the Archaeofaunal Record in the Forested LowlandsofWestern Ecuador by Peter Stahl (SUNYBinghamton).263. Coca, Commerce, and the Ideologyof Reciprocity:Political Economy in the Andes Reconsidered byTamaraBray (Smithsonian Institution).264. The Khipu: A Mnemonic Deviceor a Medium for Writing? by Gary Urton (Colgate University).265. The European Sources of FilipeWaman Puma de Ayala by John V. Murra (Cornell University).266. From a Sister's Point of View, byBillieJean Isbell (Cornell University).

341.. Daggett: The Northeast Andean ConferenceFourteenth meeting organizedbyEdwardB. Dwyer andElisabethBonnier,RhodeIslandSchoolof Design,Providence,RhodeIsland,October21..22, 1995.267.268.269.270.271.272.273.274.275.276.277.278.279.280.281. .282.283.284.285.286.287.288.289.290.291.292.The Origins ofEI Nifio: Round II by James B. Richardson III (University Pittsburgh). Daniel H. Sandweiss(UniversityMaine).andHaroldB.Rollins(UniversityofPittsburgh). .Mid..Holocene Occupation of the Siches Site. Northwestern Peru by Daniel H. Sandweiss(UniversityofMaine)and James B. Richardson III (University of Pittsburgh).Staple Isotopes of Marine Shell and Paleoclimate on the North Coast of Peru by Sarah Nicholas (Universityof Maine) and Daniel H. Sandweiss (University of Maine).New Evidence for Regional Exchange and Ceramic Production in the Early Guangala Period in SouthwestEcuador by Karen E. Stothert (Yale University), Amelia S~nchez (ESPOL, Guayaquil, Ecuador). and cesarVeintimilla (ESPOL,Guayaquil,Ecuador). .New Perspectives on Panzaleo: Contexts, Quantities, Chronologies, and Culture Areas by Leon G. Doyon (YaleUniversity).Excavations at Ramaditas, a Formative Village Site in the Atacama Desert by Mario Rivera (Andes EcologicalConsUltants). .From Huarocmrl to Harvard: The Making of Peru's First Archaeologist by Richard E. Daggett (University ofMassachusetts Amherst).Earth, Fire, Stones and Uliush: Ritual at the Early Site of Piruru, Alta..Maran6n Peru by Elisabeth Bonnier(Rhode Island School of Design).Style, Iconography and Formative Chronology by Henning Bischoff (ReiB..Museum, Mannheim, Germany).Guaiiape Period Ceremonialism at Huaca EI Gallo, VirU Valley, Peru by Thomas Zoubek (Yale University).Pre..Chavin Metal Artifacts from Mini Perdida, Lurln Valley, Peru by Richard L Burger (Yale University).Investigating Urbanism at the Moche Site, North Coast of Peru by Claude Chapdelaine (UniversitE deMontr~al).Nasca Religion and Burial by Donald A. Proulx (University of Massachusetts Amherst).The Maximilist and the Minimalist Bias in Andean and Israeli Scholarship Over the Past Three Decades byRichard P. Schaedel (University of Texas Austin).Anarchy and Government Before the Inca Conquest by John H. Rowe (University ofCaHfornia Berkeley).Funny Bones fromAnc6n byJack H. Prost (Universityof Illinois Chicago). ,Camelids or Cuys? Primary Meat Animal in the Ancient Central Andes, by Lidio M. Valdez (University ofCalgary).Fauna from the Burial Caves at Machu Picchu, by George Miller (California State University Hayward).Umbos. Bosses, Protuberances, Jetas: Bumps on Rocks by J. Lee Hollowell.The Social Life ofQuechua Numbers by Gary Urton (Colgate University).La Tercera Versi6n del Cronista Murua by Juan Ossio (pontificia Universidad Cat6lica del Peru).A Lost Inca History by Monica Barnes (Cornell University).Precolumbian Earthworks of the Baures Region of. Eastern Bolivia by Clark L. Erickson (University ofPennsylvania). .What is in a Name? Overlapping Archaeological Categories in the Analysis ofTiwanaku CultUre by JoEllenBurkholder (SUNY Binghamton).Archaeological Interpretation and Individual Motivations: A Case StUdy by Patricia Lyon (Institute of AndeanStudies, Berkeley, California).Women in Andean States: AT est of the Engels/Leacock Hypothesis by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton).Fifteenth meetingorgankedbyClarkL Erickson,Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseumof ArchaeologyandAnthropology,Philadelphia, October19..20,1996.293. Excavating the Iwawi Mound, Lake Titicaca, by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton), Juan Albarradn(ECOAR, Bolivia), JoEllen Burkholder (SUNY Binghamton), Catherine Bencic (SUNY Binghamton), TylerO'Brien (SUNY Binghamton). and Emily Stovel (SUNY Binghamton).294. Excavations at Sonay, Camana Valley, Peru by Michael A. Malpass (College of William and Mary), AnthonyPuglisi (Ithaca College), and Jason Kerschner (Ithaca College).295. Middle Horizon Settlement and Economy at San Pedro de Atacama, Ch~e: Results of a Pilot Study by GrayGraffam (Trent University).296. Casa Vieja and the Early Middle Horizon in the Lower lca Valley, Peru by Anita G. Cook (Catholic University).297. Hydraulic Solidarity, Water Temples, and Initial Period Ceremonial Sites: Interdependence vs. Autonomy byThomas Zoubeck (SUNY New Pain).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ,342298. The SechCnAlto Site: 1995-1996 Fieldwork in the Casma Valley, Peru byThomas pozorski (University of TexasPanAmerican)and Sheliapozorski(UniversityofTexasPanAmerican). .299. A Late Initial Period Religious Image from Mina Perdida, Lurfn Valley, Peru by Richard L Burger(YaleUniversity) and LucySalazarBurger (YaleUniversity).300. The Milan Quipu Document: Is It another Rosetta Stone? or a Piltdown Hoax? by Gary Urton (ColgateUniversity). . .301. Household, Gender and SpecializedProduction at Chan Chan byTheresa L. Topic (BresciaCollege).302. The Imprisonment of BiasValera: Heresy and Inca History in 16th century Peru by Sabine Hyland.303. Changes in Ecuadorian FishingStrategiesfromthe Preceramic until the Conquest byAmeliaS~nchez (ESPOL,Guayaquil,Ecuador). .304. The Ubertad Campaign Against Tello: Setting the Record Straight by Richard E. Daggett (UniversityMassachusetts Amherst).305. Signatures of Ancient and Modern Pottery byTrish8 Thorme (Cornell University).306. Structure and Dynamics of the Inka Frontier: New Archaeological Evidence of Inka Borderlands in theSoutheastern BolivianChaco bySonia Alconini (Universityof Pittsburgh).307. The Manachaqui Phase and Initial Period Montane Forest Interaction Spheres by Warren Church (YaleUniversity). .308. Circlesof Stones: New EvidenceforCulture Change in Late Prehistoric Southwest Ecuador byMaria Masucci(Drew University).309. Head Molding at Anc6n byJack Prost (Universityof IllinoisChicago).310. Cranial Deformation at PrehistoricAnc6n and Today by Ellen FitzSimmonsSteinberg (Universityof Illinois. . C~~g~. .311. Recent Archaeological Investigationsin the Central Amazon: Report on Fieldwork at the AcutUbaLocality,Lower Negra River, Brazilby Michael Heckenberger (Carnegie Museum), James Petersen (UniversityMaineFarmington), and Eduardo Neves (Museu'de Arqueolog{ae Etnolog{a,Universidad de Sao Paulo, Brazil).312. Botdes, Bones and Buildings:EvidenceofPre-columbianCultural Dynamicsfrom the SiteofSanJos~ de Moro,Peru by Andrew Nelson (University of Western Ontario), Carol Mackey (California State UniversityNorrhridge), and LuisJaime Castillo (Pontifica Universidad Cat6lica del Peru).313. The "Fabricof Time": A Re-examinationof a Peruvian South Coast Calendri~l Textile byDarrellS. Gundrum(University of Illinois Urbana).314. Ret~nking Preceramic Settlement and Site Structure in Northern Peru by Jack Rossen (Ithaca College)andThomas Dillehay (Universityof Kentucky). .315. The Chiribaya Alta Cemeteries: Developing Genetic Models to Take Advantage of Ancient DNA bySloanWilliams (Universityof IllinoisChi~go).316. Values and Uses of the Archaeologi~l Heritage in a ~l Context: The Case of Sipw and Tucume,Lambayeque, Peru by Ulla Holmquist (pontificiaUniversidad Cat6li~ del Peru).317. Technical Studies of Painted Andean Objects: A ProgressReport by EmilyKaplan (National Museumof theAmericanIndian,SmithsonianInstitution). .318. Gender Related Stylistic Attributes of the Jelf Phase Complex byJohn Staller.. Sixteenth meeting organizedbyDanielH. Sandweiss, Universityof Maine, Orono, October4-5, 1997.319.320.321.322.323.324.325.326.327.328.Early Maritime Adaptations at Quebrada Jaguay, Peru by Daniel H. Sandweiss (University of Maine).Faunal Remains from Quebrada Jaguay, Peru by Heather McInnis (University of Maine).Preceramic Lomas Utilization along the Peruvian Coast by Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College).Investigations at the Preceramic Village ofCerro Guitarra, Lower Zafia Valley, Northern Peru by Jack Rossen(Ithaca College).Quipus and the "New History" of Atahuallpa by Sabine Hyland (Columbus State University).RitUal Looting: The Emergence of the Peruvian Huaquero as Cultural Destroyer and Preserver by Rena Guendez(Wilfred Laurier University).Tello's 1915 Trip to Southern Peru and Bolivia: A First Look by Richard E. Daggett (University MassachusettsAmherst).Heuristic Devices or Wild Geese: The Use of Cultural Phases in Ecuadorian Archaeology by Maria Masucci(Drew University).Characterization of Alluvial Deposits and Initial Period Pottery from the Lurfn Valley, Peru by T risha Thorme(Cornell University). .Ceramic Exchange at the Time of Chavfn de Huantar: The Results of a Production and Provenience Study byIsabelle C. Druc (Yale University).

343,'329.330.331.332.333.334.335.336.337.338.339.340.341.342.343.344.345.346.347.348. .Daggett: The Northeast Andean ConferenceTechnical StUdiesofInka and Colonial Period Painted Wooden Keros: A Progress Report by EmilyKaplan(NationalMuseumof the AmericanIndian). .Compositional Analysis of Inca Ceramics: An Exploratory Approach Using the Electron Microscope (SEM)by Leon G. Doyon (YaleUniversity) and Richard L. Burger (YaleUniversity).Burning Down the House: DifferentialPatterns of Construction and Abandonment on Cerro Ba61byPatrickR. Williams (Universityof Florida) and Donna}. Nash (Universityof Florida).Investigations at the Temple ofPumapunku by Alexei Vranich (University of Pennsylvania).The Akapana Ceramics in the ContinuitylDiscontinuity Debate: A Case of RitUal Paraphernalia duringTiwanaku N and V by Sonia Alconini (Universityof Pittsburgh).Climate Change and Middle HorizonAgrarian Collapse:An Archaeological Perspective by Clark L. Erickson(University of Pennsylvania).The Built Environments ofHuari and Tiwanaku by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton).Variabilityin DomesticArchitecture during the Late Occupation of the Moche SitebyHen4rik Van Gijseghem(Universit~de Montt~al).Trace,Element Analysisof MetalArtifactS&omthe Moche Site, North Coast of Peru by Claude Chapdelaine(Universit~de Montt~al). .Moche Prisoner CaptUreand Human Sacrificeat the Huaca de la Luna, Moche River Valley,Peru byJohn W.Verano (fulane University). (Author not present. Paper not presented.)Anc6n Textiles of the Initial Period and EarlyHorizon by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany).Population Scarcity in an East Andean Valley of Northwest Argentina by Charles M. Hastings (CentralMichigan University). .An Orientation Towards Meaning in ChavCnIconography, Cosmology and RitUalMovement by DarrellS.Gundrum (University of IllinoisUrbana).Remote Sensing and Coastal Change in Peru: Beach Ridges in Northwest Peru by Stacy Shafer (UniversityofMaine). '. .Anthropogenic Preservation of the Chira Beach Ridge Plain by Daniel F. Belknap (University of Maine.Late Glacial Climate, Fire and Paleoindians in the Chilean Lake District by Patricio I. Moreno (University ofMaine).' . _ .Earthquake Damage to the Nazca Puquios by David Fleming and Monica Barnes.The Relationship BetWeen the Lines of Nazca and Water Resources by David Johnson.The Historical Chronology ofPeru: Integrating the Sources by Lloyd Anderson.River Crossing, by J. Lee Hollowell.Seventeenth meeting organized fryWilliamH. IsbeU,Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, New York, October 17,18,1998.349. Cultural Chronology of the Arenillas Valley, EI Oro Province, Ecuador by Patricia Netherly (Fundaci6nAlexanderVonHumboldt,Quito). .350. Gourd,Form Ceramics in Valdiviaand the Transition to Chorrera: SymbolicMeanings of Gourds for the LateFormative Peoples of Coastal Ecuadorby Elka Weinstein (University of Toronto).351. Excavations at Challuabamba, Ecuador by Terren~ Grieder (University Texas), James D. Farmer (VirginiaCommonwealth University), Antonio Carrillo, and Bradford Jones.352. Mortuary Transpositions as Evidencefor Cosmology:Interpretation of Shaft Tomb ArchitectUre and GraveGoods from the Highlands ofNorthern Ecuador and Southern Colombia byLeon G. Doyon(Yale University).353. A New Look at Spatial Organizationwithin a Prehistoric Mound Site in Eastern Ecuador (Yaunchu, MiddleUpano Valley) by Arthur Rostoker (GSUC,CUNY).354. Prehispanic Moated Settlements in the BolivianAmazon by Clark L. Erickson (University of Pennsylvania).355. Setdementand AgricultUralAbandonment in Lowland BoliviabyJohn Walker (University of Pennsylvania).356. Archaeo~ogicalInvestigations at the SeclUnAlto Site, Casma Valley, Peru by Shelia Pozorski (UniversityofTexas Pan American) and Thomas pozorski (University of Texas Pan American).357. Results of the FirstSeason oftheHuacapongo Alto Project, Vim ValleybyThomas Zoubek (SUNYNew Palu).358. The Search for Moche I: A Tale of Two Tombs by Christopher Donnan (University California Los Angeles).359. Moche Beads and Pendants: Symbolicand Technical Messages.fromthe Past by H~l~ne Bernier (Universit~de Montr~al).360. The Organization of Ceramic Production at the Moche Site: A Comparison betWeen RitUaland DomesticPottery by Alexis Mantha (Universitede Montreal).361. Namanchugo: The Sanctuary of Catequil byJohn R. Topic (Trent University).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..344362. The Archaeology of Inca Origins: The Selz Foundation Excavations at Chokepukio by Gordon McEwan(DenverArt Museum). .363. Murua and Guaman Poma in Lightof a New Manuscript byJuan Ossio (Pontifica Universidad Cat6lica delPeru).364. A New Vision of Cuzco PoliticalOrganization by Tom Zuidema (Universityof Illinois).365. The Art of Empire in the Andes: Imperial Inca pottery: Form and Imagery by Tamara Bray (Wayne StateUniversity).366. Inka,Style Unkus in the Post,lnkaPeriod: QompiWeavingand RoyalGarments in the ColonialAndes by ElenaPhipps (Metropolitan Museumof Art).367. How the Incas Transported 100,Ton Stones Across the River at Ollantaytambo (Part 2) byJ. Lee Hollowell.368. Low,Altitude. Aerial Photography:A Case Study from Northern Chile by Persis B. Clarkson (UniversityofWinnipeg), William Johnson (SUNY College of Environmental Science and Forestry), Gerald Johnson(University of Minnesota Minneapolis),and Evan Johnson.369. Chachapoyan Archaeological SiteLocation from Satellite Imageryby Peter Bangarth (Universityof WestemOntario).370. An Overview of Art and Iconographyat the Laguna de Los Condores, Peru by Adriana von Hagen.371. The Kipusof Laguna de LosCondores, Chachapoyas, by Gary Urton (Colgate University).372. A Canal in the Vicinity ofWari, Ayacucho,Peru by Lidi9M. V~ldez(Trent University) and J. Emesto Valdez(Universidad de San Crist6balde Huamanga).373. D,ShapedStructuresin the HuariEmpirebyAnita G.Cook (CatholicUniversity). .374. . A Wari OfferingContext at CerroBaUlby P. Ryan Williams (Universityof Florida), Donna Nash (Universityof Florida), Johny Isla C., and Robert Feldman (Field Museum).375. Water, Huacas, and Ancester Worship: Traces of a Sacred Wari Landscape by Mary Glowacki (Institute ofAndean Studies and Bureau of Archaeological Research, State of Florida) and Michael A. Malpass (IthacaCollege). .376. Changing Mortuary Patterns at the Recuay,Huari Site of Chichawas, Peru by George Lau (YaleUniversity).377. Paracas and Moche Equivalent Headdress Motifsby LloydB. Anderson (EcologicalLinguistics,WashingtonD.C.)._378. Ideological Unity and Continuity in the Middle Horizon: The Temple ofPumapunku, Tiwanaku by AlexeiVranich (University of Pennsylvania).379. Feasting on the Tiwanaku Homefront: PossibleImplications of VesselShapes byJoEll,enBurkholder (IndianaUniversity of Pennsylvania).380. Formative Period and Present,Day High Altitude Agriculture at Yutopian, Northwestern Argentina byJackRossen (Ithaca Colleg~),Joan M.Gero (American University),and Cristina Scattolin (Universidadde laPlata).381. The Archaeological Investigationof Prehistoric Andean Ch'arki by Peter W. Stahl (Binghamton University).382. The 1998Nasca Valley Surveyby Donald A. Proulx (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).383. A HydrologicalUnderstanding of the Nasca Lines by David Johnson (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst).384. Recent Excavationsat the InitialPeriodCenter ofManchay Bajo,LurinValley,Peru byRichard L.Burger (YaleUniversity) and Lucy SalazarBurger(YaleUniversity). .385. Preceramic Occupations in the Northern Peruvian Ceja de Selva byWarren Church (Dumbarton Oaks).386. Chachi "Ranchos": Ethnohistorical and Archaeological Implications by Claire Allum (BowdoinCollege). .387. The Reliabilityof the Chronicle of Feman do de Montesinos byJuha J. Hiltunen (University Turku, Finland).(Author not present; decisionmade to distribute copies of paper to interested members.)388. Contemporary Agricultural Intensificationon the Amazonian Floodplain:EcologicalGeneralizationsin Lightof the ~ikuna of Campo Alegre byNicholas Shorr (Indiana University).389. Palaces in the Andean Past: Unexpected Surprisesby William H. Isbell (Binghamton Unive1'$ity).Eighteenth meeting organiz.ed by Donald A. Proulx, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, October 23,24, 1999.390. The Myron I. Granger ArchaeologicalExpedition by Richard Daggett (University of Massachusetts).391. Skeletal Paleopathology in Chile's Semiarid North: Patterns and Preservation by Maria A. Rosado (RowanUniversity). .392. Long Distance Trade at San Pedrode Atacama, Chile: The Ceramic Evidence by EmilyStovel (BinghamtonUniversity). .393. Archaeoparasitology of the ChiribayaCulture of Southern Peru by Daniel Holiday (Quinnipiac College).394. Flotsam and Jetsam: Will We Ever Find the Cargo Rafts byJames B. Richardson III (Carnegie Museum).395. Excavations at Sechm Alto: The 1999FieldSeason byThomas Pozorski(pan American Univrsity) and SheliaPozorski (pan American University)

345.. Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference396.397.398.399.400.401.402.403.404.405.406~407.408.409.410.411.412.413.414.415.416.417.418.419.420.421.422.423.424.425.426.The 1999 Excavations at Mancltay Bajo, LurCnValley, Peru by Richard L. Burger (Yale University) aand LucySalazar Burger (Yale University).Anc6n Bones: Reflections and Speculations by Jack C. Prost (University of Illinois at Chicago) and EllenFitzSimmons Steinberg] (University of Illinois at Chicago).VirU Reviewed: Defining the Guatiape Phases by Thomas Zoubek.Siguas Textile Traditions and Early Nasca,Style Textiles from the Department of Arequipa by Joerg Haeberli.Gold Diadems from the Far South Coast of Peru by Colin McEwan (British Museum) and Joerg Haeberli.The Relationship Between the Lines of Nasca and Groundwater Resources: New Data, Part I by Steven Mabee(Universityof Massachusetts,Amherst), J. Levin (Universityof Massachusetts, Amherst), and DavidJohnson(University of Massachusetts, Amherst).The Relationship Between the Lines ofNasca and Groundwater Resources: New Data, Part II by David Johnson(University ofMassachusetts, Amherst), StevenB. Mabee (University of Massachusetts, Amherst), andJ. Levin(University of Massachusetts, Amherst).Seasons in Nasca Gold and Pottery, Peru, 200 BC ' AD 600 by Edward K. de Bock (National Museum ofEthnology, Leiden).New Discoveries at Conchopata, Peru: 1999 by W~am Isbell (Binghamton University) and Anita Cook(Catholic University).IRecent Archaeological Excavationat the Wari Site ofMarayniyoq, Ayacucho Valley, Peru by Lidia M. V'ldez(Trent University), Katrina J. Bettcher (Trent University), J. Ernesto V'ldez (Universidad San Crist6baldeHuamanga), and Cirilio Vivanco (Universidad San Crist6bal de Huamanga).Salvage Excavation of a Wari Burial Chamberat Seqllas, Ayacucho Valley, Peru by Katrina J. Bettcher (TrentUniversity), J. Ernesto Yaldez (Universidad San Crist6bal de Huamanga), and Lidio M. Y'ldez (TrentUniversity).'. .Chronology and Community at Chinchawas, North Highlands, Peru by George Lau (YaleUniversity).The Nepefia Yalley Survey: Is There More to Learn? by Cheryl C. Daggett (University of Massachusetts,Amherst5 and Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts, Amherst).The Missing Block Problem at the Fortaleza, OUantaytambo by J. L.Hollowell.The Inka State and the Ayacucho Valley, Peru by Lidio Valdez (Trent University).The Inka OccupationofCarabaya, Peru byLawrenceS. Coben (UniversityofPennsylvania), Charles L. Stanish(University of California at LosAngeles), and Pepe Nufiez.The Oroncota Region and the Inka Architecture of Power (Southeastern Bolivia) by Sonia Alconini (Universityof Pittsburgh).The Survival of the Warp Scaffolding Technique in the Cusco Region of Peru by Nilda Callafiaupa (Center forthe Traditional Textile, Cusco). .Short,term Vagaries of Long, and Medium,distance Exchange in North Andean Chiefdoms: ArchaeologicalEvidence from Quito, Ecuador by Leon G. Doyon (Yale University).Catequil in Ecuador by John R. Topic (Trent University).House Chronology at Yutopian, Province of Catamarca, Northwest Argentina by Joan M. Gero (AmericanUniversity) and Cristina Scanolin (Museo Etnografico, Buenos Aires). .Formative High,altitude Agricultural Systems of the Caj6n Valley, Northwest Argentina byJack Rossen (IthacaCollege), Ilana Hahnel (Connecticut College), and Jessica Striebel.Civilization on the Andean Fringe: Trade and Local Power in Icla, Bolivia by JohnW. Janusek (VanderbiltUniversity). .The Involvement of Aymara People in an Archaeology Project, Bolivia by Sergio J. Ch'vez (Yale University)and KarenMohrCMvez(CentralMichiganUniversity). .Ocupacioneshumanas durante el holocenotempranoy medioen un valle interandinodelnoroccidentecolombiano by Neyla Castillo Espita (Universidad de Antioqu{a, Medellin, Colombia) and FranciscoJav~erAceituno (Universidad de Antioqufa, Medell{n,Colombia).Ethnoarchaeology in the Conchucos by Isabelle C. Druc (Yale University).Did Montesinos Record the Wari Kings? By Lloy4 Anderson (Ecological Linguistics, Washington, D.C.).Andean Planetary Names by William Sullivan.EI "contorcionista": the "Acrobat/Contortionist" as a Category of Figure Found from West Mexico to NorthernPeru by Elka Weinstein (University of Toronto).Household and Community Organization of a Formative Period Bolivian Settlement by Courtney Rose.Paracas,Topar', and Ocucaje:Topicsfromthe 50s and the 90s by Ann Peters. .

THE ORIGINS AND THE FIRST 25 YEARS (1973..1997) OF THE MIDWESTERN CONFERENCE ONANDEAN AND .AMAzONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOmSTORYWashingtonDavid L BrowmanUniversity ..St. LouisConference OriginslThe idea for the Midwest Conference onAndean and Amazonian Archaeology andEthnohistory (MWCAAAE) originated fromsome informal discussionsthat began in 1972.The first of these connections occurred at the37th annual meetings of the Societyfor Amer..ican Archaeology (SAA) at BalHarbour, Flori..da, which were held on May 4..6, 1972. Asnewly minted Ph.D.s, William H. Isbell, Oor..don C. Pollard, and I were grousingabout thefact that, even then, it was difficultto interactat the SAA meetings, that there wasno time fordiscussion in the arranged sessions, and justwhen you started having an interesting conver..sation with someone in the corridors,one or theother of you wasinterrupted bya colleague,andyour conversation never seemed to come tocompletion. Given our respective levels ofpoverty, we could not hope to attend regularlythe Institute of Artdean Studies meetings heldat Berkeley, California during the first week ofJanuary each year. We bemoaned the fact thatthere was no closer regional meeting of Art..deanists, as well as one that also addressed theproblems of Amazonian archaeology and thelinkages between the two geographic regions.1 William H. Isbell, Ronald D. Lippi, Thomas P.Myers, Jeffrey R. Parsons, Gordon C. Pollard, and RonaldL. Weber provided suggestions on a 1996 preliminarydraft copy on the conference history, allowing me tocorrect some omissions, and to enrich the history, whichimproved this paper. This Andean Pastpaper is a revisedversion of a presentation and bound handout given at the25th meeting of the MWCAAAE in February of 1997(Browman 1997).We kicked variousideas around, but no firmsolutions were proposed.Sol Tax called a number of Americaniststogether in Chicago on October 20..22,1972,tohelp him plan the 9thInternational CongressofArtthropological and Ethnological Sciences(ICAES), to be held in August and Septemberof1973. At that meeting, Thomas P. MyersandI had a chance to talk in greater detail about theidea of instituting a Midwestern meeting, andwe decided.that we had the necessary criticalmass of Amazonian and Artdean specialistsinthe Midwest to develop such a conference.Tom and I figured that we both were relativelyunknown, and that if the conference wereto getoff the ground, we would have better luck ifwesecured the sponsorship of a well..knownscholar. Donald W. Lathrap, as Myers' andIsbell'sdissertation advisor, sprang immediatelyto mind. .Because I wasthe individual who seemedtobe most concerned about forming the confer..ence, and because I felt somewhat isolatedin St.Louis,it wasdecided that I should moveforwardon this front. This was a period of intenseconference organization forme. The meetinginChicago had resulted in my agreeing with SolTax's suggestion that I organize and run fiveseparate sessionson Pacific Rim research at the9thICAES in the fallof 1973. I wasin the midstof arranging a session on the "Economic andSocio..Political Development of the First An..dean State" for the 38th SAA meetings in SanFrancisco in May of 1973. Tom Myers and Ialso were working on developing a session.entitled "Sistemasecol6gicosprehist6ricosdelosANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 347..367.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)Andes" for the 41scInternational Congress.ofAmericanists, to be held in Mexico City inSeptember of 1974. Now during this sameperiod, I had just agreed also to get involved inthe formation of the MWCMAE.Accordingly I find in my files a series ofcommunications relating to the birth of theorganization. On October 25, 1972, I wroteTom Myers: "I haven't talked to Don Lathrapyet " but I need to getin touchwithhimaboutthe SAA meetings, 50I'll bring up the idea of agathering of South Americanistsat Urbana." Inhisreplyof November 6, 1972,Tom encouragedme to action, saying that: liThe more I thinkabout it, the more I would like to see a regionalmeeting of South Americanists at some placelike Urbana. I am sure Don Lathrap would bewillingto preside and we all wouldget a lot outofit".The upshot of several more mail,baseddiscussions was the development of the firstformal letter of invication to participate in thisnewly proposed regional conference, which Isent out to 15 scholars in Illinois, Indiana,Michigan, Missouri, and Wisconsin on January17, 1973. This invitation announced that thefirst meeting wouldbe held on Friday,March 2,at Urbana, and that Don Lathrap wouldserve aschairman, but "because of Don's heavy obliga,tions at the Center, I have agreed to take overthe preliminaryorganizationofthe conference".The MWCAAAE conference started outwith an explicitemphasison informality.As theannouncement indicated, liTheideabehind thisconference is to try to set up a meeting in morerelaxed circumstances where we can discussvarious problems and research interests held incommon in a more productive atmosphere thanoccurs at national meetings." In responseto thevery positive reaction and encouragement fromthose contacted by this first mailing, a secondmailingwent out earlyin Februaryof 1973,nowaddressed to 22 individualsin 7 states (the newmailing now integrating South Americanists inOhio and western Pennsylvania), with addi,..348tional specific. details on the proposed firstconference, including a list of all individualsinvited, and a revised proposed meeting agenda(Figure 1). In the text of the cover letter of thissecond mailing,it wasnoted that severalrespon,dents to the first mailing had "suggestedtha~one most valuable item could be an informalreport on research in progress by individualparticipants".As noted in Appendix I, a total of 11 indi,viduals gave informal presentations at this firstconference, although, because of the explicitlyinformal status, I do not have titles or topicsforall presentations. The meeting was judgedsuccessful,and it was decided to continue it ona permanent basis. The group decided not tohave the meeting hosted bythe sameinstitutioneach year, but rather to move it around touniversities or museums situated in the geo,graphic midwestj to schedule the meeting earlyin the spring semester, well before the SAA orother competing meetingsj and to continue thesame informal format. Tom Myers offered tohost the secondmeetingat IndianaUniversity,Bloomington, with the blessings of Wesley R.Hurt.The theme of informalitywasmaintained atthe second conference. As Tom wrote in hisletter of October 11,1973, sending out noticeofthe meeting date for the second session atBloomington:"At last year'smeeting, the formatwas very unstructured people just got up andtalked about what they were doing, often ac,companied by slides. Most important is thatthere is plenty of time for discussion. We planto followessentially the same format this year."The unstructured, informalmeetingscontinued,but only for a few more years.The third meeting moved back to Urbana,and wasscheduled to be hosted byDon Lathrap.However, because of the pressures of an im..pending grant, Don contacted me in Decemberof 1974 to indicate that he would have to with,draw'as host and organizer. Consequently, oncemore a letter went out over my name, inviting

349..colleagues to participate in the conference atUrbana.2 As the letter emphasized: liThemeetingsagain stress informalpresentations achance to. explore current research problems,with plenty of give and take. This meeting isdesigned to provide the maximum atmospherefor discussion,to provide a forumand soundingboard not available in the 'hurly..burly'of na..tional meetings." JeffreyR. Parsonscarried thispresentation format forward the next year atAnn Arbor, noting in his letter of December 6,.1976, announcing .the fourth conference: "Inkeeping with past tradition, I fav9r anotheropen and informal session, with just enoughstructureto avoidchaos.IIThe pattern established in these initialmeetingshas continuedto be thebasicphiloso..-phy of the MWCAAAE. The conference isunceremonious, with. no officers,no constitu..tion, and no bylaws; any necessaryactions areundertaken more or lessbyconsensus. Businessdiscussionsat the meetingsusuallyonlylastthefew minutes required to solicit a volunteer tohost the meeting for the comingyear. The hostfor each meeting attempts to put all proposedcontributions on the program,givingallindivid..uals an equal chance at participation; thusgraduate students do not need to worry aboutcompeting for time slots againstseniormembersof the field.The Midwestern meetingshave proven verysuccessful. One of the unfortunate by..productsof this success,however, has been the lossof theearly unstructured and informal nature of thesessions. This occurred gradually:at firstwejust2 The list of presenters for the third session is onlypartial, because the group discovered when it arrived onthe University of Illinois campus that the meeting roomreserved had "fallen through the cracks". Thus, as thedesignated substitute host, Ispent considerabletime on anunfamiliar campus, trying to find new facUitiesfor bothmorning and afternoon sessions,and did not hear all thepresentations. Unfortunately none of the . otherparticipants that I contacted had recordswhich could fillthe gaps.Browman: The Midwestern .Andean Conferencedistributed an unofficiallist of individualsplan..ning to attend the meeting, to make sure thatwe could arrange sufficient time and space. Bythe fourth meeting, we began to prepare a"meeting program", listing presentation topicsby presenter and title, and assigning specifictime slots. In 1978, at the sixth conference,weofficiallyestablished the last weekend in Febru..ary as our meeting date, after having met onFridays or Saturdays from the first week inFebruary to the first week in March, dependingon the inclinations of the host institution, forour first sixmeetings. The seventh meetingwasthe last of the one..daysessions with the finalpresentation not over that year until 9 p.m., itwas clear that we could no longer think of themeeting as a one day affair, where you couldplan to drive over eady in the morning, andreturn home that evening. Hence the eighthmeeting began our present tWo..dayformat(actually a day and a half, as we alwaystry tofinish up shortly after noon on Sunday). Bytheeighteenth meeting in 1990, it was standardprocedure to request submission of an abstractof the paper to be presented, to help in arrang..ing papers by topics, and also to provide theattendees with a booklet of abstracts. The veryfactor which led in part to our early success,open and informal sessions, with just enoughstructure to avoid chaos, now has been lost tothe need to provide a more efficient forum forthe growing number of paper presenters; wegrow more regimented and more like.the na..tional.meetings each year. On the other hand,the conference has been able to maintain aschedule with time for questions and discussionafter each presentation, something the nationalmeetings lost a couple decades ago.PublicationOne of the original goals of the group hasyet to be met that of a publication series. Onthe agenda for the first meeting was the discus..sion of the "possibilityof circulation of prelimi..nary reports in an informal format, perhaps likeKmunob or Nawpa Pacha, perhaps some otherformat. II As a consequenceof this interest,I

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)contacted Dr. George E. Fay of the Museum ofAnthropology of the University of NorthernColorado, the editor of the MesoamericanKatUnobseries. Fay had noted in a letter sentout to a largenumber of Latin Americaniststhathe "wanted to undertake the publication of anew journal on the anthropology of SouthAmerica" and that he planned in the spring of1973to start a 'Newsletter~Bulletin'coveringallfields of South American anthropology. Fayofferedto defer to the MWCAAAE (Fay,letterof March 15, 1973), but noted that he alreadyhad in place free postage from his institution(then worth ca. $1,500 a year), three year,around work,studystudents to helpproduce thevolume, three rooms in the museum dedicatedto his publication activities, and about $10,000worth of manuscript and journal productionequipment. At that point, none of us couldmatch those facilities,so Fayopted to go aheadwith his new journal, and publishedVolume 1,Number 1 of El Dorado" A Newsletter,Bulletinof South American Anthropologyin August of1973.The first issue of El Doradowas not up tothe quality that we had come to expect fromJohn H. Rowe's Institute of Andean Studiesjournal,NClwpaPacha,nor, unfortunately, werethe subsequent issues. As well, after the firstissue, there was a three year time lag untilVolume 1, Number 2, of El Doradocame out inAugust of 1976.Thus, there wascontinuing discussionat theMWCAAAE meetingsformanyyearsabout thepossibility of a publication series of our own.For example, after the second conference meet,ing, Donald R. Sutherland investigated thefacilitiesat his home institution, the Universityof South Carolina. He suggested"in a letteroutlining his findingsthat he could produce aninitial issue of about 75 pages, with severalplates, .with a run of about 300 copies; that itcould be accomplishedfor about $400; and thathe would make this offer to the next meeting ofthe conference in Urbana (Sutherland letter,January 29, 1975). I do not recollect why the,350Midwestern group did not accept that proposalat the 1975 spring meeting, but I note in theinvitation for the 4th meeting in Ann Arborthat Jeff Parsons suggested the group "continueour discussion on a regional journal" (parsons,December 6, 1976). At the 6th meeting inChicago in 1978, I made a formal presentationon the status of the conference's search for aproceedingsjournal (Appendix 1),detailingtheproblems of quality, institutional support, sub,ventions, and the like.The group was still actively discussingthepossibilityof a proceedings journal, or perhapsacollection of occasional papers, at its 8th meet,ing. At this session, Robert M. Bird tenderedthe "groupan offer to publish a small,scalejour~nal through his Institute for the Study of Plants,Food and Man in St. Louis. After much discus,sion, the group decided it wanted a more sub~standal publication, on a more regularbasis,anddeclined this offer.We had begun to explore the idea of ap'proaching the Executive Board of the SM tosee if we could get them to provide a majorsubvention, as they had done for theMidcontinental Journal ofArchaeology,resultingin the publication of the first issue of MCJA inFebruary of 1976. We proposed the formationof a journal dedicated to all of Latin Americanarchaeology,for we fullyrealizedthat the SouthAmerican archaeological 'market' waslikelynotsufficient to support a journal limited only tothat region. There wasnearly 100%agreementamong the membershipof the MWCAME thatwe need such a journal, but money for the firstissues, and support facilities, was a continualstumbling block. While the group thought thatwe would have better luck if the proposedjournal covered allof Latin America, werealizedthat this put more potential limits on anyonethinking ofassumingthe editorship, asit createdmore of a work load. Members of the ExecutiveBoard of the SM were 'buttonholed' at thatspring's SM meeting in St. Louis with thisproposition, but the sense of the collectiveresponse was that first they wanted to seehow

351..the MCjA did, and second that the SM wouldnot 'have the funds for a new venture for a fewyears. .In the face of the Midwesterngroup'sinabil..ity to get things moving, other publicationoutlets by other groupswere initiated. In 1978,Fay decided to quit publishing El Dorado;hewrote the MWCAAAE offeringushis subscrip..tion list and title. However, the conferencedecided not"to take over El Dorado,but rather'to still attempt to develop our ownpublication.On April 3, 1978, Izumi Shimada sent out aletter informing Andeanists of the formation ofa "North Peruvian Anthropological ResearchGroup". ByMarch of 1979, Izumihad sent outhis firstNorPARG Newsletter,which,because ofthe response from a broad range ofPeruvianists,was changed to the more inclusive Willay in1981. This newsletter ceased publicationin thespring of 1999. Berkeley'sNawpa Pacliais notofficiallyterminated, but the lastissuepublishedwas in 1990, so for all intents and purposes italso has ceased to publish.Our younger sister conference, the North..east Conference on Andean Archaeology andEthnohistory, founded in 1982,began a seriesofits own proceedingswith the CornellUniversityLatinAmerican StudiesProgram(Daggett2000,this volume) . After publishingpapers from thefirst three meetings, the format waschanged tothat of a regional journal and Andean Past,continuing with the Cornell Latin AmericanStudies Program, has now published half..a..dozen issues in the last 13 years. In 1989, theSM Executive Board, after several years ofdiscussions,finallythe launched the journal wehad lobbied for without any success a dozenyears earlier, Latin American Antiquity, whosefirst issue appeared in 1990. The MWCAAAEtoyed with many publication offersand formats;the demand for publication outlets wasthere, ascan be seen by Andean Past, LAtin AmericanAntiquity, and Willay, but the conference hasbeen unable to put together the critical massofinstitutional support and human capital tolaunch its own publication series.Browman: The Midwestern Andean ConferenceRetrospectI have been asked whether I think theMWCAAAE has been successful in the missionit first proposed, and whether it will survive.As noted above, the proposal to provide a forumwhere issues can be discussed, rather than aformat where the audience is just lectured at,which has become the current practice at theSM, has proven to be very successful. This isno doubt the primary reason for the growth andcontinued vitality of the conference. In ordertocomment on whether the other goalswere metas outlined in the first agenda (other thanpublication, which has alreadybeen addressed),I did a quick scan of the 436 papers listedfortheMWCAAAE through 1997 and compared thetopics, as parsed from title only, with 1,001papers identified for the SM for the same 25year period.3Figure2 displaysthe findingsforsomeofthecategories utilized in this comparative analysis.One can see that the number of papers.at theMWCAAAE has remained at an averageof ca.10 papers/day during its existence. On theother hand, for the SM meetings, in terms ofthe number of papers devoted to South Arner..ican archaeology, after a rather static periodinthe 1970s,the national meetings experienced a3The count for the number of South American papers(1,001) presented at the SM meetings may not becomplete, because some South American papers werelone contributions in other thematic sessions,and I maynot have identified all of them. The count for thepresentations (436) at the MWCAAAE is complete,except for perhaps half a dozen missingpapers at the 3rdsession. The decision to break down the 25 year periodinto 4 units of 6, 6, 6, and 7 years wasbased on empiricalobservation of trends in the data set. After the first 6years, the MWCAAAE shifted from 1 day to 2 daysessions,which increased the number of papers possible,so this 6~yearperiod seemed like a useful break point foranalysis. The number of papers at the SM essentiallydoubled in 1985, which fell between years 12 and 13 ofthe MWCAAAE, making the 2nd 6-year break sensible.Thus it seemed usefulto provide a 3rd break at the end ofthe 3rd 6-year period, in order to have units of roughlycomparable size,including the last unit as a 7~yearperiod.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)period of significant growth in the mid..1980sand have continued to increasein numbers. Atone -level,maintaining a steady state of a fixednumber of papers per day is the meansbywhichthe MWCAAAE has sustained dialog.,I think one of the indicators of success forthe goalsof the original MWCAME , in termsof discussion on ideas and themes, is to notethat while 'time..spacesystematics'have madeup roughly 60% of the SAA papers,in contrast,presentations limited in this wayhave made uponly 45% of the MWCAAAE contributions.These findingsindicate that conferencepresent..ers have in fact been willing to bring 'ideas inprogress'to the meetings, to 'float'new interpretationsand hypotheses. As a believer in thatold saw "archaeology is anthropology or it isnothing" (Willey and Phillips 1958:2), I alsothink it has been a healthy sign to see that 14-18% 6f the papers for the conference haveconsistently focused upon ethnohistorical (andethnographic) issues,providingthe analogsthatwe need and employ in our archaeologicalreconstructions. .The Midwest conference started out explic..itly with a strong emphasis upon things economic(see Figure 1), an emphasisreflected inthe large number of papers on that theme seenin Figure 2, but in recent years the emphasishasdropped roughly to the level of such subjects atthe SAA meetings. My analysisof the themesof papers at the MWCAAAE and SAA alsoincluded other categories, but these are notincluded in Figure 2 for two reasons: first becausethe numbers of papers in a category wasoften so small,that a paper or twocategorizedinanother way could significantly change thepercentile; and second becauseno major trendscould be identified either for the SAA or theMWCAAAE for these other categories. Myoverall sense, looking at Figure 2, is that theMWCAAAE meets its stated objectives.Will it continue? While I do not have acrystalball, my feelingis that the conferenceprobablywillcontinue to have successat least-352for the near future. One issue that has arisenagain, that may require resolution soon, is thatas in 1979 (when the Conference waslimitedtoa one day session), the number of proposedpapers has once again outstripped the slotsavailable.The solutions beingdiscussedinclude:limitingthe number of papers acceptedto afixed number; expanding the number of meetingdays; or changing the format from a singlegeneral sessionwhere all participate to smaller,simultaneous sessions. No consensus has beenforthcoming yet. Thus the informalprocedureshave begun to change. While in the earlyyears,the group tried to encourage wide-openpartiei--pation, in the last few years some host institutionshave mentioned that they have had toclose offthe sessions,cap the number ofpapers,and turn down some applicants, based on theirassessment of the importance of the proposedcontribution, in order to hold the meetings tothe day and a half format. With no officialconsensus in the conference, it maybe simplydefacto decisions by individual host institutionsthat Willultimately shift the nature of the meet..ings, just as it was done earlier in arrangingprograms with abstracts and so on.Another issue that needs to be addressediswhether the rotating pattern of meeting loea..tions servesthe membership as wellas it should.If one looks at meetings in the second half ofthe 25 year period for the MWCAAAE, it willbe noted that the four largest meetingswere atonly two places: Chicago (2 meetings), andUrbana (2 meetings), while the four smallestmeetings in this same period were at locationseither on the periphery of the presumed membershiparea, or in locations difficultto accessbypublic transport, at Bloomington, Indiana;Columbia, Missouri; Madison, Wisconsin; andMount Pleasant, Michigan. This, no doubt,wasthe reason why at the meeting held in 2000, aserious push was made by one group of attendeesto have the meetings be established on apermanent basis either at Chicago or Urbana.While the conference decided to maintain thecurrent pattern, with the meetings in 2001

353....moving to Ann Arbor, this issue is bound to riseagain.To see if the patterns of attendance at theSM meetings wouldprovide anysuggestionfora solution, I did a quick scan of the high and lowattendance meetings at the SM for SouthAmerican papers for the same time period. Inthis case, the meetings with the greatest partici..pation were New Orleans (2 meetings),Minne..apoUs,Nashville, and St. Louis;those with thelowest participation (as judged by number ofpaper presentations) were Anaheim, Adanta,LasVegas, Phoenix, and Pittsburgh.Browman: The MidwesternAndean ConferenceThe pattern of core vs. periphery seems tobe just that as seen with the MWCAME. Inboth groups, the meetings held in geographiccore area drew better participation than thoseon the periphery. If the issue is to maximizegrowth for the MWCAAAE, then perhapsestablishing a permanent meeting site such asChicago might be the appropriate solution.Overall these issues appear to be healthysignsofvitality. I expect that the MWCAME,like the Northeast Conference and the westcoast InstitUte of Andean Studies meeting,willcontinue to exist and fill a much needed func..tion. Largegatherings, like those of the Societyfor American Archaeology (SM), can nolongermeet this need.1. Research Reports. .Reports by participants on their own-on-going research problems. Also possible remarks on work in progressby colleagues not in attendance.2. Topics of theoretical interest.a. Andes-Amazonia economic interaction spheres.b. Origins of the pristine state in South America.c. Archaeobotanical and palynological inputs into our ecosystem models.d. Additional topics as suggested.3. Practical problems in research.a. Research climate in various South American countries.b. Development ofNSF projects:(1) Should they be large, multi-disciplinary designs like those of Barry Commoner, Scotty MacNeish,etc.? .(2) Should they rather emphasize a number of small. shatply focused, and individually executedresearch designs?c.: Possibility of circulation of preliminary field reports in an informal format, like Katunob or evenNawpa Pocha? .4. Additional topics of interest suggestedby individual conference participants.Figure 1. Proposed agenda for the 1st meeting of the MWCAAAE, Urbana, March 2, 1973.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) -354Average number Tune-space Econorriy: tTade Ethnohistoryand.of papers systematics and subsistence ethnographySAA MW SM MW SAA' MW SAA MW1973-1978 21 10 61% 45% 24% 40% 0% 14%1979-1984 20 19 63% 41% 26% 30% 0% 16%1985-1990 42 18 60% 41% 35% 19% 0% 15%1991-1997 73 23 62% 48% . 21% 18% 0% 18%Figure 2. Comparison of papers presented at the 8M and MWCAAAE for the same 25-year period.Sources(a) Correspondence:September 15, 1972. Sol Tax to David L. Browman.October 25, 1972. David L. Browman to Thomas P. Myers.November 6, 1972. Thomas P. Myers to David L. Browman.January 17,1973. David L. Browman to prospective conference attendees.January 1973. George E. Fay to David L. Browman.February 1973. David L. Browman to prospective conference attendees.March 15,1973. GeorgeE. Fay to David L. Browman.March 23, 1973. David L Browman to George E. Fay.July 22,1973. George E. Fay to David L. Browman.October 11, 1973. Thomas P. Myers to David L. Browman.November 25, 1973. George E. Fay to prospective subscribers of El Dorado.January 17, 1975. David L. Browman to prospective conference attendees.January 29,1975. Donald R. Sutherland to David L. Browman.December 6,1976. Jeffrey R. Parsons to David L. Browman.January 1978. Robert A. Feldman to prospective conference attendees.April 3, 1978. Izumi Shimada to NorPARG participants.January 1980. David L Browman to prospective conference attendees.November 14,1996. Ronald D. Lippi to David L. Browman.(b)Publications:1997 An InformalHistoryof theOriginsandEarlyY~rsof the Midwestern Conferenceon Andean andAmazonian Archaeologyand Ethnohisrory:TheFirst25 Years,1973-1997. 31 pp. Bound paper.St. Louis: Washington University, Departmentof Anthropology.Daggett, Richard E.2000 The Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeologyand Ethnohistory: the First Eighteen Years.Andean Past 6:307-343.Willey, Gordon R. and Philip Phillips1958 Method and Theory in American Archaeology.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

355..Appendix I.Browman:TheMidwesternAndeanConferenceMIDWESTERN CoNFERENCE ON ANDEAN AND AMAzONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETIiNOHISTORY.Papers presented.1st.Unitlersit1of Illinois,Urbana,1973David Browman. LlamaTrade Caravans and Tiwanaku Interaction Spheres.DonLathrap.AmazonianBasinSurvey. .Joanne Magalis. Topic unrecorded.Jorge Marcos. Valdivia Ceramic Sequence.Jack Marwitt and Bob Morey. Contributions to the Ethnohistory of Northwest Venezuela.Tom Myers. Ucayali.Carl Spath. Topic unrecorded.Gary Vescelius. Moquegua Survey:Loreto Viejo and Chen Chen; and Huari Survey.Ron Weber. Culture History of the Tamaya River of Eastem Peru.R Tom Zuidema. Topic unreco~ded.2nd.IndianaUnitleTsit1, Bloomington, 1974Dean Arnold. Reports on Excavationsat the Late Intermediate Period Lucre Site, Cuzco, and AboriginalEarthworks, at the Mouth Ofthe RioBeni, Northeast Bolivia. .Robert Braun. UcayaliArea Archaeology.David Browman.. LlamaEthologyand Middle Horizon Trade Networks in Peru.Don Lathrap. Loma-Alta and EarlyValdivia.Jorge Marcos. Rio Verde, Rio Guaragay,and Santa Elena: EarlyValdivia Materials.Nancy Morey. Venezuelan LlanosEthnohistory.Tom Myers. San Pablo Lake (OT, 11) Formative, Otavalo.Allison Paulsen. Santa Elena Peninsula Formative Sequence.Gordon Pollard. MicroscopicAnalysisof Bone in Determining Domestication of Lama sp.James B. Richardson III. Piura/Chira archaeologicalsequence.3rd.UniveTsit1ofIllinois,Urbana,1975David Browman. Origins of Domestication in the Lake Titicaca Basin.John Earls. Ceque Systemsas Agro,EcologicalRegulatory Systems.John Rick. Lake Junin Survey and Archaeological Sequence.Ron Weber. Double,Headed Serpents in the North,Central Andes.Tom Zuidema. Inca Calendar and Ceque System.4th.Universit1ofMichigan,Ann Arbor,1976David Browman. Archaeobotanical and ArchaeozoologicalAnalyses of Lacustrine Adaptations in theTiticaca Basin.Michael Brown. The Llamistasof San Martin: Chanka or Chuncho?Alejandro Camino. Trade and Raidsbetween LowlandTribes and Quechua People in the UrubambaRegion: Machigenga and Piros.Sergio Chavez. The J::)awnof Peruvian Archaeology, Chroniclers and Explorers: 1524,1821.Wes Hurt. The EIAbra Rockshelter, Colombia,Revisited.Don Lathrap. Early Formative on the Ecuadorian Coast.JeffParsons. Prehispanic Setdement Patterns in the Upper Mantaro, Peru.Gordon Pollard. A PreliminaryPerspectiveon the Evolution of Setdement Systems and Ethnic Interfacesin Northwest Argentina and North Chile.Jack Wynn. The Buritaca Phase in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia.Tom Zuidema. Ethnohistorical and MythologicalStudies in the Calca Region, Peru.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000),3565th. IndianaUniversity,Bloomington,1977Bob.Benfer. Demography and Health of Pre,agricultural Peru.David Browman. Annual PeruvianTrade Fairs and LlamaTrade Caravans.Bob Feldman; The Circular Plaza:an EarlyFormative Ceremonial Complex from the Central PeruvianCoast. ..Charles Hastings., Prehispanic SubsistenceStrategies and Settlement Patterns in T arma Province, Peru.Jorge Marcos. Cruising to Acapulco and Back with the Thorny,Oyster Set.JeffParsons. The Hydraulic Complexat Tunanmarca, Junfn, Peru: Canals, Aqueducts, and Reservoir.Deborah Pearsall. Pachamachay Ethnobotanical Report: Plant Utilization at a Hunting Base Camp.Jim Richardson. Research on Sechura Phase Sites on the Far North Coast of Peru and Historic Materialfrom the Sarna Region (piura to Tumbes).John Rick. Pachamachay, Junfn: Permanent Archaic Puna Vicuna Herders.Frank Salomon. Entrepreneurs and Reciprocityin Highland Ecuador.Jack Wynn. Tairona as a Chiefdom.6th.FieldMuseum, Chicago, 1978David Browman. PossibleFormation of a New Journal on South American Archaeology.David Browman and Robert Bird. DemographicMovements at the EHIEIP and EIP/MH BoundariesinPeru as Deduced from Linguistic,Botanical,and Ceramic Evidence.Chuck Hastings. Prehistoric and EarlyColonial Connections between the Sierra and Montana of Tarma,Peru. . _Don Lathrap. New Evidence for Early Pottery Use in the Guayas Basin, Ecuador.Mike Moseley. Progress Report on the Prograrna Riego Antiguo.Gordon Pollard. Prehistoric Settlement Systems in the Southern Andes: Calchaqui Valleys Survey 1977.Jim Richardson. Fog,Folly,and FuzzyThinking: Round 2 ' Climate and Cultural Change on the PeruvianCoast during the Holocene.Frank Salomon. Exchange and RedistributiveSystemsin Highland Ecuador under Inca Rule.Ron Weber. An Analysisof the Potteryof Santa Maria, Northwest Argentina.7th. Washington University, St. Louis, 1979BobBenfer and Alice Benfer. Adaptation to Food Production at Paloma, Peru.BobBird. EarlyMaizeon the North Coast of Peru.Marshall Durbin. The Guiana Shield as a LinguisticArea.Clark Erickson. Archaeological Surveyin the Llanosde Mojos, Bolivia.BobFeldman. Recent Findingsof the PrograrnaRiegoAntiguo, Peru.Wes Hurt. Archaeological Excavationsin the SaIto Grande Reservoir,Uruguay.Jon Kent. Recent Investigations on the Domestication of South American Camelids.William Mayer,Oakes. Paradigms,Principles,Points, and Primitive Technology: Current Status inPrehistoric Highland Ecuador. -Lynette Norr. Formative Archaeologyand 5,000 Yearsof Fluvial Geomorphologyalong the Central RioOaule, Guayas Basin, Ecuador.Jose R. Oliver. Excavations at Quebrada Balerio,Venezuela: a PreliminaryReport.Gordon Pollard. Excavations in the Borgatta VillageSite, Calchaqui Valleys,Argentina.Jose Proenza Brochado. The Environment of the Marajoara Culture, Marajo Island, Brasil: SurvivalorDegeneration?Frank Salomon. Variations in Mound Architecture near Tulipe (Pinchincha), Ecuador.Daniel Shea. Atacama Oases: the Context of Preceramic Maize.JackWynn. UNESCOExcavationsat Islade Arriba,Uruguay. .James Zeidler. Ethnoarchaeology of an Achuar Dwelling:Some Archaeological Implications.Tom Zuidema. Architecture and Astronomyin Cuzco.

357.. Browman: The Midwestern Andean Conference8th. University of Wisconsin, Madison,.1980Alice Benfer. Archaeology and MortuaryCustoms of Paloma.Bob.Benfer. Demography, Ecology,and PhysicalAnthropology of Paloma.BobBird. EarlyMaize Remains: Analysisand Interpretation.Tom Dillehay. Monte Verde: EarlyMan in South,Central Chile.Greg Knapp. Precolumbian Flood Control on the Peruvian Coast: the Embanked Fields of Chilea.Don Lathrap and Stephen Bunker. Contact Period Demography and Socio,Political Complexity in theLowerCentral Amazon.Ron Lippi. The Machalilla Phase froman Inland Perspective.Earl Lubensky. Exploratory Excavationsat La Florida, Ecuador.William Mayer,Oakes. Patterns of Regularity,Symmetry,and PeriodicityAssociated with the ConchoidalFracturing Process.Patricia J. Netherly. Julio C. Tello'sOpening to the East: the EarlyRecognition of the Tropical ForestOrigins of Andean Civilization, a Case from North Peru.Allison Paulsen. New Chronologyof Machalilla Ceramics from Southwest Guayas Province, Ecuador.Debbie Pearsall. PreliminaryReport of Botanical Remains from Panaulauca Cave, Jumn, Peru.Darrell Posey. Amerind Trade, Warfare, and Depopulation in Colonial Brazil.LouisaStark. LinguisticEvidence for Pre,lnca Contacts between the Central and Southern Andes.LidaJ. Wagner. A PreliminaryReport on the Analysisof Ceramics from Huari, Ayacucho, Peru.9th. UniversityofMissouri, Columbia, 198)BobBenfer. The Rewardsof Sedentism: GrowingOld at Paloma.BobBird. UP9ating the Maize,Quechua,Culture History Model for the Central Andes.David Browman. .Correlations of MaizeRaces, Aymara Dialects, and Tiwanaku Expansion.Phillip Dering and Glen Weir. Plant MacrofossilRemains from Paloma, Chilea Valley, Peru.Dave Guillet. Comparative Andean,Himalayan Adaptations.Chuck Hastings. Tarma Project Update.Wes Hurt. The Tangarupa Complexof Uruguay.Kent Mathewson. Ancient Agriculture in the Guayas Basin.William Mayer,Oakes. A Typologyfor EarlyMan Projectile Points in South America.Allison Paulsen. A Revised Cronologyof the Machalilla and EngoroyCeramic Complexes of the South'Coast of Ecuador.Debbie Pearsall. Ethnobotanical Research at Panaulauca Cave, Peru.Jeanette Sherbondy. The Canals of Amaru, Cuzco.David Stemper. Skimming,Tapping, and Floating:Ancient Plants from a Complex Chiefdom on theEcuadorian Coast.Douglas Ubelaker and Earl Lubensky. The Ayalan Cemetery: an Integration Period Site in the GuayasBasinArea of Ecuador.Maarten van de Guchte. Inca Sculpture and the Landscape.David Wilson. The Development of Complex Prehispanic Society on the Peruvian North Coast: aPerspective from the Lower Santa Valley.10th. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1982ChristinaBrewster,Wray..HuariArchitecture:Formand Function.Michael Brewster,Wray. Middle Horizon Settlement in the Ayacucho Basin.Anita Cook. The Iconography of Middle Horizon Expansionism.Bob Feldman and Mike Moseley. The Dynamics of Agrarian Collapse in Coastal Peru.Sue Grosboll. Canichi: a Late HorizonSite of the Southern Highlands.Charles Hastings. Middle Horizon Problemsin the Tarma Ceja de Montana,Central Peru.Elizabeth Hart. Recent Ethnohistorical Research on the Chicama Valley. .Wes Hurt. The Itaborai Site, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.BiUIsbell. Huari and the Emergenceof the Andean State.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..358Timothy Johns. Domestication Processesin the Andean Tuber Complex.Jonathan Kent. Camelid Domesticationin the LakeJunfn and Lake Titicaca Basins.Don.Lathrap. The San Pedro Complex:a Chronological or EcologicalProblem?Darrell lalone and Mary lalone. From Command Economy to Commercial Economy in the SouthernSierra of Peru.Ron Lippi. EarlyMaizeRecovered in Coastal Ecuador.Michael Malpass. PreceraJIrlcResourcesof the Casma Valley: PreliminaryResults.William Mayer..Oakes. El Inga BroadStemmed Projectile Points: A New Horizon Marker for EarlyManin South America.Kate Moore. Prehistoric Animal Usein Junfn: PreliminaryResults of the 1981 Season at PanaulaucaCave. .Pat Netherly. The Formative in the Upper Sana Valley,Northwestern Peru.. DebbiePearsall.EthnobotanicalResearchon the JUnlnPuna:Reportof the 1981FieldSeason.Dan Shea. SomeMethodsandResultsforNorth ChileanDesertSites6,000..2,000 B.C.Lynda Spickard. The Evolution of Huari Administrative Architecture.Tom Zuidema. Petroglyphsand PoliticalOrganization in Cuzco.11thoIndiana UnitleTsit1, Bloomington, 1983Tom Aleto. Recent ArchaeologicalInvestigation on Isla Puna, Ecuador.BobBenfer. Preceramic Fieldsin tJ:~eLowerChilca Valley.Louanna Furbee. Reconstruction of the Development of AyUusin an Aymara Community.Wes Hurt. Paleoindian Migration Routes into Brazil. .Cathy Lebo. The Second Season FieldProject at the Itaborai site, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.Mike Malpass and Sue Grosb6ll. Reviewof Evidence for Late Pleistocene and Holocene Climatic ShiftsinWestern South America. .ColinMcEwan.AmazonianTen-aPretaSoils:Clues to Prehistoric Population Dynamics in the AmazonBasin.Ann Mester. The Owl in Moche Iconography:Implications for Ethnic Dualism on the North Coast.EmilioMoran. Amazonian Ecology:Changing Notions about the Structure, Function, and Managementof the Rain Forest Environment.Tom Myers. Ceramic Stylesand Unguistic Groupingson the Ucayali.Debbie Pearsall. Penon del Rio Project and the San lsidro Project.Tony Seeger. Bodies,BodyOrnaments, and Moral Concepts in LowlandSouth America: Another Lookat the Tembeta.Jeanette Sherbondy. Land and Water Rights in Upper and LowerCuzco.Maria Silva. A Topon~c Reconstruction of Indigenous Settlement on the Coast of Ecuador at the Timeof the Conquest.Jane Stone. Spatial Organization of Production at Huari.12th. Universit1 ofIUinois, Urbana, 1984Tom Abercrombie. The Aymara Federation of Killakaand Its Post..Conquest Transformations: Disinte..gration or Ethnogenesis?Brian Bauer. Inca and Pre..lnca Settlement Patterns in the LowerUrubamba River Valley.LawrenceCarpenter. Cultural and LinguisticCorrelates of Quichua Postulates.SergioChavez. Archaeological Reconnaissancein the Province of Chumbivilcas, Cuzco.William Denevan. Agricultural Terrace Abandonment in the Colca Valley, Southern Peruvian Andes.Carol Diaz..Granados. 'Holy' Hair Styleof the Andes, or the Prehistoric Vidal Sassoon Connection.Clark Erickson. RaisedField AgricultU~eof the Lake Titicaca Basin of Peru: Recent ArchaeologicalInvestigations.Rosa Gamarra. Tiaq Rumi: the SittingStones of Pucara.Paul Goldstein. Tiwanaku in the MoqueguaValley.Jo~ Isaacson. Human Occupation and Volcanic Activity in the Western Montana of Northern Ecuador.

359.. Browman: The Midwestern Andean ConferenceGreg Knapp. Prehistoric Raised Fieldsof Highland Ecuador: Agronomic Functions and EconomicSignificance.Kent Mathewson. Alexander von Humboldt and the Origins of Andean Landscape Archaeology.John McDowell. Ethnohistory of the SibundoyValley in Colombia.David McGrath. Biomassand the Productivityof Shifting Cultivation in the Amazon.Lynn Meisch. Weaving in Tarabuco, Boliviaand the Ethnohistory of the Region.Karen Mohr Chavez. Kidder and Andean Archaeology.Karen Mohr Chavez. A PreliminaryStudy of the Production, Distribution, and Consumption of theTraditional Pottery of Raqchi, Cuzco,Peru.Tom Myers. Settlement Longevityand Development in the Amazon Basin.Cheryl Pomeroy. The Remains of an Andean Salt Operation: an Ethnographic Account of SalinasdeTomavela, BolivarProvince, Ecuador.Paul Jean Pierre Provost. Shipibo Oral Narratives: SymbolicHistorical Quipus or PsychoanalyticalInsights.JeffQuilter. Religion at EI Parafso.Frank Salomon and Sue Grosboll. The 208 Nagaxas of Post,lncaic Quito: An Approach to CultureHistory via Anthroponymy and Statistics.Tony Seeger. The Collection and Classificationof Lowland South American Musical Instruments:Problems and 'Possibilities.Jeanette Sherbondy. Cuzco Ethnohistory: Recent Research.John Treacy. Management of SwiddenFallowsby Bora Native Cultivators in the Peruvian Amazon.Tom Zuidema. Whip Dances of Cuzco.13th. FieldMuseum, Chicago,1985Tom Abercrombie. The Ritual Use ofWeavings in the Andes, Past and Present.Mark Aldendeifer.and Karen Wise. Preceramic Puna,Sierra Interrelationships in the South,CentralAndes.Brian Bauer and Martina Munsters. The Manufacture, Use, and Storage of Stone Tools in Present DayAndean Communities.Paul Goldstein. Social and SymbolicInferences from Moquegua TiwanakuCe~amics.Sue Grosboll. Demography of Late Horizon Villagesin the Hummco Region of Peru.Chuck Hastings. Research Prospectsfor the Tulumayo, an Eastern Valley of Central Peru.Wes Hurt. The 1984 Excavations in the Rock Shelters near Bahia, Central Brazil.John Isaacson and Tom Aleto. Evidencefor Contacts between the Northern Sierra and the South Coastof Ecuador during the Integration Period.Earl Lubensky. Analysisof the Ferdon Collection from Ecuador.Kate Moore. Current Research in the Animal Economy of the Central Andes: Teeth and BonesfromPanaulauca Cave, Juron.Abelardo Sandoval. Changing Setdement Patterns in Formative Ayacucho.Daniel H. Sandweiss. The Santa BeachRidges,Uplift, and EINifio.Dan Shea. Preliminary Discussionof Late Horizon Settlement and Population in the Colca Valley,Arequipa.Chip Stanish. The Emergence of Post'Tiwanaku Elite Ideologiesas Reflected in Mortuary Practicesin theSouth,Central Andes.David Stemper. Preliminary Resultsof an Archaeological Study ofa Cacicazgoon the Daule RiverFloodplain, Ecuador.Robert Timm. Hunting Strategiesin the Amazon.Terry Turner. Moiety Structure, Hierarchy, and SocialTime in the Amazon and the Andes.Ron Weber. The Slit Triangle Modfin Nasca Art.Glen Weir and Bob Benfer. Maritimefferrestrial Components of Diet: 1984 Excavations at ThreePeruvianCotton PreceramicSites. .Tom ~uidema. Myth and Ritual: Huayna Capac.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000) ..36014th.Uni"ersi~ofMissouri,Columbia, 1986Brian Bauer. Recent ArchaeologicalResearch in the Region of Pacariqtambo.Bon.Benfer. Tests of Paloma Stratigraphy.Bob Feldman. ProgressReport: ProgramaContisuyu.Louanna Furbee. Andean and MayanFolk Models of Diseasebefore the Conquest.Dave Guillet. Ritual and SocialStructure in Lari, Colea Valley, Peru.Earl Lubensky. Current Developmentsin Archaeologyin Ecuador.Ann Mester. The Pearl Oyster in Andean Culture: at the Crossroads of Archaeology and Ethnohistory.Jose R. Oliver. PreliminaryReport on the Geochronologyand Paleoarchaeologyin the El Jobo Basin,Western Venezuela.Debbie Pearsall. Ethnobotanical Research for the Penon del Rio Project: Identification of MaizeCultivation on Raised Fields.Maria Silva. Shungumarca: Canari..Inca Frontier Site.Carl Spath. A BriefNote on Cremated Human Remains from the Hormiga Rockshelter.Sloan Williams and Niki Clark. Investigationsin the BurialAreas of the Late Prehistoric EstuquifiaSitenear Moquegua, Far Southern Peru.15th. Uni"ersi~ of Wisconsin, Madison, 1987Mark Aldenderfer. Archaic Period Settlement Dynamicsin the Osmore Drainage, Far Southern Peru.Clark Erickson. Raised Field Agriculture and the Indigenous Community: Applied Archaeology on theAltiplano. . . ,Chuck Hastings. Precontact Campa Occupation of the Upper Chanchamayo Valley, Eastern Peru.Alan Kolata. Recent Research in the Titicaca Basin (Lukurmata).Don Lathrap. An Overview'of the Ecuadorian Formative with Special Attentidn to the Cerro NarrfoSequence.Ron Lippi. Coring a DeeplyBuriedJungle Site in Northwestern Ecuador.JeffParsons. Towards a Model ofPrehispanic Settlement SystemsEvolution ofJunln, Peru.Frank Salomon. Primitive Maps fromLa Merced Archive.Jorge Silva. The Early Intermediate Period as Seen from the Cerro Culebra Site.Helaine Silverman. Getting Ahead in Ancient Peru: a New Look at Nasca Trophy Head Taking.GeoffreySpurling. ArchaeologicalEvidencefor Inka Ceramic Production at Milliraya.David Stemper. Prehispanic Ceramics,Settlement Patterns, and Raised Fields on the Daule RiverFloodplain, Ecuador.Mark Thurner. Four Steps toward an Ethnographic Understanding of the Great Andean Insurrections of1780..1783:A PreliminaryInterpretationofthe SiegeofLaPaz,1781.John Treacy. Hydraulic Patterns in the Colea Valley,Arequipa.Jim Zeidler. Stratigraphy, Sediments, and Ceramic Complexesfrom San Isidro,Northern Manab£Province, Ecuador.Tom Zuidema. Cullic Chahua, Inca Illescas,and Marsyas:Guaman Poma'sRepresentation of 'FlayingtheSkin'.16th. Uni"ersi~of Michigan,Ann Arbor,1988Mark Aldenderfer. Archaic Period Structural Remainsfrom Asana, a High Sierra Open Air Site inSouthern Peru. ,Brian Bauer. Cusco Pottery: New Information from the Province ofParuro.BobBenfer. Excavations at Tres Ventanas Cave in the Puna of the Chilca Valley.BobBenfer and Jeremy Edward. The PalomansToasted, Then Salted their Dead.Sergio Chavez. Corbel Vaulted Structures in the Context of Titicaca BasinSettlement Patterns.Kwo-LingChyi, Karen Mohr Chavez,and SergioChavez. Physico-ChemicalAnalyses of Pucara'StylePottery, Peru. 'Niki Clark.' Archaeological Textiles in the Socio-Cultural Context, Late Prehistoric Period, Far Southern~ru.'

361.. Browman: The Midwestern Andean Confereru;ePatricia Dodson. Ethnohistoric Implicationsof Carnival in Highland Bolivia.Clark Erickson. Prehispanic Settlement Associated with Raised Field Agriculture in the Lake TitieacaBasin. .Louanna Furbee. The Cognition of SoilsManagement in the Colea Valley, Peru.Kirk Frye and Chip Stanish. Investigationsof the Lupaqa Kingdom.Paul Goldstein. Domestic Patterning in Tiwanaku's Provinces: The Case from Omo, Moquegua, Peru.Heidi Lennstrom and Chris Hastorf. Subsistence Production From the Early Intermediate through theLate Intermediate Periods: Excavationsat Pancan, Peru.William Mayer..Oakes. Testing the 'FlutingHypothesis' in Ecuador.Kate Moore. Late Preceramic and Formative Herding Economies on the Puna of}uron.Joanne Rappaport. The Path of the Three Staffsof Office: Territorial Organization and History in aNorthernAndeanCommunity. .Jorge Silva. Survey of the Chill6n Valley,Peru.Sloan Williams and Jane Buikstra. Mortuary Excavations at the Estuquina Site.Tom Zuidema. The New and CompleteVersion of}uan de Betanzos'Suma y Narraci6n de los Incas.17th. Central Michigan University, Mt. Pleasant, 1989Mark Aldenderfer. Late Archaic Ceremonial ArchitectUre from Asana, Southern Peru.. Brian Bauer. Late Intermediate-Ceramic Production and Exchange in the Circum..Cusco.Region.J01;geBrea. Effects of Agrarian Change in the Ecuadorian Sierra.Sergio Chavez. A Methodology for Studying the History of Archaeology: An Example from Peru (1524-1900).. .Edward de Bock. Fat Cats and Heavenly Waters, a Study on a Moche and Chimu Motif of StateOrganization. .Martin Giesso. Settlement Patterns in the Jesuitic Missionsof Guaranies: An Archaeological Perspective.John Janusek. A Prehispanic Drainage Systemin the Ceremonial Precinct ofTiwanaku, Bolivia.Jim Mathews. PreliminaryInvestigationsof Prehistoric Raised Fieldsin the Tiwanaku Midvalley,Tiwanaku, Bolivia.Colin McEwan and Marla Isabel Silva. A Capac Hucha Burial on Isla de la Plata, Ecuador.Jerry Moore. Architectural Correlatesof Social Control.of tWoChimu Settlements in the Casma Valley,Peru.Juan Ossio. Mesianismo Contemporaneo en el Peru.Mario Rivera. New Approaches for the Study of the Chinchorro Tradition in Northern Chile.Maarten van de Guchte. Ceremonial Architecture at Sayhuite (Apurlmac), Peru.Ann Webster. PreliminaryAnalysisof the Faunal Remains ofTiwanaku.Erik Woodard. Human Skeletal Remainsat Tiwanaku, Bolivia.Tom Zuidema. A Funeral Custom with the IncaSand the Tupinamba.18th.Universityof Chicago,Chicago,1990Brian Bauer. The EarlyInca and Inca Subsistence-Settlement System of the Cusco Region.Richard Burger and LucySalazar-Burger. The Chronology and Function of Cardai's Public Architecture.Peter Burgi. Conjoined Inka and Lupaqa Control of the Far Southwestern Peruvian Sierra.Anita Cook. Late Nasca Settlements in the lea Valley:A Re..evaluationof Huari Presence on the SouthCoast.LisaDeleonardis Holley. Paracas Ceramic Data from Non..BurialContexts in the Lower lea Valley.Bob Feldman. A Preliminary Reporton Excavations at Cerro Baul, Moquegua, Peru.Louanna Furbee and Jon Sandor. Articulation of Folk and Scientific Classificationsof Soilsin the ColcaValley, Peru.Kirk Frye and Chip Stanish. Domestic Architecture and Ceramics of Altiplano Lupaqa Period Sites.Paul Goldstein. On the Eve of Empire:Moquegua before the Tiwanaku Conquest..Anne Helsley..Marchbanks. Puente Mayu: a Chapter in the Highland Bolivian Formative.Billlsbell. Dressed Stone Masonryat Tiwanaku and Huari: A Comparison.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..362Heidi Lennstrom. Intrasite SpatialVariabilityin the Middle Horizon/Late Intermediate: An Examplefromthe Upper Mantaro Valley.Waud Kracke. Space as Movement: The Occupation of Parintintin Territory and the Pattern of OutwardMovement and Return.Lawrence Kumar. Ethnoarchaeologyof High Sierra Pastoralists, South Central Andes.Ron Lippi. Late Prehistoric Ethnic Boundarieson the Western Flanks of Ecuador's Northern Andes.Ramiro Matos Mendieta. Del caminoreal inka a la carretera moderna en las punas de Junfn.William Mayer~Oakes. Postform:A Lithic Concept whose Time has Come.Colin McEwan. Architectural Investigationsat the Wari Site ofPikillacta, Peru.Suzanne Oakdale. ContextualizingLifeHistory Narratives.Debbie Pearsall and BobBenfer. The Floral Assemblagefrom Tres Ventanas.HelaineSilverman.NascaSettlementPatternandSociopoliticalOrganization:a FirstRun throughthe1988~89SurveyData.Chip Stanish. Results from ProjectJuli.Cheryl Sutherland. PreliminaryCeramicAnalysisofIntensive Surface Collections at Tiwanaku.John Verano. A Cache of 48 Trophy Heads from Cerro Carapo, Peru.Ron Weber. Shipibo/Conibo Cotton Warp~FacedTextile Manufacture in Eastern Peru and its CulturalImplications._Melanie Wright and Heidi Lennstrom. PreliminaryAnalysis of Botanical Remains from Lukurmata,Bolivia: A Tiwanaku RegionalCenter.19th.IndianaUniversity,Bloomington, 1991 .Brian Bauer. New Information on the Ceque Systemof Cuzco.BobBenfer. 1990'SalyageExcavationsat Paloma, Chilca Valley, Peru: Overlap of Lomas and RiverValleyPreceramic Occupations.Clark Erickson. The Archaeologyof RaisedField Agriculture in the Llanos de Mojos, Bolivia:RecentSurvey and Excavation.Crist6bal Gnecco. La Elvira: A PaleoindianSite in Southwestern Colombia.Paul Goldstein. A Tiwanaku Semi~SubterraneanTemple in Moquegua, Peru.Chuck Hastings. An Update and Prognosisfor Chanchamayo Archaeology, Eastern Peru.LarryKuznar. Faunal Attributes of Andean Pastoral Sites: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective.Darrell lalone. World Systemsin Antiquity: Andean Perspectives.Mike Marchbanks. Trace Element Analysisof Ceramics from Tiwanaku.JoyceMarcus. Community Specializationon the Coast of Peru: The Case for Cerro Azul, Caiiete Valley.JohnMcDowell.MythandHistoryin the SibundoyValley._Eduardo Neves. Cultural Change and Continuity in the Upper Xingu and Upper Rio Negro Basins.Janis Nuckolls. The Salt Journeys.]effQuilter. Problemswith the Preceramic:Radiocarbon Dates, Cultural Processes, and the Preceramic~Initial Period Transition.MarioRivera. EarlyPotteryin the SouthAndes. -Frank Salomon. The Five~GatedDam: An Andean Irrigation System in the HuarochirCMythology,inColonial Litigation, and in Modern Ritual.Inge Schjellerup. Archaeological Investigationsin the Southern Part ofChachapoyas Province,.Peru.Ari Zighelboim. An Inca Archive: Coherence and Diversityin a Collection of Quipus.20th. University of Illinois, Urbana, 1992Catherine Allen. The Incas Have Gone Inside: Pattern and Persistence in Quechua Iconography.BobBenfer. A Better Foundation forArchaeological Knowledge:An Expert System CD~ROMSiteReportforPaloma,Peru. -Shelley Burgess. Patterns of Anemia in Three Late Intermediate Period Populations from the South CoastoEPero.KayCandler. Feathers from the Forest.

'363.. Browman:TheMidwesternArUIeanConferenceJohn Dendy. The Development of Gender Differentiation in SQuthem Peruvian Coastal Polities Revealedby the Grave Goods at the ChiribayaAlta Cemeteries Near lIo.Clark Erickson. Prehispanic Hydraulic Engineeringin the Danos de MOjosof Bolivia.Steven Fabian. Bororo..White Contact and the Changing Role of the Missionary.Evan Franke. Ceramic Craft Specializationat ChijiJawira: Tiwanaku Organization and Technology.Louanna Furbee. On the Decline of Terrace Agriculture in the Peruvian Andes: Too Little Time, Toolli~fu~. .GrayGraffam and Mario Rivera. A Late Formative Period Copper Manufacturing Center in the AtacamaDesert.Sonia Guill~n. Desenfardelamiento de una momia,Chancay.Alvaro Higueras. Archaeological Knowledgein Peru and its Contribution to the Formation of a NationalIdentity.Darrell laLone. Three Perspectiveson Inca State Expansion.Earl Lubensky. Update on Analysisof the Ferdon Ceramic Collections from Esmeraldas Province,Ecuador.Jim Mathews. Some Notes on the EarlyDevelopment of the Tiwanaku State.. WilliamMayer..Oakes.HaloPaleoindianComplex:A ProblemAwaitingSolution.Barra O'Donnabhain, Maria Lozada,Sonia Guill~n, and Jane Buikstra. The Removal of Skullsfrom anEarlyCemetery at Wawakiki, Southern Peru.Debbie Pearsall and Bob Benfer. Continuing Ethnobotanical Research at Paloma and Tres Ventanas,~. , .PhyllisPiduga. An Astronomical Model for the Nazca figures,Pampa de San Jos~.Susan Ramfrez..Huaca Looting on the Peruvian North Coast.. A Tale with Two Perspectives.Anna Roosevelt. Paleoindians at Monte Alegre in the BrazilianAmazon.,Daniel H. Sandweiss. Recent Excavationsof the Late Horizon Component at Tucume, Peru.Susan Snow. Constructive Imagination and the Development of Cosmologyin the New World Tropics.TheresaTopic. Womenand the SpanishConquest.LisaValkenier. Chimu Capac and the EarlyHorizon Period in the Supe Valley.,Ann Webster. Camelids Beforeand During the Tiwanaku Hegemony.David Wilson. The Formative Periodin the Casma Valley.Marta Zambrano. The Indians of Colonial Bogota.Jim Zeidler. Moundbuilders of Northern ManabC:Recent Archaeological Research in the Jama RiverValley,Coastal Ecuador.Tom Zuidema. A Pan..Andean Calendar and its Colonial Impact.21st. Washington University, St. Louis, 1993BobBenfer. Prolonged Virginity in the Coastal Peruvian Preceramic: The Economic Importance of" (Fisher)Women in the Early Stagesof Andean Civilization.LisbetBengtsson. Architectural Characteristics of Remains Related to the Late Prehistoric Santa ManaCulture, Northwestern Argentina.Georgia Britt. An Analysisof the Ceramic Collection from Sahuacari, Acari Valley, Peru.Evan Engwall. The Lost Horizon, or the Emergence and Expansion of Chorrera Culture: A View fromtheNorthern ManabC,Ecuador. .Clark Erickson. Ancient Field Systemsand Water Management in the Bolivian Amazon.Paul Gelles. Equilibrium and Extraction: Dual Organization in the Andes.Christine Gemignani. Huacas and Saints: The Creation of the Early Colonial Andean Experience.Crist6bal Gnecco. EarlyHuman Occupation of the Northern Andes.John Greer. Continuing Research on the Rock Art of Southwestern Venezuela.Brigitte Holt. Plant Phytoliths fromDental Calculus.John Janusek. A Brush with Prehispanic Panpipe (Zampoiia)Specialistson the Southern Shores of LakeTiticaca, Bolivia.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ..364Jon Kent. A New Research Facilityin Andean Zooarchaeologyand Recent Investigations in Ecuador andPeru.LarryKumar. PastoraVChenopodiumMutualismand the Early Domestication of Quinua: Ethnoarchaeolo#gical Evidence.William Mayer#Oakes. A Reviewof Ecuadorian Obsidian Studies.Julie Morrow. Fauna from Puente Mayu:A Formative Period Site Near Chayanta, Bolivia.Debbie Pearsall. Jama#CoaqueSubsistence:Insights from the Pechichal Site, Manabi, Ecuador.Karl Reinhard, John Dendy, A. M. Ghazi,and Karin Sandness. Coprolites and Chemistry: DietaryReconstruction from Corporeal Remains.Dan Shea and Mario Rivera. The Dating of the Chinchorro Mummy Complex: An Alternative Use ofRadiocarbon Estimates.Lynn Sikkink. Reproducing and Balancingthe.SocialOrder: Competition and the Ritual ofYaku Cambio.Steven Weintz. PreliminaryReport on San Bartolome, a Late ArchaiclEarly Formative Site in theTiticaca Basin.Jim Zeidler. Organizational Principlesof Valdivia VUlageSpace: Some Lessonsfrom Tropical Ethnoastronomy.Ari Zighelboim.Mountain SacrificeScenes in Moche Iconography.22nd. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1994John Alden. Along the Inca road: Recent Surveyin the Atacama Desert.Karen Mohr Chavez and SergioChavez. Archaeological Excavations of the'Y aya..Mama'ReligiousTradition on the Copacabana Peninsula,Bolivia.Janet Earle. Brides and Battles: A ClassroomSimulation Game for Teaching Amazonian Ethnography.Evan Engwall. Mytho#HistorieRelationsbetween the Cafiaris and the.Inca Empire.Clark Erickson. The Prehispanic Human Impact on the Landscapes of the Bolivian Amazon.Rafael Gasson. Quiripas and Mostacillas:The Evolution of Shell Beads as a Medium of Exchange inNorthern South Anieri~a.Martin Giesso and Michael Glascock. Obsidian Procurement and Distribution in the TiwanakuHeartland.Frank Grollig. The Uru Indians of LakeTiticaca.Pamela Hale and Julia Wagner. LostLegacyof La Libertad: An Examination of a Ceramic Collection.John Janusek. Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Ida Region of Chuquisaca, BOlivia. .Eduardo Kohn. Yana Padreta MicujJinti: Cannibalism and Transculturation in Seventeenth CenturyEcuador. .LarryKuznar. The Pastoral Core and the Herded Periphery:World SystemsTheory, Pastoral Metaphors,and Inca Expansion.Earl Lubensky. Color ClassificationSystemfor Use with Paradox and Designed for Ecuadorian Ceramics.BarryLyons. Hacienda Expansion and Indigenous Resistance in Alausi (Central Ecuador), 1589#1935.Eduardo Pareja Sinanis. Posible existenciade escuelasde ceramistas en Tiahuanaco.Mario Rivera. Arica: 10,000 AfiO$.Dan Shea and MariQRivera. The Dating of the Chinchorro Mummy Complex: An Alternative Use ofRadiocarbon Estimates.Katherine Stefko. The Religiousand SocialImportance of Anthropomorphic Figurines of the LakeValencia Region.John Walker. Buildinga Landscape:Raised Field Construction in the Llanos de Moxos, Bolivia.23rd. Field Museum, Chicago, 1995Monica Barnes and David Fleming. Andarax and Nazca: Two Coastal ValleysCompared.BobBenfer. The Basket Household: Lifeand Death at the Residence of an Extended Family,Paloma,Chilca Valley, Peru.Sarah Brooks. Maquettas in the ColcaValley:Carved Boulders on Mountain Slopes.Cl.IDstineGemignani. Ritual Dimensionsof Geographic Space in the Early Colonial Northern Andes. .

365 ~ Broonnan: The Midwestern Andean ConferenceOark Erickson. Occupation Mounds (Lomas)in the Llanos de Moxos of Bolivia.Julie Farnum and Bob Benfer. Chemical and Dental Estimates of Weaning Age for Paloma, Peru.Paul.Gelles. Multiculturalism and Transnationalism in the Americas.Christine Gemignani. Ritual Dimensionsof Geographic Space in the EarlyColonial Northern Andes.Darrell Gundrum. Tajahuana: Recent Research at a Fortified Paracas Site.Mike Heckenberger. The RepercussiveEffectsof Andean Expansionism:The View from a DistantAmazonian Frontier.Alvaro Higueras. Archaeological Strategyin the Analysisof Local and Tiwanaku Polities in CochabambaValley,Bolivia.JuhaHiltunen. The MontesinosChronicle~ Archaeology and Manipulation of the Dynastic~HistoricalInformation, Estimates of Authencity of the Ancient Peruvian Amauta Dynasty.BillIsbell. Constructing the Andean Past, or "AsYou Like It."Ron Lippi. Ancient Trails in Northern Ecuador'sWestern Montafia.JeffParsons. Precolumbian Hilltop Settlements in Highland Peru: Defensive Citadels or Stages for thePerformance of Public Ritual?Debbie Pearsall. Reconstructing Subsistencein the LowlandTropics: A Case Study from the Jama RiverValley,Manabl, Ecuador.Gabriela Powell. Storing the MilkyWay: A PreliminaryAppraisal of Chancay Chicha Jars as CelestialEffigies.Shelia Pozorskiand Tom Pozorski. The Initial Period Site ofTaukachi~Konkan in the Casma Valley,Peru.Ellen Quinn. George DorseyChancay Ceramic Collection.Susan Ramlrez; Of Fishermen and Farmers:A LocalHistory of the Peoplesof the Chicama Valley, 1524~1565. .Anna Roosevelt. Caverna de Pedra Pintada: A Paleoindian Site.Matt Seddon. Accel~rator MassSpectrometry Dating of Raised Fields in the Rio Catari Subbasin, Bolivia.Dan Sheaand MarioRivera.ReticulateIrrigationin the Atacama. .IzumiShimada and B. Yamaguchi. Organization of and Symbolismin the Middle Sican Elite Shaft~Tombat Hu.acaLoro, Peru.Gail Silverman. Andean Cloth: A Woven Book of Knowledge.Helaine Silverman. Excavations at the Alto de Molino Site in the LowerPisco Valley.John Staller. The Jell Phase at La Emerenciana, a Late Valdivia Site in Southern EI Oro Province,Ecuador.KayokoToshihara. Moquegua ArchaeologicalSurvey:Formative Cultures of the Middle MoqueguaValley,South Peru.Ron Weber. The Dimensions of Archaeologyand Reconsideration of the Rowe and Roe Sequencing ofChavm Monumental Art.24th.BeloitCoUege,Beloit, 1996JohnAlden. PrehispanicRoadsin theAtacamaDesert~ SurveyaroundSan Pedrode Atacama,Chile.Mark Aldenderfer and Cynthia Klink. Archaic Period Settlement in the Rlo Ilave Drainage, Southwest~ern Lake Titicaca Basin, Southern Peru.Mark Aldenderfer and Cynthia Klink. Archaic Period Setdement Patterns on the Peruvian Altiplano:Comparison of Two Recent Surveysin the Southwestern Lake Titicaca Basin.Gerardo Ardila. Ethnoarchaeology and Archaeology in the lnirida River, Colombian Amazonia.Jim Belote and Linda Belote. Cafiaris,Paltas, and Saraguros: Toponyms arid Ethnic Boundaries inSouthern Ecuador.Tamara Bray. Imll Imperial Inca Pottery: Form, Function, Foodways,and Class Formation.Michael Calaway. The Archaeological Zone of Guatacondo, Ramaditas Site, Northern Chile: IrrigationMethodology and Analysis.Clark Erickson. 'Pristine Forests'of the Bolivian Amazon: Archaeological Insights;

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) ,366Chuck Hastings. Observations on the Status of Settlement Pattern Studies in the Eastern Andes ofBoliviaand Northwest Argentina.Jose L6pez,Roberto Bracco, and Tom Dillehay. PreliminaryReport on the Moundbuilding Cultures (1800~(>AD 1600)ofNortheastUruguayandSoutheastBrasil. . .JeffParsons. Pilot Survey in the Puna de JujuYtArgentinat May,June 1995.Karen Rasmussen and Richard Sutter. Uncovering Chinchorro Burialsin nOtPeru: Recent ExcavationsoomY~. .Johan Reinhard. The Ampato FrozenMummies.Marco Antonio Ribeiro. The Dream,CrossedTwilight: the Descriptiont Datingt and Analysisof theMoquegua EclipseKerot a Tiwanaku V ceramic.Mario Rivera. Excavations at Ramaditas,an EarlyFormative Complex in the Atacama Desert: SomePreliminaryResults. .Anna Roosevelt. Initial Pottery in the LowerAmazon.Frank Salomon. Patrimonial Khipusfrom the Territory of the Huarochirl Manuscript.John Staller. Excavations of a Late Valdivia Phase Platform Mound at the Site of La Emerenciana, EIOroProvince,Ecuador. .Richard Sutter. Verticality or Horizontality?A BioarchaeologicalSearch for Pre,Incaic Colonies in theCoastal Vallies of Moquegua, Peru, and Azapa, Chile.Robert Thompson. The Recoveryof MaizefromFood Residues at La Emerenciana, a Late ValidivianSitein EIOro Province,Ecuador. .Elka Weinstein. Cinderella's Coach, or the Odd Pumpkin: An Interpretation ofCucurbits in Chorren~Ceramics. .Tom Zuidema. Age Classesin Andean Culture.25th. UniversityofWfscons~ Madisont1997Mark Aldenderfer. Jiskanumoko: An EarlySedentary Settlement in the Southwestern Lake TiticacaBasin.Brian Bauer. The Inca Occupation of the Island of the Sunt Bolivia.BobBenfer. Parental Investment in the Health of Children: A Story from the EarlyVillage site ofPaloma,Peru. . . .Deborah Blom,John Janusekt and Jane Buikstra. Rituals of Death in Prehispanic Tiwanaku.David Browman. An Informal Historyof the EarlyYearsof the Midwestern Conference for Andean andAmazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory.Karen Bruhns. Deconstructing An ImaginaryFrontier, or Preaching to the Converted?LisaCipolla and Cynthia Klink. An Alternative Method for AnalyzingArchaic Period Surface Data inthe Andean Highlands.Clark Erickson. Prehispanic Fish Farmingin the Bolivian Amazon.Rafael Gassan. The Eastern Andean Piedmont and the Western Venezuelan Llanos as CulturalLandscape.Martin GiessotSarah Brookstand Mike Glascock. Tiwanaku and Obsidian Procurement in the TiticacaBasin.Darrell Gundrum. Liquid and Light:The Essenceof Lifeand Death in Ancient Paracas and NascaSociety.Catherine Julien. Chiriguano Incursion from Both Sides Now.Cynthia Klink. Initial Reconnaissancein the RfoHuenque ValleYtSouthern Peru.Franz Scaramelli and KayTarble. The Impact of European Colonization on Mapoyo Burial Practice in theMiddle Orinoco Region: Cultural Death or Resistance?Lynn Sikkink. Landscapet Gendert and Folk Stories: Azanaques and Tunapa!funupa.John Staller. An Analysisof Cosmologicaland Gender,Related StylisticAttributes in the Jell Phase: AValdivia Ceramic Complex from LaEmerenciana.Chip Stanish. EarlyOccupations on the Island of the Sunt Bolivia.Robert Thompson. Tracing the Presence of Varieties of Maize through Opal Phytolith Analysis.

367.. Browman: The Midwestern Andean ConferenceLisaValkenier. Chimu Capac Revisited:Implications for Andean Fortification Systems and MortuaryPractices. .Norman Whitten and Dorothea Whitten. LowlandEcuadorian Ethnographic Commentary.Tom Zuidema. Once Again: The CosmologicalDrawing of Pachacuti Yamqui.

CURRENT REsEARCH IN ANDEAN ARCHAEOWGYEditors' NoteIn this issue of Andean Past we introduce "Current Research in Andean Archaeology", a new feature.For many years, American Antiquity publishedsimilar reports, coveringnot just the Andes, but all of theAmericas. However, no such reportshavebeenpublished in American Antiquity since 1993 and scholarshave been deprived of a means of quick dissemination of recent findings in a first~tierprofessionaljournal.Although plans for posting current researchreports on the American Antiquity website were announcedsomeyears ago, they are still in an experimentalphase. Hence, for the past few years, Daniel H. Sandweisshas maintained a "Current Research"sectionon our Andean Past web site (http://kramer.urne.maine.edul-anthroplAndean "'p/html). What follows isan edited version of thesepostings[rom theirbeginningto mid,summer,2000. In contrastto theoldAmerican Antiquity section,Andean Past "CurrentResearch"reports may be illustrated and may include a limited number of published or distributed references. In theserespects, our new section is similar to the short "Scientific Correspondence" section of Nature. However,unlike the scientific letters to Nature, Andean Past "Current Research" reports are not subject to peerreview. New reports should be sent to Dan Sandweiss at the University of Maine, Orono. (See inside frontpage for addresses.)Daniel H. SandweissMonica Barnes.CUn'ent Research (1997 ~ 1999)EcUADORPimampiro ProjectArchaeological test excavations under thedirection of Tamara L. Bray (Wayne StateUniversity, e,mail tamara.bray@wayne.edu)began in 1997 at the site of Shanshipampa inthe Pimampiro District of northern highlandEcuador. Since 1991 this district, described insixteenth century sources as a gateway to theeastern lowlands and an important multi~eth~nic trade center, has been the focus of a re~gional study by Bray. Shanshipampa is namedafter the present local community. With thehelp of the Wayne State UniversityArchaeological Field School and personnelfrom the Instituto Nacional de-.PatrimonioCultural, Bray mapped the site and tested arange of features during the 1997fteld season.On the basisof ethnohistoric data, previousarchaeological work, and information providedby local informants, Shanshipampa has beententatively identified as the site of Chapf. Latesixteenth century sources indicate that ChapConce functioned as an important commercialcenter forhighland and lowland merchants, andhoused a multi,ethnic population that includedaffiliates of eastern montaiia groups. The sitewasabandoned in the seventeenth century andmemory of its location lost to local peoplethereafter.Excavations in 1997 focused on the upperportion of the site, which, according to localresidents, had only been clear of forest in thepast 80years. The landowner indicated that thearea was used as pasture and had never beenplowed. Archaeological features include ter,races, smallcircular mounds known locallytolas,long linear mounds, and widelydispersedpetro..glyphs. Investigations in 1997 concentrated onANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 369,395.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)the parallel linear features, their associatedterraces, and one of the tolas. The linearfeaturesrun perpendicularto the contourofthe slope of the site, with their uphill endsabutting unfaced terrace risers. The linearmounds range in width from 3 to 6 meters, areapproximately 1 to 1.8 meters high, and varyfrom 25 to 60 meters in length. There is anupper and a lower tier of these linear mounds,which are spaced at 12 to 16 meter intervals.Test excavations indicate that these moundsare comprisedofpiledcolluviumwithconsider,able amounts of ceramic materials mixed intothe upper levels. Testing betWeenthe linearmounds yielded substantiallylowerdensitiesofcultural materials. While these features re,main somewhat enigmatic, their associationwith terraces, their concentration in the lowerelevations of the site, the lack of associatedartifacts,combinedwith ethnographicinforma,tion on indigenous farming practices suggeststhat they may have had an agricultural func,tion, possiblyrelating to the divisionof fields.A nearby oval mound, c. 12by 23 metersand 2 meters high, was also tested. Severalpossiblehearths were found in its middle andlower levels. These features, in conjunctionwith.the ceramic evidence and the number ofbroken grindingstones (marwsand metates)recovered, suggesta domestic function for thismound. On the terrace abutting the mound,immediatelyto the east, a dome,shapedfeatureof white clay with a vented, box,like structUrein its center (56 cm x 52 cm x 83 cm deep) wasuncovered (Figure 1). The wallsof the rectan,gular central portion of the featurewere nearlyvitrified,probablyduringexposureto extremelyhigh temperatures. Preliminaryreviewof theliterature suggests the possibilityof a furnaceassociated with metal,working. While goldornaments are relatively common in this re,gion,wehave no reported findsofmetallurgicalproduction sites anywhere in the area. Thismakes the identification of this feature verytentative, but also potentially very important.. Initial sorting of the ceramic materials from the1997 excavations suggeststhe presence of..370Caranqui, CapuJ.{,and Panzaleo style potterydating principally to the late prehistoric period(800,1400 A.D.), as well as some previouslyunrecorded blackware types.In 1999 work continued at Shanshipampawith the support of the National Science Foun,dation and the Wenner..Gren Foundation. Thisphase of the research is an interdisciplinaryendeavor. Project eo,Principal InvestigatorCrist6bal Landazuri of the Pontificia Universi..dad Cat6lica del Ecuador (Quito) directs theethnohistorical component. Work in localarchives wascompleted in 1999 and analysisofinformation on changes in local productionsystems,political structures, demographics,andethnicity with the advent of colonial rule isunderway.Figure 1. Domed pit feature with rectangUlar central hollowthat exhibits a side vent and vitrified interior.In 1999Bray continued test excavations atShanshipampa with the aid of Ecuadorian and'American students from several universitiesincluding Wayne State. During that season, amagnetometer survey of the site wasmade, andthe topographic map of the site tested. DonaldJohrison of IMA Consulting, Minneapolis,Minnesota conducted the geophysical work.Through excavations, Bray's team identifiedseveral buried features including a double..

311..coursed stone wall, an extensive cobble andsherd floor, and a number of possiblehouseterraces. A number of large, complete storagevesselswere encountered in situ.Among the most interesting results of the1999 season was the identification of at leastthree types of morniary practices at Shanshi..pampa. The first is fairly elaborate, and in..volves the placement of a burial pit in thecenter of a stone ring that was subsequendy .covered by a low mound with a circular plan(Figure2). While the human remainswerenotgenerallypreservedin these features,one.ofthemounds did produce the posteriordentition ofa single individual interred with a completePanzaleo pot (Figure3). A singleradiocarbonassay of burnt material within the vessel pro..duced a date of 250 B.P.:tl00 (Beta 136125),suggestinga fairlyrecent age for this b~rial.Current Researchthe site also buried individuals in funerary urnsoutside of these caves, possibly in associationwith houses. The urns are plain, and apparendyof expedient manufacture. Charred humanremains inside one urn were dated to 940B.P.:t 110 (Beta 136130). It is possiblethat thisform of interment is unique in the northernEcuadorian Highlands. The Shanshipampamortuary data, taken as a whole, mayreflect thepresence of the several ethnic groups known,from historical sources, to have been present atthe site.Figure3. Completep~ style pot found at thebaseof aburial Pit in a smaUmound (Feature 6). p~pottery is a trade ware that was Unportedfrom theeastern tropical lowlands bypeople of the highlands.Figure2. Circularstonering, 3 m in diameter,surroundingburial Pit (Feature 5).Another burial practice at Shanshipampainvolved the use of small caves. Two burialcaveswere identified. Each contained multipleindividuals who had apparently been interredin large funerary urns. Because of the dryconditions that prevailed, human skeletalremains in a good state of preservation wererecovered. Pyrolizedmaterials from one caveindicates an age of 600 B.P.:t80 years (Beta136131). Finally, it appears that residents ofA seriesofpetroglyphswasalsodocumentedaround the site of Shanshipampa, as offeringpossible evidence of trans..sierran connections.Site boundaries are, in fact, defined in relationto the petroglyphs. Two carved stone monu..ments, both ofwhich carryimagerysuggestiveoftropical lowland fauna (monkeys and snakes),were recorded during a visit to the area in 1996(Figures 4 and 5). These are similar to theimageryfound on Tuza style (late prehispanic)ceramics. In 1997, an additional four petro..glyphs with spiral, circular, and linear motifswere recorded and a measured plan of them wasmade. Two of the motifs depicted, a bice..phalous snake..likecreature, and a monkey..like

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)quadruped with a curly tail, are identical tothose observed on the flagstone pavement atthe nearby site of La Mesa, salvagedby PadrePedro Porras in the early 1970s.Similarmotifshave also been observed on rock art from theNarino district of southern Colombiaand theQuijos region of eastern Ecuador. PIeliminaryanalysis of the iconography suggeststhat theresidents of Shanshipampa participated in awidespreadvisual system that potentiallyindi..'cates ashared interregionalideographicsystem,interaction sphere,or pan..regionalinformationnetwork.The distribution ofthe petroglyphs,inan area known from historical documents tohave been occupied simultaneouslyby severalethnic groups, suggests that they may haveperformed an ethnic boundary maintenancefunction as well.prehistoric period. During the 1991archaeolog..ical survey, seven sites containing stone..facedterraces were recorded. Crops known to havebeen produced on terraces in the Andes includecom, coca, tubers, and local grains,whilein themontana zone, agricultural terraces were widelyassociated with the cultivation of coca. Cocawas a key resource in the precolumbian world,and Bray has posited elsewhere that controlover its production may have been central tothe development of social hierarchy in thisregion. In 1993 initial analysis of soil samplesfrom two sets of terraces by the Smithsonian'sTropical Research Institute indicated an abun..dance of potentially diagnostic phytoliths. In1997,under the aegisof the PimampiroProject,Cesar Veintimilla of the' Escuela PolitecnicaSuperior ofGuayaquilbegan experimental workto assess the feasibility of identifying cocathrough phytolith analysis. Preliminaryresultsare promising insofar as several potentiallydiagnosticphytoliths have been identifiedin twomodem plant specimensofErythroxylon,thoughinitial counts of these phytoliths are low.Hacienda La Florida, Ayalan Cemetery,Anllulla ShellMidden Mound, and Ferdon'sSurfaceCollectionsEarl H. Lubensky (University of Missouri..Columbia, email Lubenskye@missouri.edu)reports on work at several coastal Ecuadoriansites:HaciendaLa FloridaFigures 4 and5. Imageryfrom petrogf.yphat the Shanshipampasite.The Shanshipampa project also has aarchaeobotanical component. The Pimampirodistrict was a renowned center of coca(Erythroxylonsp.) production during the lateThe Hacienda La Florida is at Km 16 on theroad from Santo Domingo de 105Colorados'toQuininde and Esmeraldas, at the extreme wes..ternmost part of Pichincna Province on theEcuadorian coastal plain. Its approximately2,000hectares contain at least 10archaeologicalsites, mostly single mounds, but there are twomultiple mound sites. In 1979Earl H. Lubenskyand Allison Paulsen excavated Estero Cecilia,the most prominent and complex one. Lubens..ky also excavated the second multiple moundsite, Santa Marta, which is approximately 1500

373..m to the southwest of the Estero Cecilia site.These excavations were first reported in theResearchReports section ofAmericanAntiquity(Lynch 1981:201).The Estero Cecilia site contained at least19 mounds. Four were quite small, five wereintermediate in size,but 10 were up to 100 min diameter and 8 m high. Except for twodeviations, the mounds were arranged in twoalmostparallel rowshigh above,and alongside,the banks of the estuary (Estero Cecilia).Excavationsweremade in three moundsduringa two..weekperiod. Hacienda familymembershad excavated another previously. Figurinesand figurine fragments found at the EsteroCecilia site, as wellas ceramicsherdsrecoveredthere, are generally diagnostic of the Jama..Coaque Phases I and II of the RegionalDevel..opment Period (500 B.C. to A.D. 500) (cf.Meggers 1966:figure 3,96..102) and the Inte..gration Period (A.D. 500.to 1532)(ZeidlerandPearsall 1994:6, figure 1.2j Zeidlerand '$utliff1994:112..113,table 7.1). According to Paul..sen, the ceramic assemblage at Estero Ceciliacontained "apparently regional variants ofcoastal Guangala style, dated between A.D.300 and 600, in addition to the less well de..fined Bahla and Jama..Coaque styles fromManabf and Esmeraldas" (Lynch 1981:201).Three radiocarbon dates from charcoaltaken from two of the mounds at Estero Ce..ciliaare950:1:60BP(Beta..43345)calibratedtoAD 1023..1207j 770:1:90 BP (Beta..43346)calibrated to AD 1216..1377jand 620:1:50BP(Beta..43347) calibrated to AD 1301..1408(Stuiver et al. 1998:1041..1083). These datescorrespond more to the Integration Period orZeidler's Jama..Coaque II than to the earlierRegional Development Period, but older datesshould come out oflower strata in the mounds,so that both Jama..CoaqueI as wellas II wouldpresumablybe represented, that isthe RegionalDevelopment Period as well as the IntegrationPeriod.CutTent ResearchThe Santa Marta complex contained at least13mounds, one largecentral mound about 30min diameterand 5 m high, with the other 12surroundingit in an ellipticalpattern, differentfromthe plan ofthe EsteroCeciliasite. A 2x2m excavation, 260 cm deep, was cut in thecenter ofthe principal mound. Sherds indicateda likely Chorrera Phase association. The datefrom one test excavation at Santa Marta was2950:1:80BP (Beta-43348) calibrated to 1260..1001 BC (Stuiver et al. 1998:1041..1083).Thus, it is. in conformity with the ChorreraPhase.Six obsidian samples, all from stratum 110..140 cm at Santa Marta, were submitted for X..Ray Florescence (XRF) and neutron..activationanalysis (NAA) at the Lawrence BerkeleyLaboratory. Resultsshow that fivesampleswerefrom the Mullumica source (four tested byXRFand one by NAA). One sample tested by XRFwasfrom the Quiscatola..Yanaurco source. Bothsources are in the Eastern Cordillera of theEcuadorian Andes about thirty to forty km eastof Quito (Burgeret al. 1994:232, figure 1jSala..zar 1980:25..34,47..52, Map Ij Villalba1988:551).In 1999, cutting edge/mass ratio wasdeter..mined forthe remaining 29 obsidianbladesfromboth sites at La Florida, using a proceduredeveloped by Sheets and Muto (1972:633jseealso Fowler 1981:323..324). This ratio wasdetermined to be 3.42cm/g, compared to 1.75cm/g at El Inga and 10.54 crn/g at the AyalanCemetery (seebelow), confirminga positiveanddirect cost! distance relation to the source sites(i.e., El Inga is approximately 25 km from thesource, La Florida is about 150 km, and theAyalan Cemetery is some 500 km distant).Several possible clay source samples werecollected from the Hacienda LaFloridain 1993.Along with a number of vessel and figurinesherds, these clay samples were submitted tothe University of Missouri..ColumbiaResearchReactor Center. Hector Neff (e..mailNeffH@missouri. edu) and Michael Glascock's (e..mail

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)glascock@reactorlmurr.missouri.edu)conclu..sion was that it seemed "most likelythat thebulk of the pottery is locallyderived,but fromdifferently weathered sources and via pastepreparation practices which modifiedthe clay'scomposition. In contrast," theycontinued, "thefigurines and some of the pottery from EsteroCecilia are so compositionallydistinctfrom the'local' pottery that they probablyare importedfrom somewhere else" (personal communica..tion, Hector Neff,January 27, 1994).Lubensky and Paulsen speculated that thecomplexmayhave represented litheremainsofa major exchange center dating as earlyas 800B.C. with some features that imply the cere..monialovertones and functions ~at character..izesuchcenters" (Lynch 1981:201). Lubensky. suggeststhat there may be a chronologicalrelationship between the beginningof obsidianuse dUring the Chorrera Period on the coastand the introduction of ceramicsin the sierra.Both occurred aiout:1d 1600 to 1500 B.C.(Lubensky1999a, 1999b). As examples,Zeid..ler et al. (1994:143..144)state that long dis..tance exchange (ofobsidian)withthe northernhighlands east ofQuito is clearlydemonstratedas early as 1600 B.C. Villalba (1988:241)recorded the earliest pottery at Cotocollao todate from1545~ 200 B.C.Ayalan CemeteryCurrent research of the AyalanCemeteryproject is designed to augment DouglasUbelaker's 1981 report (see also Lubensky1974). The site is on the west bank of theEstero Salada, about 55 km southwest ofGuayaquil in the Anllulla sector of the Haci..enda Ayalan. Lubensky began excavations atthe site in 1972. Ubelaker joined the project in1973and, in addition to extending the excava..tion grid,analyzedthe human skeletalremains,the urns used as repositories for secondaryburials, and the burial goods. There is, how..ever, considerable midden material (ceramic,metal, animal bone, shell, and lithic artifacts)that still must be reported for complete cover....374age of the site. kappears that the burialswereeither placed in an already existing midden, ormidden material was deposited during or be..tween burial episodes.Judgingfrom radiocarbon dates and most ofthe ceramic styles, the cemetery is principallyaLate Integration Period site. One date from asample estimated by Lubensky to be from aChorrera context is 1300~95 BP or A.D. 650(SI..1372),long after the Chorrera Phase. Ube..laker (1981:13..14)discussed ten other samplessubmitted to the Smithsonian InstitUtionRadio..carbon Laboratory. Two samples (51..3305andSI 3306) gave modern dates and are presumedto be contaminated. Three dates fromextendedburials (SI..3307, SI..3308, and SI..3309) gavedates of 500 B.C., A.D. 1155 (from charcoal),and A.D. 1110 (from associated soil).Five dates were produced from bone colla..gen from urn burials. These include A.D 730(51..3529),A.D. 1730 (SI..3530),and a modern,probably contaminated, date (51..3531). Twocollagendates fromprimaryextended burialsareA.D. 800 (SI..3532) and A.D. 985 (SI..3534).SI..3308(charcoal), SI..3309 (soil),andSI..3534(collagen) are from the same grave. Apart fromtwo outliers (500 B.C. and 1730 A.D.), thedates are between A.D. 650 and A.D. 1155,arange of about 500 years. All dates from theAyalan Cemetery are uncalibrated.Lubenskyhas developed a typologybasedonceramics from the upper levels of the site.These and other artifacts are on loan to theSmithsonian Institution from the UniversidadCat6lica de Guayaquil, recipient of the entireAyalan collection. Lower levels of the AyalanCemetery site produced deposits apparentlyfrom the Chorrera Period, making the AyalanCemetery a likely Chorrera type site. Otherartifacts from the site, especially a bone flute,indicate a Guangala occupation as well.. Thepottery, however, is largely.fromthe IntegrationPeriod (A.D. 500..1532), specificallyfrom thetWophases, Milagro..Quevedo, found mostlytothe north and east of the Ayalan Cemetery,and

CU7Tent ResearchMantefio~Huancavilca found to the west of thecemetery. & Emilio Estrada concluded (Estra~da 1959; Lubensky 1982), the Ayalan cemeterypossibly lay on a border between groups repre~sented by the two contemporaryceramicphases.Neutron activation analysisconducted onfive obsidian samples from the Ayalan Ceme~tery at the University of Missouri~ColumbiaResearch Reactor by Michael Glascockshowsthe sourcesiteto be the Yanaurco,Quiscatola.flow (see Burger et al. 1994; figure 1 for loca~tion).AnUuUa SheU MoundExcavation of the Anllula ShellMound onthe Hacienda Ayalan was an 'ancillaryprojectto the Ayalan Cemetery excavations. The goalwasto determine whether the shellmound wasassociated with a settle~ent site related to thecemetery. Radiocarbon dates and ceramicsfound among the shells indicate that, on thecontrary, the mound was formed.about 2,000years earlier. While the cemeterydates princi~pally to the Integration Period (AD 500 to1500 or the Spanish contact) (Meggers1966:figure3), the shell mound containing ceramics(with the exception of the top 70 cm) dates tothe earlier Formative Period Valdivia~Mach,alillaPhases (3000 to 1500~100B.C.) (Meggers1966:figure 3).The mound stood more than 4 m high.Since excavation it has been cut down for theroad around the new shrimp pond in the adja~cent salitre. The mound was located approxi,mately 2 km to the north of the cemetery.Lubensky excavated a 2 by 2 cm cut in thecenter of the mound, to a depth of 4 m. Thebottom strata, (370 to 400 cm) were aceramic.In the next 90 cm (280 to 370 cm) a num~ber of plain and unclassifiedsherdswerefound.These were not positively identified to phase,but are presumably Valdivia. In the next 140cm (140 to 280 cm deep) decorated sherds fitdiagnosticallyinto Valdivia Period D in thetypologyof Meggerset al. 1965 or ValdiviaVI~VII in Hill's typology(HillI972~74). TheywerePunta Arenas Incised, Valdivia Applique Fillet,Broadline Incised or Carved, Nicked BroadlineIncised,PebblePolished, and Zone Incisedstyles(Meggers et al. 1965), along with unclassifieddecorated and numerous plain sherds.In the next 70 cm (70~140 cm), two types ofdiagnostic Machalilla sherds, Double~LineIncised and Incised and Punctate, appearedalong with a number of Polished Red sherds andjust three Red Banded sherds, which wereassumed also to be Machalilla. Along withthese, in the same 70~140 cm level, diagnosticValdivia sherds, specifically Punta ArenasIncised, Valdivia Applique Fillet, BroadlineIncised, and Brushed types, c.ontinued to ap'pear, suggestinga Valdivia,Machalilla overlap.Above 70 cm fro~ the top there were nomore diagnostic Machalilla or Valdivia deco,rated sherds, only numerous Polished Red andRed Banded. Lubensky now assumes, afterapparently tonfirmingradiocarbon datesshoweda dramatic chronological hiatus at about the 70cm level (see below), that the continuing rela~tively large number of Polished Red and RedBanded sherds above that level, along withmany plain sherds, were possibly Guangala orJambelCof the Regional Development Period.The mix of Valdivia and Machalilla alongwithapparently the same Polished Red and RedBanded typesat the assumed much older 70,140cm level isas yet unexplained. Problemsofshellmound stratigraphy and perturbation are fullyrecognized but not clearly solved. Strata at'various levels of shell deposit observed duringexcavation and from later photos appearedlevel.Significant ash levels, presumably volcanic,were recorded precisely at 70 cm depth and atabout 140 cm, indicating depths and times ofalmost dramatic ceramic and cultural ,change.Furthermore, radiocarbon assays taken fromlevels from 100 cm to 310 cm showed dates in

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)stratigraphicorder; from 100~110cm,3210:!:50(BETA~108164)calibrated at 1517~1410BC(an AMS test); from 170~180cm,3560+95 BP(N~2908) calibrated at 2012~1741BC; from300~310cm, 4020:1:220BP (P~2761)calibratedat 2878~2154BC. Only the date from320~330cm, 3530:!:100 (N~2909) calibrated at 1947~1690 B.C. (Stuiver et al. 1998:1041~1083),isout of chronological order.A single date of 1380:t70 BP at 20~30cmdepth (N~2907), calibrated at A.D. 641..761(Stuiver et al. 1998:1041~1083)was initially. rejected as being too recent comparedto otherdates from the site. However, two more datesfrom tests performed by BETA Analytic.weretaken from charcoalsamplesfrom50~60emand 70..80 cm that were found among theAnllulla shell mound human bone samples.These also gave rather recent dates. They are1220:t70 B.P. (BETA~21814) calibrated. toA.D. 721~956 and 1560:t90 B.P. (BETA~21815) calibrated to A.D. 422..637.These dates fall into a RegionalDevelop~ment transition to the Integration Period,possibly'with a hiatus at around 80 em depth.The transition represented by these datesabove 80 cm possibly reflects Guangala orJambelf Phase occupations in the RegionalDevelopment Period, possibly leading intoMilagro..Quevedoand Huancavilca/ Mantefiophases in the Integration Period.Two thermoluminescence dates measuredon ceramic samples at the Universityof Miss..ouri Thermoluminescence Laboratory (con..ducted by Ralph Rowlett (E..mailRowlettR@missouri.edu) also measured within theFormative Period range (at 14O..150cm,3600BP or 1630:t300 BC [MATL 81..1~4];and at240~250 cm, 4177 BP or 2200:1:400 BC MA TL81~ 1~ 5]). Two other thermolumenescencedates were out of range. However, four shellsamples dated by thermoluminescence at thesame laboratory ranged betWeen600 BC and3,700BC(threeAnadaratuberculosaat 600:1:250 BC, 1700 :1:290BC, and 3700:t860 BC,~ 376averaging 2030 :t210 BC, and one OstTeasp. at1400:t 210 BC). These dates may reflect possi~ble Valdivia~Machalilla transition periods.A number of genera and species of shellwere found in the mound, the predominantprobably being OstTea (Striostrea) irridescens(Keen 1971: 84 and personal communication,March 26, 1981; Hernandez C., Secci6n deMalacologfa, Museo de Historia Natural de EISalvador, personal communication, 1978).Other cultural artifacts included animalbone, ahuman mandible found in the remnant of themound during a later visit, plant remains, andcrude unworked lithic remains, mainlyhammer~stones. No obsidian was found in the mound.A permanent home in Ecuador for thecollection from this site was sought for severalyears while it passed from the Comisi6n dePatrimonio Arnstico del Litoral to the USConsulate General in Guayaquil, to privatehomes, finallyto be turned over to the Archae~ology Department of the Escuela SuperiorPolitecnica del Litoral (ESPOL). ESPOL'sdirector, Jorge Marcos, was then head of theComisi6n de Patrimonio Artfstico del Litoral.Sometime during these transitions two wholeValdivia vesselswere lost. ESPOL then movedto the suburbs of Guayaquil, presumably withthe collections. Subsequent attempts to retrievethe collection for further study brought therealization that the collections were lost, per..haps some day to be found again.Ferdon's surfacecollectionsResearch continues at the UniversityofMissouri~ColumbiaAnthropology Research. Laboratory on the surface collections made byEdwin A. Ferdon, Jr. in Ecuador before andduring WorId War II, under the auspicesof theSchool ofAmerican Research, the Archaeologi~cal Institute of America, and the UniversityofSouthern California. Ferdon's goals includedmaking an archaeological survey of a portion ofthe northern Inca realm and excavation of aselected site (Anonymous 1945:127). Ferdon's

CU1Tent Researchwork wasinterruptedbythe warinSeptember1943)when he began to serve..with the U. S.Cinchona [quinine] Mission. Ferdonsurveyed118 sites of which he made many detailedmaps. He collected artifacts from the surfaceof)or from cuts at) 62 of these sites. He alsoexcavated the La Carolina site at La Libertadon the Santa ElenaPeninsula. Thisexcavationis the basis of Simmons) doctoral dissertation(Simmons1970). Lubenskywrotehisdoctoraldissertation on the 35 sites Ferdon surveyedinEsmeraldas Province, on ceramics from 16 ofthose sites where collections were made) anddrew qn Ferdon's analysis of "gold mining"activities at the site of La Tolita (Lubensky1991). Lubensky presented a computerizedsystem for analysis and recording of ceramicattributes of vessel shape) size',manufacture,and. decoration. From this he developed ce~ramie classesand suggesteda ceramicseriationfor prehistoric Esmeraldas'Province.Students under Lubensky'sguidance havecompleted attribute analysis of ceramics fromthree sites in Manabi Province and tWo inGuayasProvince. Steven Velasque: prepareda draft consolidated report on the 14 sitessurveyedin ManabiProvince andJessica Coatsproduced a paper on the site of Jaramijo inManabi Province. Two other Missouri stu~dents, Pamela J. Hale and Julia Anne Wag...ner, completed analysisof the ceramic sherdsfrom a second site at La LibertadwhereFerdonmade a surface c

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..378Lubensky, Earl L1974 Los Cementerios de Anllulla: Informe prelimilnar sobre una excavaci6n arqueol6gica. &lett'nde fa Academia Nacional de Historia 57 (123): 161199123, plus plates 1119. (Quito, Ecuador).TheFerdon Collectionsof PrehistoricCeramicVesselsandSherdsfrom EsmeraldasProoM,Ecuador. Ph.D. dissertation, University ofMissouri1Columbia, Missouri. Ann ArborMichigan, University Microfilms.(Nowa divilsion of Bell&.Howell Company.)Lynch,ThomasF. .1981 Current Research,Andean South America.American Antiquity 46(1) :201.Meggers, Betty J.1966 Ecuador. London: Thames and Hudson.Meggers, Betty J., Clifford Evans, and Emilio Estrada1965 Earb Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador.Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 1.Salazar, Emesto1980 Tal1eresprehist6ricos en 105altos Andes del ECUtlIdor. Cuenca, Ecuador: Universidad de Cuenca.Sheets,PaysonD. and GuyMuto .1972 . PressureBladesand Total CuttingEdge:AnExperiment in Lithic Technology.Science175:6321634. .Simmons, Michael Patrick1970 TheCeramicSequence fromLa Carolina,SantaElena Peninsula, Ecuador.Ph.D.dissertation,The University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.Ann Arbor Michigan, University Microfilms.(Now a division of Bell &.HowellCompany.)SWiver,M., P.}.Reimer, E. Bard,}.W. Beck, G.S. Burr,K.A Hughen, B. Krammer, and F.G. McCormac,J. v.d.Pliebt, and M. Spurk1998 INTCAL98 Radiocarbon Age Calibration,24,00010cal BP. Radiocarbon40:104111083.Ubelaker, Douglas H.1981 TheAyalanCemetery:A LateIntegrationPeriodBurial SiteontheSouthCoastof Ecuador.Smithlsonian Contributions to Anthropology 29.Villalba0., Marcelo .1988 CotoeaUao:una aIdeaformativadel ValledeQuito. Quito: Museosdel BancoCentral delEcuador. ..Zeidler, James A, R.L Giauque, F. Asaro, and F. H.Stross1994 Trace Element Analysis of Obsidian Artifactsfromthe San!sidroSiteinRegional Archaeologyin NorthernManab£,EcuadorVolume1;Environment, CulturalChrooology, andPrehistoricSubsistence in theJamaRiverValley, editedbyJames A Zeidler and Deborah M. Pearsall,pp.1411144. University of PittsburghMemoirsin Latin American Archaeology8.Zeidler, James A. and Deborah M. Pearsall1994 The Jama Valley ArchaeologicallPalaeoethnolbotanical Project; An Introduction in RegionalArchaeology in Northern Manab~EcuadorVolume1j Environment,Cultural Chronology,andPrehisltoricSubsistencein theJamaRiverValley, editedbyJames A. Zeidler and DeborahM. Pearsall, pp.1112. University of Pittsburgh Memoires in LatinAmericanArchaeology8. .Zeidler, James A. and Marie J. Sudiff1994 Definition of Ceramic Complexes and CulturalOccupation in the Jama Valley. In RegionalArchaeologyinNorthemManabt, Ecuador,Vow1; Environment,Cultural Chronology,and Prehisltoric Subsistencein theJamaRiverValley,editedbyJames A Zeidler and Deborah M. Pearsall, pp.1111130. University of Pittsburgh Memoirs inLatin American Archaeology 8.The followingunpublished papers may be obtaineddirectlyfromthe authoruponrequest.Earl H. Lubensky1408 Bradford DriveColumbia, Missouri 6520312302Phone: (573) 44315576Lubensky, Earl H.1982 The Huancavilcas in the GuayasBasinand theirRelationship with Neighboring Peoples. Paperpresented at the 47th Annual Meeting of theSocietyforAmerican Archaeology,Minneapolis,Minnesota.1999a Obsidian Exchange in Ecuador. Paperpresentedat the 27thMidwest Conference on Andean andAmazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory,Central MichiganUniversity,Mount Pleasant,Michigan.1999b Artifacts fromSea to Selva in Northern Ecuador:Similaritiesand Relationships. Paper presentedat the 64thAnnual Meeting of the Society forAmerican Archaeology,Chicago,Illinois,March24128.Pichincha ProvinceRonald D. Lippi (Universityof Wisconsin '. at Marathon County, e,mail rlippi@uwc.edu)directs a long..termregional survey of the west,ern flank of the Andes in Ecuador's northernPichincha province (immediately west ofQuito). The preliminary stage of this projectconcluded in 1999 with the publication of alengthy monograph on all the work conductedsince 1984. The book, Una Exploraci6n

. 379,Arqueo16gica delPichinchaOccidental,Ecuador,wasco'publishedbythe MuseoJacintoJij6nyCaamafio of the Pontificia UniversidadCat6lica del Ecuador, the Consejo Provincialde Pichincha, and the Banco Interamericanode Desarrollo, and is on sale through the au..thor or at the above museum in Quito.Lippihas joined forceswith an Ecuadorian,based environmental foundation, Fundaci6nMaquipucuna,and will narrow the focus of .much of the future archaeologicalwork in the6,000 square kilometer Western Pichincharegion to the area within and immediatelysurrounding the cloud forest reserve that wasestablished several years agobyMaquipucuna.Someofthe mostinteresting archaeologicalsitesin the entire region are located within thisarea and include two fortresseswith an appar,. ent Inca occupation,several pyrami4alandconical mound complexes,physicalvestigesofancient trails,. the abandoned ancient "salttown" (Cachillacta), the Tulipe pool complex,and many habitation sitesspanningthe Forma,tive, Middle, and Late Prehispanic Periods aswelras the Early Spanish Period (ca. 1500 BC 'AD 1660). While the Maquipucuna Founda,tion is primarilyfocused on cloudforestpreser,vation and study as well as carefullydeveloped.ecotourism, it is working closelywith Lippi todevelop plans to protect and study variousarchaeological complexes and to foment"archaeo,tourism" by way of vehicular andpedestrian site tours, a field school, and apossibleregional archaeologymuseum.In the summerof 1999,Lippi was in theregion creating topographic maps of threepyramidal mound sites and of one of the twoInca forts (Pukara de Palmitopamba) as aprelude to future research. He and Fundaci6nMaquipucuna have negotiated the purchase ofthe land containing the bulk of the Pukara dePalmitopamba to ensure its preservationand tofacilitate excavations at the site in the comingyears.CU1Tent ResearchThey are also working on the very complexproblem of assuring the preservation of theTulipe 'pool complex. The partial restorationand limited research on the site by Museo delBanco Central personnel in the 1980swas notfollowed up by the construction of a site mu..seum nor by the protection of the site, becausethe Banco Central abandoned most of its cuI,tural programsin subsequent years. This uniquesite, first identified by Frank Salomon (Univer,sity of Wisconsin at Madison) and later studiedby Holguer Jara (Banco Central del Ecuador),has been deteriorating in recent years. Reach,ing agreement with the various property ownerson the site has been complicated and somewhatfrustrating, but a concerted effortisunderwaytopreservethe site. .PERUBatan Grande, ~mbayequeValleyIn collaboration with Izumi Shimada(Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, e,mailishimada@siu.edu),Julie FarnUm (Univer,sity of Missouri,Columbia) has been studyingthe Sican skeletal material excavated fromBatan Grande, in the Lambayeque Valley. Shewas in the field during part of 1997, 1998, and1999. Her analysis of Sican burials, ofboth theelite and commoners, forms a major part of herdoctoral dissertation, a comparative study ofhealth and diet of prehispanic populations fromcoastal Peru.Zafia..Niepos ProjectJack Rossen (Ithaca College, e,mailJROSSEN@ithaca.edu) conducted excavationin July and August 1997 at Cerro Guitarra, apreceramic village in the lower Zafia ValleyonPeru's north coast. The first two weeks con..sisted of theodolite mapping of the site and itstopographic surroundings. The locations of 83houses were.documented on three site levels:hill base, slopes, and summit. Also mappedwere a stone..lined public plaza in front of thehill, the dry riverbed adjacent to the site, and

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..380various paths and stairways that connecteddifferent house clusters. The finalthree weekswere used to excavate eleven semi..subterra..nean houses and test excavate the publicplazaarea. A large quantity of lithic remains,fauna,plant materials, and spedalsamples wererecovered. Artifact and sample analyses areunderway.The research was successfulin gaining anunderstanding of a previously poorly..under..stood phenomenon: the hillside preceramicvillagesof northern Peru, with their expecteddates of about 3000..4000B.C. Site layout isnow understood as a series of interconnectedhouse clusters, and the structure of individualhouses as primarily two..room,semi..subterra..nean, elliptical, thatched roof structures includinglithic raw material storage areas andhearth niches. Preliminary analysisindicatesthe site contains a varietYof cultivated plantremains. The research will ultimately docu..ment sodal structures and villageformationsthat accompanied earlyplant cultivationin theregion. The public plaza may also representearly public ceremony and formation of groupidentities.Beach Ridges, Santa ValleyIn June, 1997,Dan Sandweiss (UniversityofMaine, e..maildan.sandweiss@maine.maine.edu), geologistDaniel F. Belknap (Universityof Maine, e..mail belknap@maine.edu)andStacy H. Shafer Rogers (e-mailSROGERS@EpsilonAssodates.com) and JeffreyN. Rogers(e-mail jrogers@geosyntec.com) (both thengraduate students at the Universityof Maine)spent several weeks studying the beach ridgesets in northern Peru that emanate from themouths of the Chira, Piura, and Santa Rivers.The visit wasintended to assessthe hypothesisof El Nmo involvement in ridge formation(Sandweiss et al. 1998) and provide ground..truthing for Shafer's remote sensing-basedstudy of ridge formation processesfor her master'sthesis in Quaternary Studies (Schafer1999). In general, the field observations sup..ported the EI Nifio hypothesis. One discoveryconcerned the anthropogenic influence onrecent ridge..buildingat Chira. In addition tothe field studies, Belknap consulted with offi..dais from the oil industry and local utilities inTalara concerningpossiblegeomorphiceffectsofthe then..predicted1997..98ElNino. Fundingcame from the Peruvian Archaeology ResearchFund at the University of Maine and the Universityof Maine Institute for Quaternary Stud... ies.References CitedSandweiss Daniel H., K. A. Maasch, Daniel F. Belknap,James B. Richardson III, and Harold B. Ro1lins1998 Discussion of: Lisa E.l Wells, 1996. The SantaBeach Ridge Complex, Journal of CoastalResearch12(1), 1-17. Journal of Coastal Research14(1):367-373.Shafer, Stacy H.1999 Image Processing I!nd GIS Analysis of PeruvianBeach Ridges: EI Nino and Seismic Componentsof Coastal Change. M.S. Thesis, QuaternaryStudies, University of Maine.Villa Salvador and Huaca Pucllana, LimaKate Pechenkina (University of Missouri..Columbia, e-mailpechenkina@yahoo.com) hasdiscovered two different groups in the humanremains from the earlyEarlyIntermediate siteofVilla Salvador near Pachacamac (LurinValley,central coast of Peru). These two groupsdiffer.in deformation, physicalsize,and stressmarkers.These contrast with similar groups she studiedfrom Huaca Pucllana in the Miraflores neighborhoodof Lima.ManchayBajo, Lurin ValleyDuring the summer of 1999, Richard Bur..ger (e..mailrichard.burger@yale.edu)and LucySalazar Burger (both of the Peabody MuseumofNatural History,YaleUniversity) directedthes~cond season of excavations at Manchay Bajo,a U-shaped center on the north bank of theLurfnRiveracrossfromCarda!. The investigationsfocusedonthe central staircaseand atri..urn, the monumental wall, and the domestic

381..area to the northwest of the monumental .architecture. The work on the main mounddocumented a series of superimposed atria, oneof which was decorated with polychromefriezes. It also revealed a sequence of eightsuperimposed.stairways.The research on themonumental wall confirmed that the 750..meter long construction dates to the InitialPeriod. Work there also providedinformationon its masonry construction and renovation.The massivewallappears to havefunctioned asa dam against debrisflowstriggeredbyEINiiioevents. Work in the northwest section of thesite confirmed the presence of dwellingsmadeof perishable materials, attested to by post..holes, hearths, and refuse. It also providedevidence of what appears to be an area ofceramic production. Finally,work in this areaand testing in the plaza alloweda sedimentarystudy of the flood deposits that haveburied theInitial Period sIte. .La Paloma, Chilca ValleyBob Benfer (Universityof Missouri,emailbenferr@missouri.edu) has completed thevirtuai reality component of the PalomaWorIdProject, which is an intelligent digital librarythat one day will include all the research ma..terials from the Paloma Project. Benfer's website at present has only a small content com..ponent, but it can be visited at http://gonk.atc.missouri.edu/paloma.Antibal, Chilca ValleyData analysisisunderway aftertestexcava..tions in July 1999 at the site of Antib:il, at thehead of the Chilca Valley. Antib:il is a multi..component site with an Early Initial Periodoccupation and chuUpasfrom later periods.The excavation team consisted ofBob Benfer,Neil Duncan (e..mail c720256@showme.missouri. edu), Kate Pechenkina (all of Uni..versityofMissouri..Columbia)and BernardinoOjeda from Lima, Peru.CU1Tent Resean;hFigure6. Antibdlsite (3600masl), upperChilca Valley. Peru.Well..preservedhuman remains were foundwith ceramics that are consistent with one earlydate from the southern extent of the site.Excavators expect that analysis of cores byDuncan of modem and ancient corrals, as wellas from areas outside corrals will shed light onDeborah Pearsall's (anthdp@showme.missouri.edu) hypothesis, which is supported by Law..rence Kumar's ethnoarchaeological work, of aco..evolutionary relationship between herdingand the cultivation of certain plant species.A map of the part of the site where latercomponents are present has been publishedbyan earlier researcher (Engel 1984:77). A mapwhich Ojeda and Benfer completed in 1999extends coveragefrom the southwestern extentof Engel's map.A study, almost ready for publication, thatsummarizes work on diet and health in pre..historic Peru was done in Benfer's lab done overthe past three summers. It includes work byIzumi Shimada has been prepared by Farnum,Pechenkina, and Benfer. Modeling of non..specific indicators of stress (NSIS) exhibited inPeruvian skeletal series that span 6,000yearsofprehistory permits Benfer's team to examinediachronic change in adjustments to the chal..lenges of changing resource availability andpopulation density that affected childhood dietand health. Benferet al. find that differencesinnon..specific indicators of stress varied signifi..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)candy among sites, even when differingage orsex distributions were taken into account.Comparisons of NSIS and demographic vari,abIesindicated that prehistoricdiet and healthof Peruvian children generally followed thetrends expected with increasing populationdensity,agriculturalreliance, andsocialstratifi..cation. However, elites enjoyed considerablybetter childhood diet and health than didpeople from previous, le& stratifiedcultures.A few unexpected trends emerged. AI..though high rates of anemiclesionswerefoundat all of the sites, coprolite analysesfailed todocument the presence of parasites. Thesedata suggestthat anemia wasnot related to thistype of infection. Because dietary studiesindicate an adult diet rich in protein and ironfrommarine resourcesformost ofthese groups,it seemslikelythat the high rates of anemia inchildren were at least partially related to ~ul,tural practices such as prolonged breast,feed..ing, possibly exacerbated by dependence oniron,poor cultigens stich as squash and maize.Refere~ce CitedEngel. Frederic Andre1984 PrehistoricAndeanEcology:Man, SettlementandEnvironment in ~ Andes: Volume 5 Chilca.Papers of the Department of Anthropology,Hunter College of the City University of NewYork.Asia SiteUniversity of Missouri..Columbiagraduatestudents Kate Pechenkina and Julie Farnumhave collected data from Cotton PreceramicPeriod Asia site skeletons. They willuse thesedata to assessa hypothesis under investigationbyJoe Vradenburg and Bob Benfer (Univer,sity of Missouri..Columbia).that there was anew treponemal disease introduced to thecentral, western flanks of the Andes from theAmazonian region in the late Initial Period(second millennium B.C.) that brought aboutthe end of certain cultural phenomena associ..ated with this period and permitted the wide....382spread growth of the Chavi'n cult. KrzysztofMakowski Hanula (Pontiflcia UniversidadCat6lica del Peru, e..mailkmakows@pucp.edu.pe) and Mercedes Delgado Agurto (MuseoNa..cional de Arqueologia, Antropologfa e Historiadel Peru, e..mailmdelgado@pucp.edu. pe) alsoparticipated in this research.Nazca Drainage. Donald A. Proulx (UniversityofMassachu..setts, e..mailproulx@anth.umass.edu), assistedby graduate student Ana Nieves (UniversityofTexas, e..mail nievesana@yahoo. com) andHenry Falc6n Amado and Miriam GavilcinRoayza (UniversidadNacional San LuisGonza..ga de lea), undertook an archaeological surveyof the lower Nazca River, from Usaca to theconfluence with the RioGrande, and then downthe Rio Grande, past Coyungo to the MaijoGrande oasis. This work. was supported by agrant from the H. John Heinz III CharitableTrust.The 1998 research had four major objec..tives.The firstwasto record systematicallyallofthe sites in the survey are~ in an attempt tocomplete the coverage of all the major portionsof the Nazca drainage. Second, wehoped to findevidence ofNasca habitation sites, which couldlead to a better interpretation of the socio..political organization of Nasca society. Thesedata could later be compared to other parts ofthe drainage to develop a better understandingof the settlement patterns and resource areas.Third, in collaboration with David Johnson(e..mail johnsond@idsinet), Proulx's teamwanted to examine possible correlation of siteswith water sources(natural springsor puquios[pukyus],the latteralsocalled"filtrationgaller..ies"), and these in turn with the "Nazca Lines"or geoglyphs. In 1996 Johnson announced astrong correlation between certain grounddrawings (geoglyphs)and subterranean aquifersthat conducted water along geological faults.He argued that the ancient people in this drain..age were mapping the location of water sources

383..with the geoglyphs and that these in turnwouldlead to archaeological sites.Finally, Proulx and his team wanted toinvestigate the major routes connecting theinterior agricultural areas with the coast.Success would demonstrate the role of mari..timeresourcesin the Nasca diet. Proulx hopedto find archaeological evidence to support theconcept of a mixed economy based on bothintensive irrigation agriculture and productsfromthe ocean and river.Proulx's team purchased a set of PeruvianNational Aerial Photography Service (SAN)photographs at a scaleof 1:10,000.These wereattached to a board and covered with a trans..parent mylar overlay on which sites were re..corded as they were found. They al$oused acomplete set of topographic maps at scales of1:50,000 and 1:100,000 along with a GlobalPositioning System (GPS) instrument thatprovided the exact latitude and longitude ofeach site recorded. This information wastransferred to the topographic maps. In addi..tion, NASA 1:100,000 scale satellite mapsprovided wonderful detail on the geologyandhydrologyof the region.SiteTaUy..UJwerNazca ValleySurveyEarly HorizonEarlyIntermediatePeriodMiddleHorizonLate Intenne.diate PeriodLate HorizonCulturePatacas!TajoNasca900.200 B.C.200B.C..A.D.650NumberofSites.13cemetery6 habitation77cemetery31habitationN.9, Atar.co,Soi.650-900A.D. 18cemetery1habitationsongoEpigonalCarrizal.Poroma900-1476A.D.58cemetery31habitationInca.1476.1532A.D.5 cemetery1habitation* The numbersexceed128 becausemanysiteswere multi.occupationalSurvey began in the lower Nazca River,~th the team working their way down theCU1Tent Researchvalley to the confluence with the lUo Grandeand then returning to cover the basin as far asthe Quebrada Usaca. A total of 13 sites wasrecorded in the Usaca area and another 51 inthe Nazca River proper. Later project membersmoved to the Rio Grande, gradually workingdown..valleythough Mal Paso, Batanes, Coyun..go, and LasBrujas on the way to Maijo Grande.Sixty..foursites were found on this Rio Grandesegment, making a total of 128sitesrecorded onthe survey. Proulx and his team later discov...ered that a short segment of the Rio Grande,from Changillo at the juncture of the IngenioRiver and the Rio Grande, down to Vincentenear the mouth of the Nazca River had never. been completely surveyed. Although studentsfrom the San Luis Gonzaga University hadindicated that theyhad completelysurveyedthissector, they had recorded only a few selectedsites. Thus a little additional work needs to bedone to make the survey of the drainage com..plete.Surface collections of artifacts were made ateach site, especially diagnostic ceramics foraccurately dating other remains. These artifactswere cleaned, numbered, and photographedprior to storage in cloth bags. Nine cartons ofartifacts were deposited at the Museo Regionalde Ica at the end of the season.Analysis of the survey data continues, andresults must be compared and correlated to thedata from surveys conducted in other parts ofthe drainage. Belowis an account ofsomeofthepreliminary findingsand questions raisedbytheresearch. The 128sites recorded ranged in datefrom the Early Horizon (900..200B.C.) to theLate Horizon (1476..1532A.D.).Sites were numbered sequentially as theywere recorded in each of the river valleys.RNrefers to sites in the Nazca River Valley whileRG designates sites in the Rio Grande. EarlyHorizon sherdsin smallquantities werefoundina total of 13 sites, mosdy in the lower RioGrande area. The majority of these vesselswasutilitarian with decoration consisting of incised

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)triangleswith punctation,circlesand dots, orbraided handles. Whether these ceramicsshould be called Paracasor Tajo is more amatter of semanticsthan of major culturaldifferences.A beautiful Ocucaje 8 or 9 interiordecorated bowl,found in the Atarco Valleybyan agricultural worker, was coveredwith killerwhales with incised outlines and resin paints.Others like it have been found at various sitesin the valley. ,Proulx's survey did not revealany major EarlyHorizon ceremonialsites, onlyseveral small multi..occupational habitationareas and cemeteries where Early Horizonsherds were part of the assemblage....-..-~.--.--. .1 ·l..384Of the 128 sites recorded, a majority (89)had some level of Nasca occupation. Most ofthese sites were cemeteries (77), but severalunexpected' features were noted. Previously,Nasca graves were described as unlined pits inthe sand in which a seated mummybundle andfunerary offerings were placed, then coveredwith a roof of huarango beams and/or adobes.Proulx's te;lm discovered a wide variety ofNasca grave forms,including manywith adobewalls, and some with thatch roofingmaterial.Judging from recent discoveries of very deepelite Nasca tombs made at La Mufia in thePalpa Valley, it appears that there was morevariation in Nasca graves than once thought.Unlooted elite graveswillbe soughtforexcava..tion to elucidate the nature of Nasca politicalorganization. Contrary to the expectation offinding cemeteries separate and isolated fromhabitation sites, many of the cemeteries wereadjacent to, and an integral part of, Nascasettlements.Figure 7. Map of the lower Nazca Valley. Thick blacklinesand hachures indicate the suwey area.Proulx had hoped to find severallargeNascaurban centers in the course of the survey.Sur..prisingly, most of the 31 sites containing evi..dence of Nasca habitation could be describedashamlets. The only exteption was the multi..occupational complexofsitesnumbered RG..25 ,..56,..57,and..58 opposite the town of Coyungothat appears to be one huge urban center withassociated cemeteries. Judging from the natureof the architecture and the prevalence of LateIntermediate Period pottery over the site, inaddition to occasional groupings of Nasca pot..tery, the majority of these structures are late(LIP). However, there appears to have been asubstantial Nasca occupation here aswell.Manyof the smaller Nasca habitation sites were 10"cated near springs where water seeped fromgeologicalfaults, providing a year..roundsourceof water. These sites were particularly prevalentin the lower Nazca Valley in the area aroundSanta Clara, Agua Dulce, and Los Colorados,but there are alsoa number of springsin the Co..yungobasin. Survey results should be comparedwith the work done by colleagues in the othertributaries of the Nazca drainage in order toascertain whether there is an anomaly inProulx's survey area, perhaps with the larger

385..urban centers being situated in the more agri..culturally productive portions of the drainage,or whether small settlements are the rule inNasca society.Another surprisewasthe paucityofMiddleHorizon sites in the survey area. Perhaps con..tinued analysis of the surface pottery collec..tions and a better refinement of the ceramiccollections will increase this number in thefuture, but sites with diagnostic "Epigonal"designsare very sparse. EighteenMiddle Hori..zon cemeteries were recorded, most displayingthe characteristic cotton mummy wrappingsthat are frequently found from this time.Several elaborate Middle Horizon tombs withwhite painted, plastered wallswithniches werefound at RN..33.The Middle Horizonsitesseemto be concentratedin a'smallareaon thewestsideof the lowerNazcaRiverjust downriver from the confluenceof the QuebradaUsaca with the Nasca'River. Only one siteseemed to have Middle Horizonhabitationremains. More numerous MiddleHorizonsiteshave been found in other parts of the drainage,including the north side of the Rio GrandeV~ey near Cabildo.The Late Intermediate Periodproducedthesecond largest concentration of sites (afterEarly Intermediate Nasca sites) and the onlyruins that could truly be called urban centers.David Robinson divided the LateIntermediatePeriod ceramics into two groups, Carrizal andPoroma{Robinson 1957). In the lea Valley,Menzel built on her earlier designations ofChulpaca and SOniche, which were roughlycomparable in time to Carrizal and Poroma, toconstruct a lO..phasesequence that she calledthe Ica style (Menzel 1976). Others, pointingto the similaritybetween these LateIntermedi..ate Period ceramics and those of the ChinchaValley to the North, refer to the style asChincha..lea. Until the exact politicalrelation..ship between these various valleys is betterknown, and until Proulx can studyand seriatethe Late Intermediate Period pottery from hissurvey area, ceramic variations are simplyCU7Tent Researchlumped into the category "Late IntermediatePeriod."There are 31 Late Intermediate Periodhabitation sites in the survey area, includingseveral covering more than one square kilome..ter. RN..15,RN..17,RG..9,and thecomplexRG..25, ..56, ..57, and ..58 fall in this category. Thehuge settlements ofRN..15, ..17,and RG..9wereconstructed on the slopes of hills, near springsoverlooking the valley below. The Coyungocomplex (RG..25,..56,..57,and ..58)wasbuilt onthe pampa adjacent to the river. The distin..guishing feature of these late cities is the use ofcobblestones as construction material. Struc..tures of varyingsize"alongwith huge open plazasare present. Obviouslythis wasa time ofpopula..tion growth and the concentration of peopleinto large centers.In addition to the habitation sites, 58 LateIntermediate Period'cemeteries were recorded,sometimes mixed with the graves of earliercultures. Tombs tend to be large, deep, andrectangular in shape, often with adobe linings.These tombs often have the best preserved andmost numerous organic remains such as mum..mies, slings, and other textiles. Perhaps due tothe increase in population, the sizes of LateIntermediate Period cemeteries are larger thanthose of earlier periods.Proulx's team only recorded nine siteswithInca pottery~The most interesting is RG..7, atthe area at the base of Cerro Colorado near theconfluence of the Nazca River with the RioGrande. There a peasant revealed a fine Incaaryballoidjar found nearby. Proulx suspectsthatmany more of the sites surveyed are Late Hori..zon or include Late Horizon components, butthat local people continued to make their char..acteristic LIP pottery even under Inca su1;>juga..tion, as was the case in the lea Valley (Menzel1976). The Inca controlled the Nazca drainagefrom the site of Paredones on the outskirts ofthe modem city of Nazca. Here one can seeCuzco style stone walls and niches and findmore Inca elite pottery. The extent of Inca

ANDEAN'PAST 6 (2000)control was over this region, and how manysites were built by the Inca must be establishedfrom the results of various unpublishedsurveyswhich have been conducted in the Nazcadrainage.The second objectiveof the survey,to shedlight on the nature ofthe socio,politicalorgani,zation of the Nasca Culture during the EarlyIntermediate Period, will require additionalanalysisof data from the other surveysunder,taken in the drainage to provide valid answersto long,debated questions. However, the lackof large Nasca urban centers in the lowerNazca River and Rio Grande sectors, as notedabove, supports the now widelyaccepted the,ory that Nasca society was organized into aseries of local chiefdoms rather,being a primi,tive state controlled by a central government.Sharing a common religion and symbolicsys,tern, these local political.entities ruled fromregional centers in critical locations iti thevarious tributaries. The only possiblecenter ofsuch activity in"Proulx's survey area wouldhave been the largecomplexat Coyungoin thelowerRioGrande Valley (sitesRG,25, ,56, ,57,,58). Other centers existed in the more agricul,turally dominant parts of the drainage, alongthe Palpa, Ingenio, middle RioGrande, TierrasBlancas, Aja, and Taruga Valleys. The localleaders ruling from these centers had dualfunctions as religious leaders (shamans) andsecular warriors. The role of warrior,chiefseems to have become more important begin'ning in Phase 5 when well,documenteddroughts (dating between A.D. 540,560 and570,610) caused much social upheaval andchanges in settlement patterns (SchreiberandLancho 1995:251).Warfare took place amongthe many political units to obtain scarce agri,cultural land and water resources, as well toprovide a source of victims for ritual decapita,tion, especiallyin Phases 5, 6, and 7.Proulx'ssurveydocumentedconcentrationsofNasca 5 sitesin the Usaca area whereseveralgeologicalfaults conducted subterranean waterto'the area. Settlement pattern analysisis still,386ongoing. Nevertheless, differencesin the distri,bution of sites from various cultures and phasesare already evident.The third objective of the survey was toinvestigate the correlation of the sites discov,ered with water sources, geologicalfaults, andgeoglyphsin conjunction with David Johnson.This research wasalsosuccessful.Concentratingprimarilyon the Nasca period sites, the locationof non,riverine water sources was carefully. noted by the archaeologists.Once the surveywas completed, Johnson and his team of geolo,gistsplotted the location of the geologicalfaultsadjacent to each site and the presenceandlocation of any geoglyphs.A strong correlationwasfound betWeensite location, faults, springs,puquios,and other non, riverine water sources,and large geometric geoglyphs. Analysisis alsoongoing, but some of the data have been pre'sented Oohnson 1999).Finally, Proulx hoped to explore the role ofthe seain Nasca society through an examinationof the sites discovered in the lower portion ofthe Rio Grande. Some researchers, such asPatrick Carmichael and Brenda Kennedy,havequestioned the importance of maritime re,sources in the diet of the Nasca society, cor,recdy pointing out ,the distance of most Nascasites from the ocean and the primacyof agricul,tural plants in their everyday lives.The ceramiciconography clearlydepicts a variety offish,seamammals,birds, and fishermen, yet someschol,ars have argued that these representations weresymbolic rather than representational. Ourresearch uncovered large amounts of sea shells,fish nets, sea urchins, and other maritime re,mains at Nasca sites all along the lower RioGrande and up into the other tributaries aswell.Obviously the inhabitants of these small siteshad access to the sea and were utilizingmari,time resources on a regular basis.Observationofmodem fisherman making regular trips to theshore, especially to the vicinity of PuertoCa,ballas, and a study of the routes taken tothese locations have provided valuable newinsights into the activities of the ancients.

387..In summary,Proulx's majorresearchobjec..tiveswere realized. Although someof the sitesin Proulx's survey area had been previouslyvisited by other archaeologists, Proulx and histeam studied and documented over 128 sitesforthe first time, obtaining valuablenew infor..mation on settlement patterns and laying thefoundation for an extensive studyof the corre..lation between the archaeologicalsites, watersources, and geoglyphs.Future work will con';'centrate on examining specific sites in thesurveyarea and on testing the validityofJohn..son'shydrological theory.'References CitedJohnson, David1999 Die Nasca,Linien als MarJderrungenfilrunter,iridischeWasserkommen. InNasca:Geheimnis,volleZeichenim Alten Pem, editedby JudithRickenback, pp. 157,164. ZOrich: MuseumRietberg.Menze~Dorothy1976 PotteryStyleand SocietyinAncientPern. Berke,ley: University of CaliforniaPress.Robinson,DavidAdair .1957 An Archaeological Surveyof the Nasca Valley,Peru. Master's Thesis, in Anthropology,Stan'ford University, Palo Alto, California.Schreiber, Katarina and JosfieLanchoRojas1995 The PuquiosofNasca. l..atinAmericanAntiquity6:229,254.California Institute of Peruvian Studies onthe South CoastThe earthquake of November 12, 1996,insouthern Peru devastated the facility of the. CaliforniaInstitute forPeruvianStudies (CIPS)at Bella Uni6n, Arequipa. Fortunately, thecollections were salvageable but needed to bemoved. This was accomplished in March of1997 through the efforts of CIPS PresidentFrancis A. Riddell (e..mail:fariddell@netzero...net) assistedbyarchaeologistsRichard Brooks,Anna Noah, Alina Aparicio, and forensicanthropologist Sheilagh Brooks. SandraAsmussen and J. Arthur Freed were support..ing crewmembers. Some 200 cartons of sped..mens were transported to the CIPS laboratoIyand storage facility at the Catholic UniversityCU1Tent Researchin Arequipa (Universidad Cat6lica Santa MarlaMadre y Maestra). CIPS and the Universityoperate under an agreement by which both thefieldworkand the laboratory/storage facilityarejoint endeavors.The California Institute for Peruvian Studieshad several groups in the field in 1998. Oneheaded by CIPS president Francis A. Riddellreturned to the Chala region on the south coastin August to continue archaeological site sur..veys. The team consisted of Riddell, MarieCottrell, Richard Brooks, Lidio Valdez, andAlina Aparicio, Sheilagh Brooks, and crewmembers Sandra Asmussen, J. Arthur Freed,and students William Fowlks and Zasha Trivi..sonno. Utilizing Valdez's report (1990), aresurvey was undertaken of the Quebrada deChala and its branch, Quebrada Huanuhuanu.In the survey new sites were discovered andrecorded. Additionally, surveys were conductedsoutheast of Chala, down coast, in QuebradaHuaccyaco and in the Chaparra Valley as re..ported by Valdez (1998) and by Aparicio(1998).Although the visitswere brief, ten siteswererecorded in the HuaccYacodrainage. Of these,nine were aceramic and may be preceramic inage. No excavation was attempted, but thesurfaceoccurrence ofmarws and ametate(grind..ing stones) at several of the sites, as well as anabundance of basaltic debitage, indicates thatthe pattern of cultural content as well as geo..graphic location deviate from the late sitesthathave extensive architecture, abundant midden,and a heavy presence of potsherds. Rock ringsat several sites suggest house remains, but thiscannot be confirmed without excavation.Further investigation is planned for August2000. .In the Chaparra Valley the team recorded15 archaeological sites. All appear to be of theLate Horizon, although some may be of theColonial Period, as well. Here, too, continuedinvestigation byCIPS field teams are scheduledfor 2000.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)In Februaryand March of 1999meinbersofthe California Institute for Peruvian Studiesreturned to the south~centralcoastto continuesite surveysand collections studies. The teamwas headed by CIPS President Francis A.Riddell and was composed of archaeologistsRichard Brooks, Alina Aparicio, forensic an~thropologist SheilaghBrooks,museumspecial~istFrances Durocher, and crewmembersJohnSchaller, J. Arthur Freed, and Nathan Parker.Members of the community of Atiquipa wereinterviewed for site locations and informationon the sites in that locality. The sites ofAiparipa, Jihuay, Quebrada de la Vaca, andTaimara were visited and photographsmade ofarchitectural features. The local people re~vealed the location ofa "bellrock"nearAtiqui~pa that produces a ringing sound when struck.Local interest suggeststhat this fe.atureservedas a "shrine" in ancient times.The CIPS fieldteam alsomade an archaeo~logical site survey of a portion of the SantaLuda River (also known as Quebrada Jahuay)which flowsinto die ocean at Lomas(Schaller1999). Several sites produced sherdsof utilityware, and in some instances sherdsof Nasca 3pottery were noted. Due to a highwater condi~tion at the time of the survey it wasnot possi~ble to accomplish a more thorough review ofthe area.Two members of the survey team, Schallerand Durocher, made a one~daysurvey of asegment of the Quebrada de Acaville,a majortributary of the Yauca River. Four sites wererecorded, of which one produced Late Acarlpottery sherds. The limited reviewsuggeststhefour" sites were Late " Intermediate and/or LateHorizon.Another team of CIPS/UCSM investiga~tors, Dwight Wallace, Julio Manrique, andAlina Aparicio, undertook excavations atCerrillos, lea in May and June of 1999(Wallace et al. 1999). Wallace had previouslyexcavated here in 1958. The present projectwas proposed because the original excavation-388had only tested an area 6 meters square. Nodata on early Paracas style pottery, at least insuch volume, had been obtained in the 40yearssince the first excavation. Textile analyseswereundertaken byWallace, Grace Katterman, andOscar BendezUj the collections are housed inthe Museo Regional de lea (MRI).With a view of beginning field research inthe coming years Catherine Julien (WesternMichigan University, e-mail catherine.julien@wmich. edu), under the auspices of CIPS,madea"reviewof archaeological sites in the Atiquiparegion Oulien 1999). She had not been in thearea since 1972and wanted to familiarizeherselfwith the recorded and unrecorded sites.Shewasaccompanied by archaeologist Alina Aparicioand student Margaret Enrile. Their first visitwas to Quebrada de la Vaca where they madeaseries of observations and took photos of thepresent condition of the architecture. Of spe~cialinterestwasthe conditionof the qochayuyo(seaweed) growingon the rocks belowthe tidalsurge. It wasabundant, thus suggestingthat oneof the marine prod~cts harvested, processedandstored by the Inca at Quebrada de la Vaca wasqochayuyo.The three~person team visited the ruins atCerro Coco and took photos and notes ofvaulted structures, some of which were burialchambers. One had an interior measurement of1.5by 2 m and waslocated inside a walledpatiowhich, in turn, measured about 4.5 by4 m. Theroof of the vaulted structure was closed withslabs that span a meter at the most. There wasa course of stones above the slabs of the roofand earth above that.On a clear day the ocean can be seen fromthe heights of Cerro Coco. Evidence of ancientagriculture was manifested by eroded terracesupon which non~diagnostic pottery fragmentswere noted.At Aiparipa more vaulted structures werenoted, in one instance some twenty such structureswere seen, and project membersnoted five

389..Current Researchin another group. A dense concentration ofstructures was made of a relativelyfine pink..white granitic material that is more abundantand of a better quality than seen at CerroCoco. The structures are rectangular and haverounded interior comers. Somehave subterra..nean cists. A number of mortars and batanes(grindingstones) were observedin conjunctionwith these ruins.Julien and the two other team membersalsovisited the ruins of Pueblo Viejowith localguide and informant, Juan Segura. The pres..ervation of these ruins is remarkable. Thearchitecture'is quite similarto that of Quebra... da de la Vaca and the other neighboringruinsin this region. At Pueblo Viejo, the com..pounds seem to enclose an open space with asingle entrance near one end, with vaultedstructures at the opposite end. There aresubterranean cistswithin these compounds,oropen areas. Some of the enclosures (com..pounds) have sqUarepillar..footingslike thoseto be found at Quebrada de la Vaca. Thesepillars appear to have supported roofed areasalong the enclosure walls.Upon their arrival at the site, the teamfound small vaults.that were recently opened,exposing multiple burials. Abundant textilefragments and cordage were found on thesurface, some of cotton and some of wool. Atthe time of their visitlocal peoplewerethere tocollect qochayuyo. Juan Segura stated thatpeople spread the qochayuyoon the groundinside the enclosures to dry.The team's visit to the nearby ruins ofOcopa demonstrated that more detailed workis needed here to fully record the somewhatdispersed architectural features. Morevaultedstructures were seen, some with adjoiningcircular enclosures with walls more than 1 mhigh. Evidence of agriculture wasin the formof terraces with, associated diversion canals,dams and small reservoirs. Rock shelters werenoted, one of which had a stone wall at least1.5m high across its opening.Julien and her team made a brief visitto theChala Valley. This included a stop at Chala laVieja. In the limited amount of time availableit was not possible to record the extensivearchitectural features to be seen in this part ofthe valley.References CitedNote: CIPS reports are available for a smaIl handlingcharge. Contact Frances Riddell for information (4562-63rd Street, Sacramento, Califoriua 95820).Aparicio, Alina1998 Project Report, July-August, 1999. Sacramento:California Institute of Peruvian Studies.Julien, Catherine1999 Notes on FieldWork in Arequipa, August, 1999.Sacramento: California InstitUte of PeruvianStUdies.SchaUer,John1999 ArchaeologicalSurveysinthe QuebradasJahuay,Acaville, and Chala and the Atiquipa Regionofthe South Coast of Peru. Sacramento: CaliforniaInstitUte of Peruvian Studies.Valdez, Lidio1990 Informe de los Trabajos de Campo de laTemporadade 1990del "ProyectoArqueol6gicoAcari, Yauca, Atiquipa y Cbata. Sacramento:California InstitUte of Peruvian StUdies.1998 A Field Report on the Archaeological Explora..tions in Cbala and Vicinity, Arequipa, Peru.Sacramento: California InstitUte of PeruvianStudies.Wallace, Dwight,Julio Manrique, and Alina Aparicio. 1999 Excavations at Cerrillos, lea. Sacramento:California InstitUte of Peruvian Studies.Chivav, Colca Valley.Dan Sandweiss (University of Maine, e..mail dan_sandweiss@maine.maine.edu),geolo..gistHal Borns (e..mailborns@maine.edu) (bothUniversity of Maine) ,and archaeologist Bernar..dino Ojeda spent several weeks inJune 1998inand around Chivay, on the Colea River in Are..quipa Department, with support from the Uni..versity of Maine Vice..Provost for Research and.Graduate Studies and the University of MaineInstitute forQuaternary Studies. Their goalwasto assess the hypothesis that the Chivay obsid..ian source was ice-covered during the YoungerDryas period (ca.ll,OOO..10,OOOHCyears ago).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)'This source was identifiedby both RichardBurger and Sarah Osgood Brooks from alocation at about 5000 masl, upslopefrom thetown of Chivay (Burgeret al. 1998b:204, note4; Brookset al. 1997). Excavation of YoungerDryas age deposits at Quebrada Jaguay,on thecoast, had found only Alca source (ca. 2850masI; see Burger et al. 1998a) obsidian eventhough the Chivay source is a similardistancefromQuebrada Jaguay. Had the Chivaysourcebeen ice~coveredduring the earlyoccupationat Quebrada Jaguay,it wouldbe unnecessarytoseekmore complexexplanationsforits absenceat that site. Field observations in the ColcaValleyindicated that during the lastglaciation,ice reached the town of Chivay, some 1400below the obsidian outcrop. However,surfaceexposure age dating currently in process isnecessary to determine the timing of ice ad~vances. The team did note that pieces ofChivay source obsidian previouslyobserved inthe sediments underlying the town of Chivaywerebrought there as glacialtill rather than byfluvialaction. .References Cited-Brooks, Sarah Osgood, Michael Glascock, and MartfnGiesso1997 Source of Volcanic Glass for Ancient AndeanTools. Nature 386:449,450.Burger, Richard 1., Frank Asaro, Paul Trawick, and FredStross1998a1998bQuebrada JaguayThe Alca Obsidian Source:The Origin ofRaw Material for Cusco Type ObsidianArtifacts.AndeanPast5:185,202.The Chivay Obsidian source and the Ge~logical Origin ofTiticaca Basin Type Ob,sidian Artifacts. AndeanPast 5:203,223.In 1996, Dan Sandweiss (University ofMaine, email da~sandweiss@umit.maine.edu) carried out excavations and survey atQuebrada Jaguay, near Camana on the southcoast of Peru. Project members included co~director Rolando Paredes, archaeologistsBernardino Ojeda and Maria del CarmenSandweiss, students Heather McInnis (then~390University of Maine, e..mail hmcinnis@darkwing.uoregon.edu), and Trevor Ott (Uni..versity of Calgary, email tohott@calgary.ca).and field technician Osvaldo Cho%o.Financial. support was provided by TIMEX Corporation,the H. John Heinz III Charitable Truse, and theCurtiss T. and Mary G. Brennan Foundation.Excavations were centered at Quebrada Jaguay280, an EarlyPreceramic site discoveredin 1970byFredericEngel (1981:45). A suite ofradiocar..bon dates on charcoal from the site now con~firms that there was a Terminal Pleistoceneoccupation dating between about 11,000 and10,000 BP (uncalibrated) and an Early Holo~cene occupation dating between 9500 and 7500BP. (uncalibrated). Fish and shellfish providednearly all of the animal protein during bothoccupations, indicating great antiquity formaritime adaptations in the region (Sandweissetal. 1998). Fullcover surveyof the surroundingregion (5 km to the northwest, 5 km northeast,and 10 km to the southeast) identified morethan 60 sites,mostlypreceramic. Comparisonofsurfaceremainsand dates on basalmaterialfromshovel tests show that the sites represent twopreceramic periods, one between ca. 9500 and7500 BP and one centered around 4000 BP.Afew ceramic..bearingsites were also found.During June and July qf 1999, Dan Sand~weiss resumed excavations at the Early Pre..ceramic fishingsite of Quebrada Jaguay.Finan..cial support for the season came from ThorHeyerdahl. The field crew included archaeolo~gist Miguel Cabrera, undergraduate studentsArturo Santos (San Marcos University) andTed McClure (Indiana..Purdue at Fort Wayne,e..mailEichrodt@ aol.com), graduate studentsBen Tanner (University of Maine, e~mailter.303@compuserve.com) and Fred Andrus(University of Georgia. e..mail cftal@peachnet.compuscwix.net), and fieldtechnicianOswaldo Chozo. The field lab was run byarchaeologist Julissa Ugarte.Field work in the 1996 season showed thatSector II was Terminal Pleistocene in age andincluded possiblepost..holes.The recent excava..

391..CU1Tent Researchtions confirmed the presence of multiple post..holes and other features dating to severalmomentsduringthe TerminalPleistocene.ArchaeologistsDave Sanger (UniversityofMaine, e..mail sanger@maine.edu) andBernardino Ojeda spent severaldayson site aspart of their related project inspecting earlylithic collections in Peru and northern Chile..Ongoing analyses include work on the lithicsby Dave Sanger and Ben Tanner; phytolith,. starch grain, and pollen analysisby DoloresPiperno (Smithsonian Tropical ResearchInstitute, e..mail pipernod@stri.org); calicheanalysis by Fred Andrus; faunal analyses byHeather McInnis (University of Oregon, e..mail hmcinnis@ darkwing.uoregon.edu)(Mcinnis 1999),Elizabeth Reitz (UniversityofGeorgia, e..mailereitz @arches.uga.edu), andFred Andrus; and radiocarbon dating of bulksamples by Howard Melville (Jaan TerasmaeRadiocarbon Laboratory, Brock University, e~mailhmelville @ spartan.ac.brocku.ca).BruceSmith (Smithsonian Institution, e..mailsmith.bruce@ simnh. sLedu)has recentlycompletedstudyof three EarlyHolocene gourd fragmentsuncov~red during the 1996 season.References CitedAngel, Fr~d~tic Andr~1981 Prehistoric Andean Ecology Volume 2: Man,Settlement, and Environment in ~ Andes. TheDeep South. New York: Humanities Press forHunterCollege.McInnis. Heather1999 Subsistenceand MaritimeAdaptationsat ..Quebrada Jaguay, Camana, Peru: A FaunalAnalysis. M.S. thesis, QuaterrtaryStudies,University of Maine, Orono.Sandweiss, Daniel H., Heather McInnis, Richard L.Burger, Asunci6n Cano, Bernardino Ojeda, RolandoParedes, Mana del Carmen Sandweiss, and MichaelGlascock1998 Quebrada Jaguay:EarlySouth Ametican Mati..timeAdaptations.Science281:1830..1829.Dental ResearchRick Sutter (e..mail C569310@showme.missouri.edu), a 1997 Ph.D. from the Univer..sity of Missouri..Columbia,is beginning ~ pro..gram of research using dental traits to establishthe major outlines of the peopling of SouthAmerica. He will use Peruvian central coastalmaterials as well as dental materials from aswide a geographical spread as possible.BOLIVIATaraco ProjectDuring May through August 1996, 1998,and 1999 the Taraco Archaeological Project,co..directedbyChristine Hastorf (UniversityofCalifornia, Berkeley, e..mail hastorf@SSCL.berkeley. edu) and Matt Bandy, (UniversityofCalifornia, Berkeley), conducted research atChiripa, a site on the southwest shores of Lake.Titicaca in Bolivia. The core team membersareLee Steadman (e..mail steadman@aol.com),Kate Moore (University of Pennsylvania),WUliam Whitehead, a graduate student at UC..Berkeley (email whitehea@SSCL.berkeley.edu), and Jose Luis Paz, an archaeologist fromthe University of San Andres in La Paz. Addi..tional help in the field came from MelissaGoodman (Cambridge University, e..mailmagl008@cus.cam.ac.uk), Ian Hodder (Stan,ford University, e..mailihodder@sranford.edu),Donald Johnson of the Institute of MinnesotaArchaeology Consulting, and six students.Further specialist help has come from JohnSouthon of the Lawrence LivermoreLaboratoryDating Lab. Susan D. de France (FloridaMuseum of Natural History, e..mail sdef@anthro.ufl.edu) is studying small animal bones.David W. Steadman (Florida MuseumofNatu..ral History, e..maildsteadman@flmnh.ufl.edu)is analyzingbird remains. Kate Moore (Dniver..sity of Pennsylvania, email kmmoore@sas.upenn. edu) has responsibility for large animalbones while Deborah Blom (University ofVanderbilt, email deborah.e.blom@vanderbilt.edu) willwork on human bones.. 1996 was the second field seasonof thisproject (the first was in 1992), although Wen..dell Bennett in the 1930s, Alfred Kidder and

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)GregorioCordero Miranda in the 1950s, MaksPortugal Zamora in the 1960s, and DavidBrowmanand Max Portugal Ortizin the 1970shave excavated there previously. From theirwork at Chiripa, we know about the existenceof the site's central mound. This 0.36 haconstruction has at least three building levelsand probably dates from 1400 B.C. throughTiwanaku times (or to approximately A.D.1000) .The mound visible on the surface is aTiwanaku I monolith,lined courtyard thatshows continuity with the earlier structures.The Formative site spans 7 ha surroundingthemound, upon three created terraces that slopedown to the lake plain. The mound is on themiddleterrace. Chiripa isespeciallyinterestingto Andeanists because of its proximityto impe..rial Tiwanaku. Tiwanaku was an importantcenter for almost 800 years beginning aroundA.D. 300 and therefore Chiripa is consideredone ofTiwanaku's primaryprecursors. Chiripaflourished during the earlier Formative Periodof Bolivian prehistory, with a ritual centeroverlooking Lake Titicaca and the string ofsnow, peaked mountains to the east. TheFormative Period, as it is called in Bolivianarchaeology, ranges between 2000 B.C. andA.D. 400 according to Charles Stanish's inter..pretion of the regional sequence, with Chiripadating to the Middle and Upper FormativePeriods.The Taraco Project's research goals areseveral. While trying to understand the For..mative Period in the south..central Andes,including detailed artifactual changes, projectmembers are especiallyinterested in the earlydynamics of increasing political scale and. subsistencechanges,particularlyagriculture.At Chiripa Formative sites, these activities areclearly intertwined with intensive ritual ac,tions, traces of which are also under ihvestiga,tion.The site's importance is seen in the resultsfrom systematic surface collections that were..392completed in 1996. The ceremonial areas,Llusco, the mound, and Santiago, make up lessthan one hectare. There seems to have been asubstantial residential area on all three terracessurrounding this central precinct.The Project has been trying to uncoverevidence of domestic ateas and activities, butthis is proving difficult. Excavations in 1996took place in two areas, north and south of themound. However, both areas, Llusco andSantiago, have yielded large (approximately11by 13m) semi,subterranean stone,walled enclo,sures. The investigators believe these to beceremonial (gathering)areas rather than habita,tion zones. Lluscowasfirst excavated byClau,dia Rivera in 1992. Excavations by Jose LuisPaz followed in 1996. It is on the uppermostterrace and dates to the Late Formative.Period,or what we call Late Chiripa, about 800 to 600B.C. The Lluscoenclosure has patches of whiteplaster on its.floor and a drainage canal in thelower, northwest comer.To the north, and on the first terrace, Santi..ago directly overlooks the lake shore. This areawas opened first by Sonia Alconini and SigridArnott in 1992 and substantially expanded in1996 by Emily Dean and David Kojan. Thispart of the site is a complex of use and rebuild,ing layers dating throughout Formative times.There are surfaces that seem to be fairlyclean,and in some cases have yellowor white plasterHuman pit burials cut through this plaster inmany places. It seems that ritual burial andfeasting occurred in this section at least, butthere could also have been some habitationquite close. This area of the site is extremelyimportant, yet still mysterious as to the totaltypes of activities that occurred there. Thestratigraphy is complicated .and will be illumi,nated byMelissaGoodman's microstratigraphicanalysis.In 1998, work continued in Santiago, againunder EmilyDean but with Bill Whitehead alsoworking to the west. The plan was to furtherrefine understanding of the chronology and

393,CU7Tent Researchfunction of the very early semisubterraneanenclosure encountered in the Santiago area,called Choquehuanca. This enclosureis 13by14 m. Its excavation involved several longtrenches. From analysisof these trenches twoimportant facts emerged. First)the enclosurewasdefinitely constructed in the MiddleChiri,pa Phase (1000,800 BC). The builders cutthrough several meters of EarlyChiripa stratato sterile soil)then leveledthe groundwith .Middle Chiripa fill,laid a claybase,and built afineyellowflooracrossthe surface..This wasused in the Middle Chiripa times, and onceabandoned, dense Late Chiripa fillwasplacedin it. The northern and eastern walls arepoorly preserved, while the southern andwestern walls are deeper and in better condi,tion. Team members exposed28squaremetersof the floor and collected samplesthere. Theyare beginning to study the plant, a~al, ce,ramic, and lithic remains, in addition to themicro,depositional history. Full details of thetrapezoidal Middle Chiripa enclosure remainundetermined. However, Hastorf's team have.learnedthat set in its eastwallthereis a smallstorie niche, about one meter in length. Itcontained nothing visible. This could be whatis seen later on the mound, and at Pukara,Tiwanaku,and even in Inca enclosures' wallniches that held important sacredobjects. Partof the inner stone wall was plastered. TheLlusco and Choquehuanca enclosures are theearliest in their region discoveredto date.The final goal of the 1996 archaeologicalproject wasto understand better the Formativeportions of the mound. Matt Bandyundertookseveral cleaning operations. His main task wason the east side of the mound, whichhad beencut back by the community in the 1960s tobuild a football field.There he uncovered clear evidence of the"Upper and Lower House" Formative levels inhis profile. Previous work on the mound sug,gested that there were hetween 14 and 16structures surrounding a sunken plaza. Wehave now confirmed that there are 14. Somemayhave been substantial) but no structures areuntouched and complete. Ten structures)however, are probably in good condition. The.evidence suggeststhat these were not inhabited,but were more likely ceremonial structures,keeping special and sacred items and housingsacred activities. The bins do not seem to haveheld quantitiesof crops,as did Inca collca,andthe bins could not have been entered.EachstructurewasperhapsusedbyanayUu,or an extended family associated with a terri,tory. With two groups of seven on each sidethere is a strong sense of moieties. These struc,tures are made of adobe and stone, with plas,tered surfaces' on the walls and floors. Foursuperimposed structures were seen in the east,em profile. Each structure has a seriesof yellowplaster floors. Between each re,flooring there isevidence of ritual sealing) with sterile soil orsand laid down, often accompanied by a fire.Further evidence of such floor treatment alsowas seen in the cleaning of historical fill alongthe south face of the mound. Most floorslook,ed clean, although the top "LowerHouse"floorhad lots of fish remains and pottery.hearth Wasalso encountered.OneIn 1996 Melissa Goodman of CambridgeUniversity joined the project briefly to collectmicrostratigraphic samples of all areas. Thisresearch should show what types and intensitiesof activities were undertaken in these moundstructures. In collaboration with John Southonand the Lawrence Livermore Laboratories, theProject has run a seriesof AMS dates for eachofthese floors)to understand the timing and scopeof the re,flooring events in the mound. Unfortu,nately, the curve at this time in the past willnotbe able to separate out this time span for us.Advancing another main goal, to under,standbetterthe FormativePeriodoccupationofthe site, the Taraco project undertook testexcavationsin fourareasidentifiedin the 1996systematicsurfacecollectionprogram. Theseexcavations located two more Late Chiripastone foundationenclosureswith the potential

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)for more subsurface walls as well as a MiddleChiripa mud~brickwall. In the two northernareas,near Choquehuanca there areportionsofbeautifullymade stone canals. One isattachedto the corner of what seems to be a large LateChiripa enclosure, although enoughhasnot yetbeen uncovered to confiim this hypothesis. Atthe Alejo area, the river cobble, stone~linedcanal runs more than 4 meters down slope,with a cover stone wherethe waterentered thecanal. There is a comer of a cut~stonestruc~ture with a double~sided canal also runningdownslope on an angle. To learn about theseareasbeyond the test pits, a magnetometer andresistivitysurveyof the central part of the site'ssurfacewasundertaken by Don Johnson. Thissub~surfacesurvey located some possiblewallsat Quispe as wellas near Choquehuanca. Thiswill help construct a complete catalog of allFormative Period architecture. at the site,because all of the site, except the mound, liesunder fieldSand is extremely difficultto exca~vate. The results suggest that excavations inthe Quispe area should be expanded to under~stand better the enclosure apparently foundthere. Especiallyinteresting about thisfounda~tion at Quispe are the differencesof the stonework compared to that of the other enclosures.This evidence allowsthe hypothesisthat vari~ous groups made these structures, creatingtheir bounded space in their own styles.Another goalof the 1998and 1999seasonswas to learn about the lowest deposits underthe mound, which date to the Middle ChiripaPhase. The Montfculo 1 area is located alongand near the southern section of the exposedeastern face of the mound. A trench measur~ing 4 m north~south by 6 m east~westwasopened there. This was the section of theprofile that was cleaned in the 1996 season.Two thin units were excavated in 1996,expos~ing remains of Lower House Levelstructures.In the 1999 season, we expanded what wasdiscovered in the 1998 excavation. The areajust to the east of the fence used to be part ofthe mound, but was cut back during the haci~erida period, probably sometime in the 1940s.,394Thus, by excavating in this area we hoped toobtain a sample of the deposits which originallylay below the mound, thereby avoiding thedifficult, destructive, and even possiblydanger~ous task of excavating through severalmetersofmound deposit in order to reach them. Belowthe top filllevel we encountered the remainsofan adobe wall. This wall runs north~south forthe entire length of the trench. We nowknowitwas at least 11meters long, and we did not findthe northern comer of it. This wall, approxi,mately 70 em in width, exhibits a peculiarconstruction technique. It is composed of verylarge "pillow"adobes, 70 cm long by 20~40cmwide, made of sterile red clay.These red adobes.are in turn placedwithin a dark, organicmudmatrix mortar. Interesting about these fromthe1999 excavations was the fact that each brick. wasburnedon the top, as if to hardenit. Onlythe lowermost course of the wallwaspreserved,so it is uncertain whether the entireheightof .the wallwasconstnicted in this manner. Never~theless, this technique has not been observedinany other structure excavated at Chiripa todate, and in no other structure in the TiticacaBasin to my knowledge. Once again we areseeing a wide range of building techniques. Wenow have two differe~t building techniques forthe Middle Chiripa Phase and at least three forthe Late Chiripa Phase.An additional cleaning was undertakenalong the south side of the mound(upslope) in1999, reopening up a modem mixed area thatwe investigated in 1996. We needed to extendour earlier trench to try to determine the num~ber and placement of upper house structUresaswell as the location of the opening into theinner courtyard. We made a long twelvemeterprofile there and determined that there wasnostructure in the middle of this sideof the moundat that late Late Chiripa time, meaning therewas an opening upslope to that side of thecommunity. Hence we now believe that therewere 14 structures in this final phase, makingthis two setS of seven houses each. Thediscovery of physiqtl evidence for moieties inthe in the Late Chiripa Phase wonderful.

395..CUfTentResearchLeeSteadman oversawthe ceramicanalysisas wellas ran the laboratory everyfieldseason.Not only do the ceramics hold the key to thedating and seriation of the site and its relation..ships to other villages within the region, theyare critical for identifying the activitieson thesite, such as cooking, storage, and ceremonialand burial practices. Given that a detailedceramic sequence has not been fullyformed forthis part of the Titicaca Basin,Steadmaniscompletingessentialworkon theFormative..to.. .Tiwanaku phases in the southern TiticacaBasin. Three ceramic phases are defined forthe Chiripa occupation of the site, based onobservabledifferencesbetween the ceramicsinthe stratigraphic levels and 14 new absolutedates. The terms used by th~ Taraco Projecthave been employed before by Karen MohrChavez, who based her work on Kidder'sexca..vations. The Taraco froject phases are ad..justed slightlyearlier. New absolutedates andceramic analysis have indicated phases thatdate to EarlyChiIipa..1500..1000BC,MiddleChiripa .. 1000..800 BC, and Late Chiripa ..800..100 BC (calibrated).activities in the area, noting that the Aymaralanguage extends back in time.The Taraco Archaeogical Project has beensupported byThe National Science Foundation,the National Geographic Society, and the StahlFellowship of the University of California,Berkeley.William Whitehead, Rene Ayon, andFranz Choque have overseen the collection,processing, and sorting of the soil flotationsamples from the excavations. The Projectfollowedablanket collection strategyof 10literbulk (point..provenienced) samples. Further..more, in midden and surfacecontexts, averagesoilsampleswere alsocollected, to improvetherepresentation of those contexts. In aU, 384soil samples were collected and processed.These are important for the recovery of plantremains but also for fish bones and other smallanimal remains, and they provide a quantita..tive sample of all artifacts.Concurrent with the Taraco Project exca..vations in 1996, Mario Montano Arag6nworked on a toponymicmap of the local catch..ment area in and around the modem commu..nity of Chiripa. He discovered hundreds ofplace names that link to past and present

Addressesof AuthorsAddresses of AuthorsRobert Bednarik: International Federation of Rock Art Organizations (IFRAO), P.O. Box 216,Caulfield South, Victoria 3162, AustraliaE.mail: robertbednarik@hotmail.comDavid Blower: University of Calgary, Department of Archaeology, 2500 University Drive NW,Calgary,Alberta T2N IN4, CanadaE.mail: dblower@ucalgary.caDavidL.Browman:Anthropology,CampusBox 1114,One BrookingsDrive, Washington Universityin St. Louis,St. Louis,Missouri63130,4899E.mail: dbrowma@artsci.lwusd.eduRobinM.Brown:36WashburnSt.,Watertown,MA 02472E.mail: robin_brown@terc.eduRichard S. Burger: Peabody Museum,YaleUniversity, New Haven, Connecticut 06511E.mail: richard.burger@yale.eduRichard L. Daggett: lOBBoynton Road East, South Deerfield, Massachusetts 01373E-mail: daggett@admin.umass.eduTomD. Dillehay:UniversityofKentucky,330VirginiaAvenue,SteA, Lexington,KY40504,2675~mail: dilleha@pop.uky.eduMichael D. Glascock: University of Missouri, 223 Research Reactor, Columbia, Missouri 65211 .E.mail: glascock@reactor.murr.missouri.edu .Catherine Julien: Department of History, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan49008,5020 .E.mail: catherine.julien@wmich.eduDavid K. Keefer: U.S. GeologicalSurvey,345 Middlefield Road, MS 977, Menlo Park, California94025E.mail: dkeefer@usgs.govMaria A. Masucci: Drew University,Faulkner House, Department of Anthropology, Madison, NJ07940E.mail: mmasucci@drew.eduMichael E. Moseley: University of Florida, Department of Anthropology, Gainesville, Florida 32611,9500E.mail:moseley@ufI.eduAnne Paul:!49,Allee des Vergers,F,54600 Villers,les,Nancy, FranceE.mail: Pierre.Vuillemot@antares.iecn.u.nancy.fr

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)Jack Rossen: Ithaca College, Ithaca, New York 14850E..mail:JROSSEN@ithaca.eduDennis R. Satterlee: 402 East MapleStreet, Gillespie,Illinois 62033John Edward Staller: 1250 Hood Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60660..2512E..mail:jstaller@uic.eduJorge E. Tapia A., American GeologicalInstitute, 4220 King Street, Alexandria, Virginia 22302E..mail:jtapia@agiweb.orgThomas A. Zoubek: State Universityof New York, New Paltz, NY 06820..5336E..mail: tzoubek@aol.com

399..Advice to ContributorsADVICE TO CONTRIBUTORS TO ANDEAN PAST1. Andean Pastseeks original,unpublished articles on Andean archaeology and ethnohistory. Paperssubmitted to AndeanPastshouldnot be under consideration elsewhere. Ethnohistorical articlesmustlead to an enhanced understandingofprehispanic times. WelMllustrated papers presenting newdataor interpretations are particularlywelcome. Interim reports can be considered.2. If the editors agree that a submissionis ready for consideration, it willbe sent to a minimumof twoexternal reviewers, scholars with expertise in the subject matter of the paper and who are notmembers of the Andean Pasteditorialboard. After consideration of the external reviews,papersareaccepted or declined on the basisof a vote by the editors and Editorial Board. Decisionsare generallybysimplemajority. .3. Unlessotherwisestated in thisAdvice,followthe ''EditorialPolicy,Information forAuthors, andStyleGuideforI.atjnAmericanAntiquity" publishedinVol.3, no.3 (1992).However,pleasenotethatwedo not publishabstracts.4. In casesnot coveredbythe LatinAmericanAntiquitystyleguideor these Instructions,followtherecommendationsin the latesteditionofthe ChicagoManualofStyle.5. As an alternative to the formattingofreferencessuggestedbythe LatinAmericanAntiquitystyleguide,references may be given exactlyas listed on the title pages of the 'York(s) cited. -This style isparticularly appropriate forworkspublished before the twentieth century.6. In the bibliographyand elsewhere,surnamesbeginning with the prepositions such as "de","di","von","van", are to be alphabetizedunder the firstletter of the main name. Thus, Alexander von Humboldtcomes under "Hit,not "VIt.7. . In orderto makethe readingofmicroformcopieseasier,footnotes,not endnotes,shouldbe used.8. Submissions may be in Englishor Spanish and may include short passages or quotations in otherlanguages,including South AmericanIndian languages. Quotations not in Englishor Spanishshouldbe translated into the languageof the article. Submissionswillbe read and evaluated in their originallanguage(s). Reviews may be written in a language other than the one in which the submissioniscomposed. If articles written in Spanish are accepted for publication, they will be translated intoEnglish by Andean Pastat no charge to the authors. Special cases, including articles in languagesother than English or Spanish,may be discussed"withthe editors.9. Forarticlesin English,the latestcompleteeditionofTIreOxfordEnglishDictionaryshould be usedasa guide to spelling and word usage. In cases where the OED differentiates between English andAmerican usage, Andean Past contributors should follow American usage. Foreign loan wordsincludedin the OEDshouldnot be italicized. .10. Ifpossible,illustrationsshouldbe black..and..whiteline drawings. Hand lettering isunacceptable. Allplace names, terms for features,and so on must be in English. Limited numbers ofblack..and..whitephotographs can accompanyarticles. We have no facilitiesrorcolor plates. Ifillustrations havebeenpreviously published elsewhere, this should be indicated in the captions. If the illustration isreproduced exactly as it first appeared the caption should read" .. .from.. . "withashortreferenceto the publication or publications. If it is modified the caption should read ".. . after.." Ifauthorsdo not hold the copyright to these illustrations they are responsible for providing Andean Pastwithwritten permission(s) to reproduce./... continued

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)..400ADVICE TO CONTRIBUTORSTO ANDEANPAST (page2)11. Whenever possible, nine hard copies (typescripts) of submissions should be sent, preferablyaccompanied by disk copyon a 3.5"double densityor high density floppy. Copies and diskswillnotbe retUrned. We can accept the operating systemsDOS, Windows, and the MACOS and a varietyof word processingprograms,graphics,and spreadsheet programs.12. Authors who cite unpublished papers (except masters' theses or doctoral dissertations, andmanuscripts in public archives such as the Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla) should provide theeditors with copiesof those papersas wellas written permissionfor citation from the authors of thoseunpublished papers.13. Whilethe reviewersandeditorsofAndeanPastmakeeveryreasonableeffortto identifyandcorrecterrors, accuracy of content is the ultimate responsibilityof the authors.14. All authors, includingco'authors,whoseworkis publishedin AndeanPastwillreceive,withoutcharge,a copyofthe volumein whichtheir workappears.15. AndeanPasthas no provisionforoffprints. However,authorsmayphotocopytheir ownworkfordistributionto colleagues.November 12, 2000

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