The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal Volume 15 1987

The J. Paul Getty MuseumJOURNAL Volume 15/1987Including Acquisitions/1986

A Byzantine Pendant in the J. Paul Getty MuseumJeffrey SpierA collection of Greek and Etruscan gems acquired bythe J. Paul Getty Museum in 1981 includes an engravedGraeco-Persian gem set in a gold pendant. The entirecollection was published by John Boardman in 1975, 1and the gem in the pendant was described, no doubtcorrectly, as belonging to Boardmans "Bern group" ofthe late fourth century B.C. 2Based upon the engraveddesign on its back, the pendant was classed as Greekand judged to be of early Hellenistic date contemporarywith the gem. 3However, more pendants of this type, aswell as other gold objects of similar style, are known,and their early Byzantine origin can be firmly established.The nucleus of the group was originally identifiedby Marvin Ross in his discussion of the examplesin Dumbarton Oaks, 4and others can be added here,including roughly datable examples with reliable provenience.They are as follows:1. Gold pendant set with a Graeco-Persian gem(figs. la-c). H: 2.9 cm (lVs"). Malibu, The J. PaulGetty Museum 81. AN.76.101. J. Boardman, Intagliosand Rings (London, 1975), no. 101, p. 99, ill.p. 31 (color).2. Gold pendant on gold loop-in-loop chain withopenwork terminals (figs. 2a—b). H (pendant): 3.2cm (l 1 //). New York, The Metropolitan Museumof Art 17.190.1659. Ex-coll. J. Pierpont Morgan,purchased from Amadeo Canessa, Paris, 1911.Unpublished.3. Gold pendant, inscribed

6 SpierFigures la-c. Left, Pendant set with Graeco-Persian gem. Byzantine, circa sixth century. Gold set with earlier chalcedony scaraboid.Center, back. Right, back. Drawing by Martha Breen Bredemeyer. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 81.AN.76.101.8. Gold pendant found with jewelry and gold coins ofConstans II, Constantine IV, and Tiberius III (fig.8). H: 2.6 cm (1"). Found in Pantalica, Sicily; presentlocation unknown. P. Orsi, Sicilia bizantina(Rome, 1942), vol. 1, no. 7, p. 138, pi. 9.9. Gold disc with engraved cross, perhaps from a pendant(fig. 9). H: 2.1 cm ( 7 /s"). Washington, D.C.,Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection53.12.51. Said to have been found in Constantinople.Ross, D.O. Cat., vol. 2, no. 35, p. 33.10. Silver reliquary pendant with glass cover, relics inside,found with a hoard of gold jewelry. H: 3 cm(l 3 /i6"). Milan, Civico Museo Archeologico. Foundin the excavations at Caesarea Maritima, Israel,1962. Antonio Frova, Scavi di Caesarea Maritima(Milan, 1965), pp. 236-238, figs. 295-297.The Getty pendant (figs, la—c) is composed of a circularpiece of sheet gold, slightly convex on the back,with the edges folded over the gem on the front side.The back is decorated with an engraved circle; withinthis is a pattern of four acanthus leaves arranged so thatthe central unengraved space forms the shape of a cross.Outside the engraved circle is a border of punched dots.A thin, beaded wire is attached along the entire circumferenceof the pendant, and a ridged strip of gold isfolded to form a loop for suspension. The gem is achalcedony scaraboid engraved with a running horse,and as noted above, it belongs to a Graeco-Persianworkshop of the late fourth century B.C. Few Byzantineintaglios appear to have been made, and the reuse ofearlier gems in the Byzantine period was not an unusualpractice. Large Graeco-Persian gems were probablyfound frequently, as they are today, and may have beenthought to have magical properties. 5Closest in style to the Getty pendant is a fine examplein New York (No. 2, figs. 2a—b) on a gold loop-in-loopchain with round openwork terminals typical of sixthcenturyByzantine work. The engraving and patterningare very similar to the Getty example, although somewhatmore careful, and the border of punched dots isthe same. A beaded wire is also added to the edge, but itis somewhat thicker than that on the Getty pendant.Whatever was set in the pendant is now missing.Another pendant in New York (No. 3; fig. 3) issmaller than No. 2 but is similarly constructed. Theshape of the engraved cross is slightly different,however, and the common Byzantine cruciform inscriptionc()cbs/£oi)f| (light/life) is added on the cross; this isthe only example among the pendants presently underconsideration to have an inscription. The other side ofNo. 3 is undecorated. The chain is composed of sixshort loop-in-loop chains joined together with hookson which gems were set; only three of these—an emeraldand two amethysts—survive. The gold terminals areheart shaped with filigree openwork. A very similarchain with identical terminals was found with a sixthcenturyByzantine treasure now in Dumbarton Oaks. 6A pendant (No. 4; figs. 4a—b), which was supposedlyfound in Sicily with two gold belt buckles and is now in5. An unpublished Graeco-Persian chalcedony scaraboid in Malibu(85.AN.444.1) was reengraved with magical inscriptions in thethird or fourth century A.D., and another Graeco-Persian scaraboid inOxford bears Koranic texts in Kufic script, which were added in theseventh or eighth century A.D.: See J. Boardman and M.—L. Vollenweider,Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and Finger Rings in the AshmoleanMuseum (Oxford, 1978), vol. 1, no. 178, and a photo of the backin P. Zazoff, Die antiken Gemmen (Munich, 1983), p. 4, pi. 41.

A Byzantine Pendant 7Figure 2a. Pendant on loop-in-loop chain with openwork terminals. Byzantine,circa sixth century. Gold. H (pendant): 3.2 cm (l 1 //).New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of J. PierpontMorgan, 17.190.1659. Photo: Courtesy The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New YorkDumbarton Oaks, is very similar to the others. It is,however, more oval shaped than the previous circularexamples. This pendant again has the border ofpunched dots, and the added beaded wire is thin, likethat of the Getty example. It is set with a cameo depictingApollo and Daphne. This may be a rare example ofcontemporary Byzantine glyptic, since it has little incommon with Roman cameos and its iconography isnot out of place in this period. 7A gold necklace found at Kuban on the north coast ofthe Black Sea in 1892 and now in Leningrad (No. 5; figs.5a—b) has three pendants as well as a clasp set with a6. Ross, DO Cat, vol. 2, no. 179 C, p. 136.7. Cf. Ross, D.O. Cat, vol. 2, p. 9, and the fifth-century Ravennaivory he cites. There is also an unpublished Byzantine belt bucklewith the scene in a Swiss private collection.Figure 2b. Detail of figure 2a. Drawing by MarthaBreen Bredemeyer.

8 SpierFigure 3. Pendant on a chain composed of six short loop-in-loop segments.Byzantine, circa sixth century. Gold ornamented withgemstones. H (pendant): 2.6 cm (1"). New York, The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 17.190.1660.Photo: Courtesy The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.gold solidus struck at Constantinople during the briefjoint reign of Justin I and Justinian in A.D. 527. Thependants are again oval shaped but are of slightly differentmanufacture from the previous examples. Theyare flatter, and the front sides are set with banded-agategems surrounded by two rows of beaded wire with aplaited-wire band between them. They do not have theborder of punched dots. All three pendants have a loopat the bottom for a small pendant, only one of whichsurvives—pear shaped with a beaded-wire rim set witha gem. Two of the pendants have patterns similar tothose seen on No. 4, while the larger central pendanthas a modified pattern so that an IX Christogram isformed, again outlined by the stylized acanthus leaves.The engraved pattern of a pendant in a Swiss privatecollection (No. 6; figs. 6a—b) is highly stylized, but theworkmanship is very fine. The engraving is bold, andthe leaves are accentuated by rows of punched dotsdown the spines. The added beaded wire is thick andcarefully molded, and the pendant itself is one of thelargest of the group. It is set with a remarkable constructionconsisting of a glass cover over an enamel that8. Ross, DO Cat, vol. 2, no. 145, pp. 100-101. See K. Wessel,Byzantine Enamels (Shannon, Ireland, 1969), no. 16, pp. 66—67, whodates the Dumbarton Oaks example circa A.D. 900.9. The enamel is both stylistically and technically very unusualand needs further examination. The goldwork appears certainlygenuine.10. P. Orsi, Sicilia bizantina (Rome, 1942), vol. 1, pp. 135-141. Thatthe pendant belongs to the group here under discussion was already

A Byzantine Pendant 9depicts a seated Virgin and Child; all of this is mountedin a gold frame. The enamel is unlike the main series ofthe Middle Byzantine period but seems stylisticallyclose to one relatively early example in DumbartonOaks showing a standing Virgin and Child, most likelydating from the late ninth or early tenth century A.D. 8In both examples the unusual colors, notably the whiteskin, and the large, round eyes are similar. A tenthcenturydate is therefore best for the enamelwork ofNo. 6, but the pendant itself clearly belongs with theothers in the sixth or seventh century. The pendant,which probably originally held a gemstone or relic,must have been reused several hundred years after itsmanufacture. 9The Lesbos treasure—now in Athens—of Byzantinegold jewelry with coins of Phocas (A.D. 602—610) andHeraclius (A.D. 610—641) included another example (No.7; figs. 7a—b). It is very small, and the work is crude.The stylized leaves are barely distinguishable, and additionalhatch marks are added in the field. There is noborder of punched dots.Another pendant (No. 8; fig. 8) was found early inthis century in a hoard of gold jewelry and coins atPantalica, Sicily. The illicit find was quickly dispersed,but P. Orsi was able to reconstruct much of it usingphotos of the jewelry and descriptions of the coins. 10The photograph published by Orsi shows the pendantviewed through the opening where the gemstone orother object, now missing, was set. The engraving appearsto be somewhat better than that of the Lesbostreasure example (No. 7; figs. 7a—b) but is still simpleand stylized. No border of punched dots is visible, noris there an added beaded wire. In addition to a suspensionloop on top, there are two on the sides and onebelow, perhaps for suspension of smaller pendantsin the manner of the Leningrad examples (No. 5;figs. 5a—b). The coins said to have been found at Pantalicainclude solidi of Constans II (A.D. 641—668),Constantine IV (A.D. 668—685), and Tiberius III(A.D. 698—705). Most of the other jewelry from theSicilian hoard is of unusual style and not easily paralleledby other Byzantine work; a late seventh-centurydate is most likely. This additional jewelry may havebeen manufactured in a local workshop. 11Ross has plausibly suggested that a gold disc in DumbartonOaks (No. 9; fig. 9) may be a fragmentary pendant;in which case, it would be another crude example.Figure 4a. Pendant set with agate cameo of Apollo andDaphne. Supposedly found in Sicily, circasixth century. Gold. H: 2.5 cm (1"). Washington,D.C., Dumbarton Oaks ResearchLibrary and Collection 69.15. Photo: CourtesyDumbarton Oaks Research Library andCollection, Washington, DC.Figure 4b. Back of figure 4a. Photo: Courtesy DumbartonOaks Research Library and Collection,Washington, D CThe acanthus leaf pattern is abandoned in this instancefor simple hatch marks that appear between the arms ofthe cross.Finally, a hoard of Byzantine jewelry found in theexcavations at Caesarea Maritima in Israel includes acomparable example in silver with a glass cover (No.10). It is very corroded, and pieces of the back are missnotedby Ross, D.O. Cat, vol. 2, p. 9.11. A fine ring set with an aquamarine intaglio depicting Nemesiswas also said to be from the find, Orsi (supra, note 10), no. 1, p. 137,fig. 60, pi. 9. It appears to be of first-century date and must have beenan antique heirloom at the time of its burial.

10 SpierFigure 5a. Chain with three pendants set with bandedagates. Found Kuban, Russia, circa sixth century.Gold. Leningrad, State Hermitage2134/1. Photo: Courtesy State Hermitage,Leningrad.ing, making it difficult to see the engraved pattern. Itappears to be a facing, nimbate bust rather than thecross and acanthus leaf design. Other details, such asthe circular shape, the border of punched dots, and theadded beaded wire, however, all correspond to themain series of pendants under consideration. This particularexample served as a reliquary.With the exception of the last (No. 10), the pendantsall share a basic decorative pattern: a central cross surroundedby engraved acanthus leaves placed betweenthe arms and sometimes additional hatched lines in thefield. The form of the cross varies, as does the quality ofthe engraving and the care given to the pattern. Thecross may have arms of equal length with flaring ends(Nos. 1—3); it may have longer vertical than horizontalbranches (No. 4; two of the pendants in No. 5; and Nos.7, 8); or it may approach the form of a Maltese cross(Nos. 6, 9). In one example (No. 5) the cross is modifiedto become an IX monogram.Originally the intention was to make a simple, underratedcross subtly stand out from the complexbackground of floral decoration that outlines it. Themost successful examples are in Malibu and New York(Nos. 1, 2), where the carefully engraved acanthus patternsare bolder than the cross. The crosses on the subsequentpendants are more easily visible, and theacanthus leaves hence become more stylized; they nolonger appear rounded in shape with curving veins butas simple oval or triangular areas with a central spineand straighter veins. They fill the fields in a more haphazardmanner and may degenerate to a state where theleaves are almost indistinguishable among the lines(No. 7) or are replaced entirely by simple hatch marks(No. 9).Although the pattern of acanthus leaves outlining across does not appear elsewhere in Byzantine art, theuse of the acanthus leaf as a subsidiary decorative deviceon metalwork was very popular. It is frequently seenengraved on silver plate in the fourth century A.D. andcontinues into the sixth and seventh centuries, as Rosshas observed. 12Elaborate patterns based on acanthusleaves are also typically found engraved below the bowlsof sixth- and seventh-century, silver liturgical spoons. 13A related pattern of acanthus leaves and cross is seenon the gold box-pendant reliquary of Saint Zachariassaid to be from Constantinople and now in DumbartonOaks (figs. 10a—c). 14The back, carefully executed inFigure 5b. Detail of figure 5a.Breen Bredemeyer.Drawing by Martha12. Ross, D.O. Cat., vol. 1, no. 7, p. 9, and cf. E. Dodd, ByzantineSilver Treasures (Bern, 1973), pp. 12—13. In addition, the cross andacanthus leaf pattern of the pendants is seen as a decorative motif inthe borders of a pair of unpublished sixth- or seventh-century, silver

A Byzantine Pendant 11Figures 6a-b. Left, Pendant set with a glass-covered enamel of the Virgin and Child.Supposedly found in Asia Minor, circa sixth or seventh century. Goldwith enamel of later date. H: 4 cm (l 9 /ie"). Right, back. Switzerland,private collection.Figures 7a-b. Left, Pendant. Found in Lesbos, circa sixth century. Gold. H: 2 cm(W). Right, back. Athens, Byzantine Museum 3039. Photos: CourtesyByzantine Museum, Athens.repousse, shows a cross within a wreath surrounded byfour acanthus leaves, all within a square linear border;around this central composition is a cable border. Thesides are decorated with acanthus patterns, also workedin repousse. The front is set with an engraved gem(perhaps not the original setting, as Ross notes) surroundedby vegetal and lozenge patterns in fine opusinterrasile and a beaded-wire border.The reliquary of Saint Zacharias is of exceptionalcentury goldwork. The differences are most notable inthe execution of the fine opus interrasile and repoussework. The opus interrasile is similar to the best fourthcenturyConstantinian work from the Eastern Empire(probably from Constantinople), 15 and it is unlike theless skillful openwork frequently seen in sixth- andseventh-century Byzantine jewelry; the careful repoussework also has little in common with the known goldworkof the sixth century. The similarities to fourthcenturywork and the differences from typical sixth-quality and stands apart technically from other sixthbookcovers now in a Swiss private collection.13. Cf. the examples in Dalton, Early Christian, p. 35.14. Ross, D.O. Cat, vol. 2, no. 31, pp. 30-31.15. Cf. most recently D. Buckton, "The Beauty of Holiness: OpusInterrasile from a Late Antique Workshop," Jewellery Studies 1(1983-1984), pp. 15-19, see p. 17 for attribution to Constantinople.

12 SpierFigure 8. Pendant. Found in Pantalica, Sicily, circa sixthcentury. Gold. H: 2.6 cm (1"). Present locationunknown. Drawing by Martha Breen Bredemeyerafter P. Orsi, Sicilia bizantina (Rome,1942), vol. 1, no. 7, p. 138, pi. 9.Figure 9. Engraved disc, perhaps from a pendant. Supposedlyfound in Constantinople, circa sixthcentury. Gold. H: 2.1 cm ( 7 /s"). Washington,D.C., Dumbarton Oaks Research Library andCollection 53.12.51. Photo: Courtesy DumbartonOaks Research Library and Collection,Washington, D.C.and seventh-century Byzantine goldwork suggest aslightly earlier date for the reliquary than that proposedby Ross, perhaps in the fifth century, although no closeparallels are known.The well-known gold reliquary box found in the oldbasilica at Pola (present-day Pula, Yugoslavia) and nowin Vienna 16forms a link between the Dumbarton Oaksreliquary and the group of pendants (figs. 11a—c). Its lidappears to have been inspired by the design of theDumbarton Oaks reliquary, but this has become highlystylized. The repousse cross within a wreath is replacedby a cross with glass paste inlay surrounded by a wreathof plaited gold wire. Four pyramidal clusters of goldbeads appear in the corners instead of the four acanthusleaves. The short sides have crosses bordered with cablesas in the Dumbarton Oaks example, but here, unlikethe Saint Zacharias reliquary, the stylized acanthusleaves fill the areas between the arms of the cross in themanner of the pendants.Perhaps from the same workshop is a gold cross inDumbarton Oaks, which shares with the Vienna reliquarybox the addition of plaited gold wire, clusters ofgold beads, and central glass paste inlay on one side.In a variation of the pendants' motif, the other side ofthe cross has engraved acanthus leaves in each arm(fig. 12). 17Other similar crosses are noted by Ross,as are rings decorated with similar plaited wire, includingan example in Oxford set with a coin of Zeno(A.D. 474-491). 18The similarities in the decoration of the DumbartonOaks cross, the Vienna reliquary box, and the group ofpendants indicate that all are products of the same koinestyle. A Byzantine koine style of jewelry, attested by alarge number of finds from all parts of the ByzantineEmpire, developed by the early sixth century, flourishedin the reign of Justinian, and continued well into theseventh century. There can be little doubt that much ofthe material was manufactured in Constantinople andthat workshops located elsewhere, whether in the eastor the west, closely followed the fashions set in thecapital. The style encompasses a large body of material(including personal jewelry, such as belt buckles, earrings,finger rings, necklaces, and pendants, as well ascrosses and reliquaries), and the sharing of decorative16. H. Buschhausen, Die spaetroemischen Metallscrinia undfruehchristlichen Reliquiare (Vienna, 1971), no. B 20, pp. 249-252, pi.57, and K. Weitzmann, ed., The Age of Spirituality (New York, 1979),no. 568, pp. 630-631.17. Ross, D.O. Cat., vol. 2, no. 10, p. 15.18. Ibid., no. 10, p. 15; E. T. Leeds, Antiquaries Journal 20 (1944), no.4, p. 334, pi. 51.19. Other gold objects that display similarities in manufacture anddecorative detail can also be identified. For example, a small goldcross (H: 2.83 cm [lW]) engraved with the same pattern as the largerexample at Dumbarton Oaks (fig. 12) is now in a Swiss private collection;it is unpublished. Another similar example was on the Londonmarket a few years ago and was exhibited by Jack Ogden Ltd. (In theWake of Alexander, November 17—December 1, 1982, no. 27). The useof punched-dot borders is seen, for example, on an openwork ringfrom Smyrna (British Museum M&LA AF 308; Dalton, Early Chris-

A Byzantine Pendant 13Figures Wa-c.Left, Box-pendant reliquary of Saint Zacharias. Supposedly found in Constantinople, circa fifth century. Gold setwith an engraved gem, possibly of later date. H: 3 cm (lW); W: 2.5 cm ( 1 5 /i6"). Center, back. Right, side.Washington, D.C., Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection 57.53. Photos: Courtesy Dumbarton OaksResearch Library and Collection, Washington, D. C.Figures lla-c. Left, Reliquary Box. Found in Pula, Yugoslavia, circa sixth century. Gold with glass paste inlay. H: 1.6 cm (Vs");W: 2.3 cm ( 7 /s"); D: 1.9 cm (W). Center, top. Right, side. Drawing by Martha Breen Bredemeyer. Vienna,Kunsthistorisches Museum VII 761. Photos: Courtesy Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.patterns and technical details among different types ofobjects is typical. 19The circumstances of discovery of the pendants examinedhere firmly place them in the sixth and seventhcenturies and associate them with other jewelry of thekoine style. The silver example from Caesarea Maritimawas found in the excavations with a hoard of jewelrythat, although not precisely datable, is of typicallysixth- or early seventh-century style. More helpful isthe Leningrad necklace (No. 5), which has a clasp setwith a coin precisely datable to the joint reign of Justin Iand Justinian in A.D. 527. The Lesbos treasure containedHan, no. 212, p. 33) and on the ubiquitous pear-shaped and lunateopenwork earrings, which usually show two confronted peacocks (cf.the recent summary of the literature, T. Ergil, Earrings [Istanbul,1983], no. 157, p. 62, to which others could be added). The tails of thepeacocks often resemble the stylized acanthus leaves of our No. 6,with a row of punched dots down the spine from which engravedveins branch off (cf. A. Pierides, Jewellery in the Cyprus Museum [Nicosia,1971], no. 10, p. 56, pi. 38).Also apparently related to the style and technique of the goldworkunder consideration is the Olbia treasure of Gothic jewelry fromsouth Russia, now in Dumbarton Oaks (Ross, DO. Cat, vol. 2, no.166, pp. 117—118). The date is controversial, but the similarity of theengraved decoration and pattern to Byzantine goldwork, as well asother details, suggests a dependence on Byzantine prototypes. Asixth- rather than early fifth-century date may be preferable.

14 SpierFigure 12. Cross. Circa sixth century. Gold with glasspaste inlay. H: 2.7 cm (IVIÖ"). Washington,D.C., Dumbarton Oaks Research Library andCollection 50.20. Photo: Courtesy DumbartonOaks Research Library and Collection,Washington, DC.a quantity of jewelry of typical type, as well as coins ofPhocas and Heraclius datable to the mid-seventh century.The pendant in this hoard shows a further divergencefrom the original pattern and may be indicative ofthe later examples of the group. The pendant from thePantalica hoard, which contained coins spanning thesecond half of the seventh century, is also rather crudebut fits well into the main group, although the accompanyingjewelry is not typical of the seventh-centuryByzantine style. The wide distribution of the pendantsincludes Asia Minor, south Russia, Palestine, Lesbos,and Sicily, and a similar range is seen for the comparablejewelry. This again suggests a central origin forthe style, if not for the actual manufacture—surelyConstantinople itself.Merton CollegeOxford

Kopie oder Nachschöpfung.Eine Bronzekanne im J. Paul Getty MuseumMichael PfrommerDie über dreißig Zentimeter hohe Kanne muß zu denqualitätvollsten erhaltenen Bronzegefaßen mit ornamentalemDekor gerechnet werden (Abb. 1—3, 5). 1Die reiche Dekoration der Kanne ist von außergewöhnlicherQualität, sowohl im Entwurf wie auchin der Ausführung. Den Gefäßkörper schmückt einzweireihiger, ägyptischer Nymphaea Nelumbo-Kelch,zwischen dessen Blattspitzen italische Stockwerkblütengeschaltet sind (Abb. 10—12). Ein plastisch gegebeneslesbisches Kymation akzentuiert den Halsansatz. DenHals selbst schmückt eine aus Silberblech geschnitteneund eingelegte Weinranke. Figürlich verziert istallein der Henkel, bei dem ein Panskopf die untere Attaschebildet (Abb. 6), während ein kleiner Silenskopfals oberer Henkelabschluß in das Gefäßinnereblickt (Abb. 7).Das Gefäß wurde möglicherweise vor der ägyptischenKüste in der Nähe von Alexandria im Meer gefunden.Muscheln und andere Ablagerungen bestätigeneine marine Herkunft, ohne daß eine exaktere Eingrenzungdes Fundortes auf diesem Wege möglich wäre. 2Wie zu zeigen sein wird, vermag die Ornamentanalysedie Zuweisung an eine ägyptische Werkstatt zu stützen.TECHNIKWie das Fehlen jeglicher Spuren von Treibarbeit imInneren bezeugt, wurde die Kanne trotz der extremdünnen Wandung gegossen. 3Dies gilt auch für den inKaltarbeit übergangenen Blattkelch. Im Gegensatz zuder vollständig mit Silber eingelegten Weinranke aufdem Hals, zeigen auf dem Gefäßkörper nur einige wenigeBlütendetails silberne Einlagen, die in Abb. 12schwarz gekennzeichnet sind. Das gleiche gilt auch fürdas lesbische Kymation. Der Henkel ist separat gegossenund angelötet bzw. mit Nieten befestigt.GEFÄSSFORMTypologisch folgt die Kanne in etwa der von J. D.Beazley als 5a bezeichneten Gruppe. 4 Bronzekannendieses Typs sind meines Wissens kaum erhalten, dochzeigt eine große Bronzekanne aus dem thrakischen Tumulusvon Mal Tepe, daß der Typus im 3. Jahrhundertgeläufig war (Abb. 4). 5Das in der Ausführung ungleich bescheidenere MalTepe-Exemplar läßt sich in einigen formalen Datailsmit der Malibu-Kanne vergleichen. Dies gilt etwa fürdie mit einem Eierstab verzierte Lippe, den mit einemProfil von der Schulter abgesetzten Hals und ebenso fürdie spulenförmige Fingerstütze auf der oberen Henkelbiegung.Die Entwicklung der Fingerstütze läßt sich immakedonischen und italischen Raum seit dem ausgehenden4. Jahrhundert beobachten, doch besitzendiese Gefäße in der Regel gedrungenere Proportionenund keine von der Schulter abgesetzte Halspartie. 6Für die Publikationserlaubnis bin ich M. True zu herzlichem Dankverpflichtet. Für Hilfe und Hinweise verschiedener Art danke ichebenfalls K. Manchester und J. Podany. Verbunden bin ich weiterhinim besonderen Maße M. Breen-Bredemeyer für die Erstellung derZeichnungen.AbkürzungenAußer den im AJAverwendet:Pfrommer, "Studien":üblichen Abkürzungen wird im folgenden"Studien zu alexandrinischer und großgriechischerToreutik frühhellenistischer Zeit,"Archäologische Forschungen 16 (Berlin, 1987).1. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 85.AB.78. Höhe: 32 cm;Durchmesser: 20.3 cm.2. Nach Auskunft des ozeanographischen Instituts in Los Angeleszeigen die Ablagerungen, daß die Kanne aus dem Meer und nicht ausSüßwasser geborgen wurde.3. Für diese technische Auskunft bin ich J. Podany und seinemStab verbunden. Die Technik des Gusses derartig dünnwandigerGefäße, einschließlich eines reliefierten Dekors, hat in der ägyptischenToreutik lange Tradition: Pfrommer, "Studien," 77f, 84 KBk 1,7-15, Taf. 6-9; 11; 12; 48c, d.4. Als Beispiel klassischer Zeit vgl. man etwa eine Kanne desMannheimer Malers in Oxford, Inv. 298, Ashmolean Museum: CVAOxford I (III 1), Taf. 43, 14.5. Sofia, Archäol. Mus.: B. Filow, BIABulg 11 (1937), 56, Nr. 18,Abb. 55, 56. Als sicher römisches Beispiel mit einem lesbischenKymation am Übergang von Hals und Schulter vgl. eine Kanne inBelgrad br. 2835/III: Lj. B. Popovic, D. Mano-Zisi, M. Velickovic,B. Jelicic, Anticka Bronza u Jugoslaviji, Narodni Muzej Beograd(Belgrad, 1969), 124, Nr. 217, Abb. 217.6. Kannen aus dem "Philippgrab" von Vergina in ThessalonikiMus.: M. Pfrommer, Jdl 98 (1983), 239. M. Andronicos, Vergina. The

16 PfrommerAbb. 1. Bronzekanne. H: 32 cm (127s"); D: 20.3 cm (8"). Malibu, TheJ. Paul Getty Museum 85.AB.78.

Abb. 2. Bronzekanne. H: 32 cm (12 5 / 8") ;D: 20.3 cm (8"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 85. AB.78.Kopie oder Nachschöpfung 17

18 PfrommerAbb. 3. Profilzeichnung der Bronzekanne in Abb. 1. Zeichnung von Martha Breen Bredemeyer.

Kopie oder Nachschöpfung 19In frühhellenistischer Zeit findet sich auch derEierstabdekor der Mündung 7und das lesbische Kymationan der Nahtstelle von Körper und Hals. 8Die formalenDetails der Malibu-Kanne könnten somit füreine Datierung im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. sprechen.DER HENKEL UND DER FIGÜRLICHE DEKORDie Henkelform mit der großen Pansattasche und derspulenförmigen Fingerstütze (Abb. 3, 5, 6) läßt sich, wiegesagt, bereits in frühhellenistischer Zeit belegen. 9Dies gilt auch für Details wie den ins Gefäßinnereschauenden Silenskopf (Abb. 7), 10oder die Voluten zubeiden Seiten des Panskopfes. 11Die Mittelrippe des Henkels gestaltete der Toreut alssilbern eingelegte Schlange, ein Detail, für das mirkeine frühe Parallele geläufig ist.Während man dem Schlangendekor schwerlich chronologischeSignifikanz zubilligen wird, liegt der Fall beiden in Form von Schwanenköpfen gebildeten oberenEnden des Henkels gänzlich anders. Schwanenkopfattaschendieser Art sind ganz allgemein typisch für kaiserzeitlicheToreutik, wie etwa ein silberner Skyphoshenkeldes frühen 1. nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts ausVize in Ostthrakien bezeugt (Abb. 8). 12Neben pompejanischenFunden 13ist vor allem auch auf Gußformenderartiger Henkel aus dem römischen Ägypten zu verweisen.14Trotz der zahlreichen frühhellenistischen Detailformenist die Kanne somit schwerlich vor der augusteischenZeit gefertigt worden.Auch der große Panskopf zeigt unübersehbar späte,eklektische Züge. Die Gesichtszüge mit den ornamentalenUberaugenbögen und der wulstigen Nase erinnernnoch durchaus an frühhellenistische Beispiele,doch wird unschwer ein Mangel an plastischer Durchbildungdeutlich, der einen beinahe maskenartigen Eindruckhervorruft, ein Eindruck, der durch die kleine,Abb. 4. Bronzekanne aus dem Mal Tepe. Sofia, ArchäologischesMuseum. Zeichnung von MarthaBreen Bredemeyer.gebleckte Zunge noch verstärkt wird.Eine Reminiszenz an frühhellenistische Formen fassenwir weiterhin in den steil aufgerichteten Panshörnern. 15Weit entfernt von der differenzierten, teilweise naturalistischenBartbehandlung frühhellenistischer Beispiele16 ist schließlich die schematische, unplastischeWiedergabe des Bartes, der von dem Toreuten nurRoyal Tombs and the Ancient City (Athens, 1984), 152£, Abb. 115, 116,158, Abb. 124. Zu weiteren Beispielen dieses Kannentyps vgl. Pfrommer,op. cit., 239-240, Abb. 1, 2.7. S.o. Anm. 6.8. Als Beispiel des ausgehenden 4. Jhs. vgl. man eine Silberkannethrakischen Typus aus Varbitza in Sofia, Archäol. Mus. 51: Gold derThraker, Ausstellung Köln, München, Hildesheim (Köln, 1979), 161,Nr. 318, Abb. 318. Für das 3. Jh. vgl. man kleine Silberkännchen inNew York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 1972.118.156; 1982.11.13: D. v.Bothmer, BMMA 42 (1984), 49, Nr. 84, Abb.; 57, Nr. 96, Abb.9. S.o. Anm. 6.10. Dieses Motiv findet sich in klassischer Zeit etwa bei Kannendes Typs 2: T. Weber, Bronzekannen (Frankfurt am Main, 1983), 91ff,Taf. 13. Vgl. weiterhin Ptolemäerkannen: D. B. Thompson, PtolemaicOinochoai and Portraits in Faience (Oxford, 1973), Taf. 49, 60,Nr. 218, 220.11. Vgl. die Kannen o. Anm. 6.12. Istanbul, Archäol. Mus.: L. Byvanck-Quarles van Ufford,Melanges Mansel I (Ankara, 1974), 335-343, Taf. 113-116.13. Aus Boscoreale, Paris, Louvre: A. Heron de Villefosse, MonPiot5 (1899), Taf. 20; 23, 3; 24, 2.14. Turin, Museo Egizio: T. Schreiber, Die Alexandrinische Toreutik(Leipzig, 1894), Taf 1, in London, Brit. Mus.: op. cit, Taf. 3b.15. Man vgl. eine Bronzekanne in Boston (Mus. of Fine Arts99.485), bei der die Hörner zweier antithetischer Bocksköpfe inanaloger Weise auf dem Henkel angeordnet sind. M. Pfrommer,Jdl 98 (1983), 240, Abb. 2 (mit Parallelen). Zu dem Kannentypuss. o. Anm. 6.16. Pan-Attasche eines Holzkohlen-Behälters (?) oder einer Lampeaus dem "Philippgrab" von Vergina in Thessaloniki: M. Pfrommer,Jdl 98 (1983), 255-256, Abb. 15. M. Andronicos, Vergina. The RoyalTombs and the Ancient City (Athens, 1984), 162f, Abb. 130, 131. DerKopf wurde von mir versehentlich als Silen mit einem Blätterkranzangesprochen. Es handelt sich jedoch fraglos um einen für Pan verwendetenSilenskopftypus. Die Attasche der Kanne ist allerdings auchnicht mit dem tierischen Pansbild einer Eimerattasche in Toronto zu

20 Pfrommerdurch parallele, straffe Strähnen gegliedert wurde.Vergleiche wären hier eher in frühklassischer Zeitzu suchen. 17Demgegenüber entspricht das plastisch aber kompaktgegebene Haupthaar späthellenistischen Bildungen(Abb. 9). Die erste und die zweite Reihe der zapfenartigen,symmetrisch geordneten Locken sind strengvoneinander abgesetzt und die hintere Reihe steil aufgerichtet(Abb. 3, 6).Verwandt, wenn auch nicht identisch, ist die Haaranlagebei den Silenskopf-Attaschen späthellenistischerund frühkaiserzeitlicher Marmorkratere. Zu nennen isthier der bereits in dem gegen 100 v. Chr. gesunkenenAbb. 5. Bronzekanne. H: 32 cm (12 5 /s"); D: 20.3 cm (8").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 85.AB.78.Mahdiaschiff vertretene Typus Mahdia-Borghese, 18sowie der jüngst von H. Froning dem mittleren 1. vorchristlichenJahrhundert zugewiesene Medicikrater. 19Das Ende der Reihe bildet ein frühkaiserzeitlicher Kratermit Rankendekor im Kapitolinischen Museum(Abb. 9). 20Wir fassen hier somit einen über längere Zeitbeliebten Attaschentypus, der sich insbesondere aufgrundder Haaranlage von frühhellenistischen Bildungenabsetzt. 21Das späthellenistische Motiv der protuberanzähnlichhochfliegenden Haare ist bei unserer Bronzekanne zitiert,jedoch eklektisch mit einer Bartbildung des 5.Jahrhunderts kombiniert.Der vor die spulenförmige Fingerstütze gesetztekleine Silenskopf (Abb. 7) zeigt eine ähnlich eklektischeMischung hellenistischer und klassischer Charakteristika.Die etwas schematische Wiedergabe des Barteserinnert durchaus an den Panskopf (Abb. 6). Details,wie der Efeukranz mit den großen Korymben, folgen dagegenVorbildern des späten 4. und 3. Jahrhunderts. 22Auffällig sind jedoch die nach späthellenistischer Maniereingezogenen Konturen einiger Efeublätter. 23Der figürliche Dekor steht somit einem bereits vonAbb. 6. Henkel der Kanne in Abb. 1 mit einem Panskopfals Attasche.vergleichen (Toronto 910.205.3): J. W. Hayes, Greek, Roman, and RelatedMetalware in the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto, 1984), 26ff., Nr.31, Abb. 31.17. Silenskopf an einem Kantharos des 5. Jhs. aus GoljamataMogila in Plovdiv, Archäol. Mus. 1634: I. Venedikov, T. Gerassimov,Thrakische Kunst (Wien, 1973), 344, Taf. 168.18. Kratertypus Mahdia-Borghese: H. Froning, Marmor-Schmuckreliefsmit griechischen Mythen im 1. Jh. v. Chr. (Mainz, 1981), 141—142,Taf. 56, 1; 57, 1 (mit Lit.). Zu einem antiquarischen Detail vgl. Pfrommer,"Studien," Anm. 73, 77. KP 117 (3. Jh.).19. Froning, op. cit. 140-153, Taf. 57, 2.20. Rom, Kapitolinisches Museum 275: Froning, op. cit. 141f.,Anm. 921. Man vgl. etwa die Attasche eines Bronzeeimers aus Derveni.Thessaloniki Mus.: M. Pfrommer, Jdl 98 (1983), 254, Abb. 12 (mitParallelen). Pfrommer, GettyMusJ 11 (1983), 142, Abb. 16.22. S. o. Anm. 21.23. Zu Vorstufen: Pfrommer, "Studien," 114. Die Einziehung ist

Kopie oder Nachschöpfung 21Abb. 7. Obere Henkelattasche der Bronzekanne in Abb.1 mit dem Kopf eines Silens.Abb. 8. Henkel eines silbernen Skyphos aus Vize. Istanbul,Archäologisches Museum. Photo: mitfreundlicher Genehmigung, Deutsches ArchäologischesInstitut, Istanbul; W. Schiele.den Schwanenattaschen der Henkel nahegelegten frühkaiserzeitlichenAnsatz nicht im Weg.DER BLATTKELCHWie die Gefäß form läßt sich auch der große, den Gefäßkörperumhüllende Blattkelch auf Vorbilder frühhellenistischerZeit zurückführen. Die dreireihige, in flachemRelief ausgeführte Dekoration gehört zu denNymphaea Nelumbo-Kelchen mit überfallenden Traufspitzenägyptisch-frühhellenistischen Typs. 24Die Traufspitzensind nach ptolemäischer Tradition ornamentalverziert. 25Wie bei einer Reihe frühhellenistischer Dekorationenwurden zwischen die Blattspitzen Blüteneingeschaltet. 26Wie zu zeigen sein wird, erweist sich, ungeachteteiniger späterer Details, der gesamte Dekor als Aufgriffeiner Dekoration des mittleren 3. Jahrhunderts.jedoch bei weitem nicht so stark wie an anderen frühkaiserzeitlichenDenkmälern. Man vgl. etwa Efeu am Bel-Tempel von Palmyra:H. Seyrig, R. Amy, E. Will, Le temple de Bei ä Palmyre (Paris, 1975),Taf 45, oben links.24. Zum vorhellenistischen Typus, Pfrommer, "Studien," 86—91.Zu frühen Beispielen mit eingeschalteten Blüten, Pfrommer, "Studien,"87, KBk 58, 61, Taf 60. Aus frühhellenistischer Zeit sind bisheute nur mit Akanthus gemischte Kelche bekannt, Pfrommer, "Studien,"95ff, doch dürfte dies dem Zufall der Überlieferungzuzuschreiben sein. Für einen reinen Nymphaea-Kelch mit ägyptischenKronen anstelle der Blüten, vgl. Pfrommer, "Studien," 100, 116,120f, KBk 60, Taf 61. Pfrommer, GettyMusJ\2> (1985), 15, Abb. 9. Zueinem reinen Nymphaea-Kelch vgl. auch ein Bronzebecken im J. PaulGetty Mus. 80.AC.84:. Pfrommer, GettyMus] 13 (1985), 9-18, Abb. 1.25. Pfrommer, "Studien," 111, 120f Pfrommer, GettyMusJ 13(1985), 14-17.26. Pfrommer, "Studien," 95-116, Taf. 52; 53a, b.Abb. 9. Henkelattasche eines Marmorkraters. Rom, KapitolinischesMuseum 275.

22 PfrommerAbb. 10. Blütenschmuck des Blattkelchs auf dem Körperder Bronzekanne in Abb. 1 (Blütengruppe A).Abb. 11. Blütenschmuck des Blattkelchs auf dem Körperder Bronzekanne in Abb. 1 (Blütengruppe B).Der Blütenschmuck der überfallenden Traufspitzender ersten und zweiten Kelchreihe schließt eine Datierungder mutmaßlichen Vorbilder vor dem mittleren 3.Jahrhundert aus. 27Die Detaildurchformung des Nymphaeablattwerksselbst ist unmittelbar mit dem Dekoreiner Bronzevase vorgeblich iranischer Provenienz zuverbinden, die nicht früher als das 1. vorchristliche Jahrhundertangesetzt werden kann. 28Zu vergleichen sindvor allem Details wie die feine Doppelkontur der Blattränderund Mittelrippen. Abweichend von klassischenund frühhellenistischen Beispielen mit NymphaeaNelumbo-Dekoration wurden die Blattadern nicht konvexherausgearbeitet, 29sondern wie bei der Bronzevaseund bei einem Becken gleichen Materials im J. PaulGetty Museum eingetieft. 30 Frühhellenistische undspäthellenistisch-frühkaiserzeitliche Blattprofilierungenverhalten sich somit bei diesen Beispielen wie Positivzu Negativ.Im Gegensatz zu der normalerweise üblichen Kelchanordnungreduzierte der Toreut bei der Malibu-Kannedie Höhe der zweiten und dritten Kelchreihe, um Raumfür die großen Blütenkompositionen zu schaffen. Bemerkenswertist weiterhin der alternierende Wechsel derBlattformen in dem hintersten Kelchregister. Neben winzigenNymphaea Nelumbo-Blättchen findet sich hierminiaturisierter Akanthus, 31 sowie einfach gezahntesBlattwerk. Im Grundaufbau ist der Blattkelch jedochnicht von frühhellenistischen Beispielen zu trennen. Diesgilt auch für die Verwendung ornamental gefüllter Traufspitzenbei den Nymphaeablättern.DIE BLÜTENFORMENDie zwischen den Blattspitzen stehenden Blütenkompositionenfolgen dem italisierenden, makedonischenBlütenrepertoire. 32Sowohl der Blütengruppe A (Abb.10, 12) wie auch B (Abb. 11, 12) liegen Stockwerkblütenitalischen Typs zugrunde (Abb. 13). 33Beim Typus A wächst aus einer großen Kelchblütemit aufwendigem Basiskelch eine große Knospe, dieihrerseits aus einem großen Kelch mit zur Seite geschlagenenBlättchen entwickelt ist. Die Komposition ist inder italisch-makedonischen Ornamentik bereits im ausgehenden4. Jahrhundert angelegt, wie etwa die Blütenkompositionauf Textilien des "Philippgrabes" in Verginazeigt (Abb. 13). 34 Verwandte Kompositionen findensich auch im frühptolemäischen Repertoire. 35Auchdie aus dieser großen Blüte wachsenden kleinen Blütchenunterschiedlichen Typs kehren in nahezu identischerForm auf den zitierten Textilien wieder—wieetwa die kleinen, im Profil gegebenen Kelchblüten mit27. Als eines der frühesten Beispiele vgl. einen Becher in NewYork, Brooklyn Mus., 55.183: Pfrommer, "Studien," 119 KBk 66, KaBA 48, Taf. 61. Pfrommer, GettyMusJ 13 (1985), 15, Abb. 8. Bei diesem,aus einer ägyptischen Werkstatt stammenden Gefäß, ist das Füllmotivrein abstrakt und nicht pflanzlich.28. New York, Metropolitan Mus. of Art 66.235: Pfrommer,GettyMusJ 13 (1985), 12, Abb. 5a. Pfrommer, "Studien," Anm. 518.Vgl. auch das o. Anm. 24 zitierte Becken.29. Vgl. Pfrommer, "Studien," 86—91 und die dort zitiertenBeispiele.30. S.o. Anm. 24.31. Möglicherweise bezog der Toreut seine Anregung von denMiniaturakanthusblättchen in ptolemäischen Blattkelchdekorationendes 3. Jhs.: Pfrommer, "Studien," 116.32. Zu diesem Repertoire Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982), 119-190, bes.140-147.33. Zur Definition: Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982), 126, Abb. 1.34. Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982), 145, Abb. 8. M. Andronicos, Vergina.The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City (Athens, 1984), 195, Abb. 156,157. Pfrommer, GettyMusJ 13 (1985), 17, Abb. 11.

Kopie oder Nachschöpfung 23Abb. 12. Zeichnung des Blattkelchs und des lesbischen Kymations am Halsansatz der Kanne in Abb. 1. Zeichnung von MarthaBreen Bredemeyer.den silbern eingelegten Fruchtknoten. Späte Beispieledieses Typs begegnen noch im mittleren 3.Jahrhundert. 36Einige Eigentümlichkeiten unterscheiden die BlütengruppeA (Abb. 10, 12) von spätklassisch-frühhellenistischenBeispielen. Zu nennen ist etwa die Lotosblütenangenäherte Ausgestaltung der eigentlichen Kelchblüte.Diese Variante des spätklassischen Motivs begegnet alsbekrönende Blüte auch bei der Blütenkomposition B(Abb. 11, 12) und ist, wie das zitierte Bronzebecken inMalibu zeigt, in dieser Ausgestaltung wahrscheinlichdem 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. zuzuweisen. 37Auch hierliegen jedoch die Wurzeln im frühhellenistischen Repertoire,wie ein Gipsabguß einer ptolemäischen Phialedes früheren oder mittleren 3. Jahrhunderts bestätigt. 38Bei der Komposition A ist weiterhin die überaus festeVerbindung von Kelchblüte und bekrönender Knospebemerkenswert. Die beiden Blüten stecken förmlich ineinander,wie wir es spätestens seit augusteischer Zeitan Blütenkandelabern kennen. 39 Auch dieses Detailspricht für eine Entstehung der Vase nicht vor dem ausgehenden1. Jahrhundert v. Chr.Beachtung verdient weiterhin die Ausgestaltung desoberen Blütenrandes der Kelchblüten. Auf den überfallendenBlütenrand setzte der Toreut eine Perlreihe.Abb. 13. Blütenkomposition eines Stoffes aus dem "Philippgrab"von Vergina. Thessaloniki, ArchäologischesMuseum.Diese Detailform ist meines Wissens im Repertoiredes späten 4. und früheren 3. Jahrhunderts nicht geläufig,sie findet sich jedoch in der zweiten Hälfte3. Jahrhunderts auf dem Giebel des Sirenensarkophagsaus Memphis, 40deseine Parallele, die angesichts desägyptischen Nymphaea Nelumbo-Kelches der Kanneund ihres mutmaßlichen Fundortes sicherlich nichtzufällig ist.Die Blütengruppe B (Abb. 11, 12) ist ähnlich aufgebautwie A, doch kommt hier das frühhellenistische35. Man vgl. etwa Blüten auf den Reliefs des Petosirisgrabes vonHermupolis: Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982), 180, Abb. 20b, sowie einenGipsabguß aus Mit Rahine in Hildesheim, Pelizaeus Mus. 1161: C.Reinsberg, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik (Hildesheim, 1980), 66f.,303, Nr. 19, Abb. 32. Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982), 186, Abb. 23, 34.36. An den Antenkapitellen des Naiskos von Didyma: Th.Wiegand, H. Knackfuß, Didyma. Die Baubeschreibung (Berlin, 1941), F530, Taf. 190. Zur Datierung vgl. Pfrommer, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 37(1987), im Druck.37. Pfrommer, GettyMusJ 13 (1985), 17.38. Hildesheim, Pelizaeus Mus. 1141: Reinsberg, op. cit., 55f., 299,Abb. 21. Pfrommer, "Studien," 153, Anm. 375, 990.39. Man vgl. etwa die Ära Pacis: G. Moretti, Ära Pacis Augustae(Rom, 1948), Taf. 1 (Rankenpfeiler).40. Kairo, Ägyptisches Mus. CG 33102: C. C. Edgar, Graeco-EgyptianCoffins, Masks and Portraits, Catalogue Generale des Antiquites Egyptiennes(Kairo, 1905), 2f. Taf. 2. Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982), 179f, Abb. 19(Blüte). Pfrommer, "Studien," 135, Anm. 884, 1079 (mit Lit.).

24 PfrommerFormengut noch unverkennbarer zum Tragen. Die beidenBlüten der Stockwerkkomposition sind noch regelrechtmit einem Stiel verbunden und stecken nichtso fest ineinander. Der dreiblättrige Basiskelch dergroßen Kelchblüte erinnert allerdings an spätesthellenistischeBildungen wie an dem Bronzebecken inMalibu, 41jedoch lassen sich für den Blütentypus mitgezacktem Kelchrand unschwer spätklassische undfrühhellenistische Analogien anführen. 42Dasselbe giltfür die Differenzierung zwischen dem dreidimensionalgegebenen unteren Blattwerk der Lotosblüte und denim Zentrum findet sowohl spätklassische wie auch frühhellenistischeParallelen. 48Dasselbe gilt für die kleinenrahmenden Blütchen mit silbernen Fruchtknoten. 49Entgegen der hängenden Orientierung der Palmettenin den Traufspitzen auf dem erwähnten Bronzebeckenin Malibu 50sind die Blütengruppen in den Blattspitzender Oinochoe nach oben orientiert. Da es sich ja umnach vorne überhängende Traufspitzen handeln soll,wäre eine hängende Anordnung der Dekoration an undfür sich konsequenter, doch finden wir seit frühhellenistischerZeit in der Regel stehende Blütenkompositionen.in Profilansicht ausgeführten oberen Blättern. 43Chronologisch von großer Bedeutung sind schließlichdie länglichen Arazeen, die sich formal an Beispieleam Laodikebau in Milet anschließen, ein Gebäude, daswahrscheinlich in das mittlere 3. Jahrhundert datiert. 44Auch diese Blütenform deutet somit auf ein frühhellenistischesVorbild der Dekoration.Im Gegensatz zu diesen frühen Formen steht der erstim ausgehenden Hellenismus aufkommende Typus derbekrönenden Lotosblüte mit überdimensionierter Zentralblüte,auf den bereits verwiesen wurde. 45DIE BLÜTEN IN DEN BLATTSPITZEN DERNYMPHAEA-BLÄTTEREine Lotosblüte wie die bekrönende Blüte derGruppe B dient auch als Füllmotiv der überhängendenTraufspitzen der ersten Kelchreihe (Abb. 12). AlsFüllblüte des Lotos ist diesmal eine Kelchblüte mitgewelltem, jedoch nicht überfallendem Rand gewählt. 46Die beiden rahmenden, aus der großen Lotosblüteentwickelten Blüten mit dreiblättrigem Basiskelchfinden engste Analogien auf einem frühhellenistischenKieselmosaik aus Pella VI. 4 7 Auf der Kanne sind beidiesen Blüten die Fruchtknoten bzw. das Blüteninneremit Silber eingelegt. Die ganze Blütengruppe wächstaus zwei winzigen, gegenständigen Voluten, die in ganzunnaturalistischer Weise aus den Rändern der großenNymphaeablätter entwickelt wurden.Im Aufbau verwandte Blütenkompositionen schmückenschließlich die überfallenden Blattspitzen der zweitengroßen Kelchreihe (Abb. 12). Die aus einem Akanthuskelchbzw. aus glattem Blattwerk wachsende KnospeBLATTKELCH UND BLÜTEN.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGSowohl im Blattkelch wie auch in den Blütenformenspiegeln sich zwei unterschiedliche Phasen der Ornamententwicklung.Der Entwurf wie auch die überwiegendeZahl der Einzelformen sind dem Repertoiredes ausgehenden 4. und der ersten Hälfte des 3.Jahrhunderts verpflichtet, wobei die entwicklungsgeschichtlichspätesten Detailformen in die Mitte des 3.Jahrhunderts datieren. Dies gilt insbesondere für die indieser Zeit im ptolemäischen Bereich aufkommenden"gefüllten" Blattspitzen.Auf der anderen Seite sprechen einige Eigentümlichkeitender Blüten wie auch die Gestaltung der Ränderder Nymphaea Nelumbo-Blätter für eine Entstehungder Vase nicht vor dem späten 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr.Angesichts dieses Befundes bieten sich zwei Deutungsmöglichkeitenan. Entweder haben wir es bei derDekoration mit einer Nachschöpfung im Stil des 3.Jahrhunderts zu tun, oder es handelt sich um eine geringfügigim Stil der frühen Kaiserzeit modifizierteKopie eines frühptolemäischen Ornaments. Dies ist ornamentgeschichtlichvon großem Interesse, da bisherunter den erhaltenen frühptolemäischen Dekorationendie auf der Kanne vertretene Entwicklungsstufe alexandrinischerBlattkelchornamentik nicht überliefert ist.DIE WEINRANKEDie Weinreben sind zeitlich weitaus schwerer einzugrenzen.Vergleichbar, wenn auch ohne die kompliziertenVerschlingungen, ist der Dekor des Kratertypus41. Pfrommer, GettyMus] 13 (1985), 17, Abb. Id (A-C). Weiterhin17, Abb. 5b.42. Etwa ein Kieselmosaik aus Athen: Pfrommer, Jdl 97 (1982),168, Abb. 14, oder eine apulische Schale in Ruvo: op. cit., 125, Abb. 27.43. Vgl. etwa Blüten an der Goldlarnax des "Philippgrabes." ThessalonikiMus.: Pfrommer, Jdl98 (1983), 249, Abb. 7.44. M. Pfrommer, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 36 (1986), 84, Taf 27.1.45. S.o. Anm. 24.46. Als Beispiel für viele: Krater in Neapel, Privatbesitz: A. D.Trendall, A. Cambitoglou, The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia II (Oxford,1982), 923, Taf. 358 (unten Mitte, hinter dem linken Eros). Vergleichbarist hier nur die perspektivische Ansicht und nicht der Blütentypusan sich.47. D. Salzmann, "Untersuchungen zu den antiken Kieselmosaiken,"Archäologische Forschungen 10 (Berlin, 1982), 29f, Nr. 105, Taf.38, 5 (links). Pfrommer, "Studien," 128f, 131, 138.48. Als Beispiel für viele etwa ein Kieselmosaik aus Pella: Salzmann,op. cit., 105f, Nr. 98, Taf. 31, 4.

Kopie oder Nachschöpfung 25Abb. 14. Zeichnung der Weinranke auf dem Hals der Bronzekanne in Abb. 1. Zeichnung von Martha Breen Bredemeyer.Borghese-Mahdia, 51doch läßt sich der gestreckte Rankenverlaufder Zweige bereits in spätklassischer Zeitbelegen. 52Die Weinblätter der Oinochoe entsprechen nichtmehr den vierösigen Beispielen des späteren 4. und 3.Jahrhunderts, doch ist zu beachten, daß bei Weinblattwerkin der Regel ohnehin mehrere Varianten nebeneinanderstehen. 53Die komplizierte Verschlingung der Zweige an denKreuzungspunkten läßt sich bereits an einer ptolemäischenDekoration des 3. Jahrhunderts belegen (Abb.15), 54 so daß auch hier ein frühhellenistisches Vorbild,unter Umständen sogar ein ptolemäisches, angenommenwerden kann.DAS LESBISCHE KYMATIONDas lesbische Kymation läßt sich ebenfalls auf eineAnregung des früheren 3. Jahrhunderts zurückführen.Beispiele mit geschwungener Kontur und relativ hoherBlattspitze erscheinen bereits gegen 300 v. Chr. 55DerVerzicht auf eine breite Blattspitze deutet eher auf einenAnsatz im frühen als im mittleren 3. Jahrhundert. Etwasbefremdlich wirkt die in der Traufspitze der Blätter miteinem Knick weitergeführte, dreifach konturierte Blattrahmungdes Kymations. Möglicherweise zeigt sichhier die Handschrift des frühkaiserzeitlichen Toreuten.Wahrscheinlich ist dies indes bei der kurzen, keilförmigenSpaltung der Kymatienblätter, eine Eigentümlichkeit,die sich auch an anderen toreutischen KymatienAbb. 15. Gipsabguß aus Memphis. Hildesheim, PelizaeusMuseum 1135.49. Man vgl. etwa das Gnosismosaik aus Pella: Salzmann, op. cit.,107f., Nr. 103, Taf. 29 (neben dem Petasos des rechten Jägers).50. Pfrommer, GettyMusJ13 (1985), 15, Abb. Id: H.51. H. Froning, Marmor-Schmuckreliefs mit griechischen Mythen iml.Jh. v. Chr. (Mainz, 1981), 146, Taf. 58, 1.52. Golddekorierte Schwarzfirniskeramik. Krater aus Capua inLondon, Brit. Mus. 71.7-22.3: G. Kopeke, AM 79 (1964), 32, Nr. 42,Beil. 19, 1 (oben rechts).53. Zum vierösigen Typus vgl. man etwa den Alexandersarkophag:V. v. Graeve, "Der Alexandersarkophag und seine Werkstatt," Ist-Forsch 28 (Berlin, 1970), Taf. 5—7. Als Gegenbeispiel vgl. man zweider Begleittheken: op. cit., Taf. 3.54. Abguß, wahrscheinlich eines Schwertknaufs aus Mit Rahine inHildesheim, Pelizaeus Mus. 1135: Reinsberg, op. cit., 64f, 302, Nr. 17,Abb. 25. Pfrommer, "Studien," 94, Anm. 65, 1324 KBk 95.55. vgl. etwa Pfrommer, GettyMusJ\2> (1985), 12, Abb. 4.

26 Pfrommerdes ausgehenden Hellenismus nachweisen läßt. 56Die anstelle der Zwischenspitzen in dem Kymationverwendeten Palmetten und Blüten entsprechen demRepertoire spätklassischer und frühhellenistischer Toreutik,so daß man auch das Kymation auf ein frühhellenistischesVorbild zurückführen darf. 57ZUSAMMENFASSUNGObwohl bei der Kanne in Form und Dekor in beträchtlichemUmfang frühhellenistische Formen zitiertsind, ist sie schwerlich vor der augusteischen Zeit gearbeitetworden. Diese späte Entstehungszeit schlägt sichunter anderem in der eklektischen Bildung der Panskopf-Attaschenieder. Im ornamentalen Bereich findetsie ihren besten Ausdruck in den Schwanenatt as chendes Henkels.Insbesondere der Blattkelch läßt sich auf das frühalexandrinischeRepertoire zurückführen und auch beianderen Formen ließen sich Verbindungen zu ptolemäischenFormen ziehen, wobei die im ptolemäischenÄgypten vorauszusetzende italisierende, makedonischeOrnamenttradition immer wieder bei dem Blütenrepertoirezum Tragen kam. Die Dekoration imitiert oderkopiert eine Stilstufe ptolemäischer Ornamententwicklung,die uns bisher an Beispielen dieser Qualität nichterhalten ist.Das Original oder die Vorbilder der Dekoration wirdman im ptolemäischen Bereich zu suchen haben. Verbindetman dies mit dem mutmaßlichen Fundort imMeer vor Alexandria, so wird man auf ein alexandrinischesAtelier etwa der augusteischen Zeit schließendürfen, das gezielt auf das überkommene eigeneFormengut zurückgriff. Trotz ihrer späten Entstehungsteht die Kanne somit in der Tradition hellenistischer Gefäßkopien.58Nicht mehr zu klären ist, ob die Kannein Form und Dekor auf ein einziges Vorbild zurückgeht,oder ob der alexandrinische Toreut seine Anregung vonverschiedenen Gefäßen und Dekorationen bezog.Deutsches ArchäoligischesInstitut, Istanbul56. Pfrommer, Getty Mus] 13 (1985), 12, Abb. 1, e: A. Diese Eigentümlichkeitfindet sich auch gelegentlich auf älteren Kymatien. Situlaaus Pastrovo in Plovdiv, Archäologisches Museum 1847: I. Venedikov,T. Gerassimov, Thrakische Kunst (Wien, 1973), 339, Taf. 107.57. Zu diesem Motiv: Pfrommer, GettyMusJ 13 (1985), 11, Abb. 1,c; e.A.58. Vgl. M. Pfrommer, GettyMusJW (1983), 135-146.

The God Apollo, a Ceremonial Table with Griffins,and a Votive BasinCornelius C. VermeuleThree very different works of Greek art have come toMalibu together (figs. 1—3). The most reliable informationseems to indicate that they were found as a groupin ruins in a mound, probably in western Greek lands.The statue of Apollo has been carved from marblewhich certainly comes from Attica, and the two elegantobjects of furniture—a ceremonial table and a votivebasin—have been fashioned out of marble from theAegean Islands of Greece, not Thasos in the north butthe area of Paros or Naxos in the Cyclades.The purpose of this study is to argue that all threesculptures were fashioned about the same time, near theend of the fourth century B.C. or at the beginning of thethird, and that they were made or assembled as a cohesivegroup in antiquity. 1Furthermore, when consideredtogether, the subjects and iconographic details of thethree objects suggest connections between the Macedoniankingdoms after the death of Alexander the Greatand Megale Hellas, the Greek world in southern Italy.The powerful personality who linked these regions togetherat this time was Pyrrhus, King of Epirus(319—272 B.C.), who for a period before 283 B.C. controlledhalf of Macedonia and Thessaly. Shortly thereafter,he came to the southernmost part of Italy to helpTarentum in the struggle against the Romans.At Locri Epizephyrii, located on the ball of the footof the Italian "boot," in ancient Bruttium (Reggio Calabria),King Pyrrhus struck a silver didrachm that is, tomy mind, one small piece of evidence connecting thelekanis, or louter (basin), with the trapezophoros (tablesupport); after a few mythological and geographicalspeculations, this link can be made to extend to thestatue of Apollo. These connections suggest that an importantperson in touch with both Macedonian and Italian-Greekaffairs, perhaps King Pyrrhus himself, dedicatedthis ensemble in a sacred area somewhere alongthe western coast of the Adriatic Sea.APOLLOThe youthful god stands with his weight on the leftleg, the left hip thrown slightly outward (fig. 1). Theright leg and right foot were slightly advanced. Thereare remains of a griffin seated at the left foot, its rightwing curling up between the god's left hip and thecloak wrapped around his left arm. This cloak is drawnaround, and covers most of, the back; it hangs over theright shoulder with an extra fold. In his hair the godwears a fillet, flanked by braids. This fillet is tied with aknot at the back; the two ends lie over the carefullyarranged hair. At the brow, the hair is tucked under thefillet in such a way as to allow two curls to spiral downin front of the ears. 2Apollo's lowered left hand, perhaps holding an arrow,rested above the wings of the griffin, and the righthand, perhaps holding a bow, was raised and extended.Alternatively, the extended right hand may have held aAt the Getty Museum thanks are due to John Walsh, Director,Marion True, Curator, and Arthur Houghton, former AssociateCurator, for permission to publish these sculptures. Sandra KnudsenMorgan, former Editor, was, as she has been for well over a decade, aconstant source of help and inspiration. Jifi Frei was extremely helpfulwith scholarly ideas and general information at the time these sculpturesfirst came to notice. At the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, JanFontein, Director, and colleagues in the Department of ClassicalArt—Mary Comstock, John Herrmann, Florence Wolsky, Emily Vermeule,and Michael Padgett—have been most supportive.1. These sculptures were catalogued by the present writer as nos.8, 9, and 10 in Catalogue of a Collection of Greek, Etruscan and RomanAntiquities (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), when they were in private handsin New York and London. Thanks also are offered to the formerowners for help in studying the three sculptures, and other works ofart, over the past years.2. Accession number 85.AA.108. H (max.): 148 cm (58V4"); W(max. at the rib cage): 46 cm (Wis), (max. at plinth): 57.5 cm (22 5 /s");D (max. at the left side of the plinth between the griffin's forepaws):24.8 cm (9 3 A"). H (max. of plinth): 3 cm (IW).Greek marble with fine but evident crystals, in my opinion, probablyPentelic and surely from Attica. Remains of an iron dowel arefound in the rectangular hole below the cloak, against the right shoulder.The mark of a modern plow runs from below the right shoulderto the middle of the right thigh. The breaks are visible in the photographs.There are no restorations. The surfaces of the flesh were wellfinished but were not highly polished. The same is true of the draperyor cloak, both front and back. Hair and diadem are less finelyfinished, save for the diadem in front which matches the flesh surfaces.There are root marks and encrustation at various places over thegod, the griffin, and the plinth. See "Acquisitions/1985," The J. PaulGetty Museum Journal 14 (1986), no. 6, p. 181.

28 Vermeulelibation dish (phiale) and the lowered left, the bow, oreven both a bow and an arrow. 3This impressive statue is neither a work of the periodbetween late Archaic and early Transitional Greeksculpture nor a sleek eclectic creation of the Pasiteleanperiod in Naples and Rome of circa 85 B.C. and later inthe first century. 4While incorporating memories of Atticand South Italian Greek sculpture at the time of thePersian Wars, the stance and the softened forms of thebody mark this carving as a work of the late fourthcentury B.C. or a generation later, influenced by the socalledPraxitelean traditions of Greek sculpture. Thetechniques of carving—the finishing in the hair, flesh,diadem, and drapery and the details of animal andplinth—as well as the simplified piecing with dowels,conform to practices of around 300 B.C. This Apollobelongs among the rare examples of so-called "Archaizing"Greek art of the period before the lateHellenistic age.Research over the past century, particularly since theFirst and Second World Wars, makes it evident that"Archaistic" Greek art began in the fifth or fourth century,rather than in the period of copyism in the firstcentury B.C. Modern terminologies ("Archaizing,""Archaistic," and "Lingering Archaic") are explained byB. S. Ridgway in The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture. 5The Getty Apollo, by Ridgway's criteria, can be classedas "Archaizing." It is "a work of sculpture which belongsclearly and unequivocally to a period later than480 and which, for all its differences in plastic treatmentof drapery and tridimensionality of poses, retains a fewformal traits of Archaic style, such as coiffure, pattern offolds, gestures or the like." 6Unlike the Apollo from theHouse of Menander at Pompeii with its cold, polishedFigure 1. Statue of the god Apollo. Greek, circa320-280 B.C. Marble. H (max.): 148 cm(58 1 //); W (max. at the rib cage): 46 cm(18V8 W ); D (max. at the left side of the plinth):24.8 cm (9W). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 85.AA.108.3. A precedent for the griffin as attribute and support placed closeto one leg is found in a statue of Dionysos with his panther positionedat the bottom of the drapery that falls from his right wrist; the sculpturewas found in a house at Priene. See Theodor Wiegand and H.Schräder, Priene (Berlin, 1904), pp. 368-369, fig. 463.4. The truly Roman version of such a statue is the youthful Apolloin the Archaic style in the Museo Nazionale, Naples, from theHouse of Menander at Pompeii. See J. B. Ward-Perkins, A. Claridge,and J. Herrmann, Pompeii, A.D. 19 (Boston, 1978), vol. 2, no. 83, p.148. The archetype of the Apollo studied here was copied in Julio-Claudian times in the small marble statue in the Palazzo della Bancad'ltalia, Via Nazionale, Rome, showing that the original belonged tothe first years after, or, in Sicily, the last moments of, the Persian-Carthaginian wars. See E. Paribeni, "Di un nuovo tipo di Apollo distile severo," Antike Plastik 17, Teil 6 (1978), pp. 101-105, pis. 50-52.5. See Christine Mitchell Havelock, "Archaistic Reliefs of theHellenistic Period," AJA 68 (1964), pp. 42, 44, pi. 17, fig. 1, a relief ofHermes and the nymphs belonging to the fourth century B.C., circa320. See B. S. Ridgway, The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton,1977), pp. 303-319, and bibliography, pp. 320-322.6. Ridgway (supra, note 5), p. 303.

The God Apollo 29Figures 2a-b. Top, Ceremonial table with griffins. Greek, circa 320—280 B.C. Marble. H (max. at top of wings): 95 cm (377i 6"); W (max. at plinth): 20 cm (77s"), (at top of wings): 22 cm (87s"); L (max.): 148 cm (587 2"). Bottom, back.Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 85. AA.106.

30 VermeuleFigure 3a. Votive basin. Greek, circa 320—280 B.C. Marble. H (max.): 30.8 cm (1276"); Diam (max. including handles): 60 cm(237s"), (max. at rim): 56 cm (22"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 85. AA.107.body and its silly griffin looking like a puppy beggingfor a biscuit, this Apollo shows its originality by incorporatingonly those "Archaizing" elements, notably thecoiffure, necessary to identify the statue as a modern(fourth century B.C.) restyling of a venerable imagewith no attempts at academic imitation.TABLE SUPPORT: TWO GRIFFINS ATTACKING AFALLEN DEERThe two griffins crouch over their fallen prey, a deer,on a rough base similar to those used for Attic funeraryanimals in the fourth century B.C. (figs. 2a—b). Thecurling "Ionic," or traditionally East Greek, wings aresolid between, each having a large, rectangular andhorizontal slot and a vertical groove on the facing, innersurface. This arrangement was probably designed for ametal or wooden support for the table top, which restedon the curling upper surfaces of these wings. 7The high quality of the carving and the stylistic detailsof the animals, notably the eye treated as a raisedcircle or half a ball, all indicate a date of executionwithin the period of the last Athenian funerary beasts,which extended from around the time of Alexander theGreat's death to the second decade of the third centuryB.C. For the functional use of these griffins and the deeras part of a piece of furniture, however, we have to seekparallels in the best decorative carving of the periodaround 80 B.C. and later, when so many more monumentalmarble tables and their components survive. 8Evidence from Pompeii and Herculaneum confirms thatelaborate tables in marble or metal had their places inthe homes of the wealthy, but they were also definitely7. Accession number 85.AA.106. H (max. at top of wings): 95 cm(37 7 he"); W (max. at plinth): 20 cm (7 7s"), (at top of wings): 22 cm(8W); L (max.): 148 cm (58V 2").Crystalline Greek island marble. There are numerous breaks carefullymended with small pieces attached but with no restorations.Many traces of the red, blue, and golden brown colors survive—towit, the blue for the griffins' wings, bright red for the griffins' combs,brown or fawn color for the fallen quadruped, red also for the bloodaround the mouths of the griffins and the areas where their claws havedug into the unfortunate beast. The eyes of the griffins and especiallytheir eyeballs had brown underpainting, and the fallen animal's eyeswere red. The plinth is roughly finished; the griffins' bodies are thesmoothest parts of the sculpture. See "Acquisitions/1985," The J. PaulGetty Museum Journal 14 (1986), no. 4, p. 180.8. This ensemble has also been published, without illustration, bythe writer in "Bench and Table Supports: Roman Egypt and Beyond,"Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan: Essays in Honor ofDows Dunham on the Occasion of His 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980, ed. W.

The God Apollo 31Figure 3b. Interior of figure 3a.part of the furnishings of temples and had their placesin elaborate tombs. This was probably even more thecase in the period around 300 B.C.Griffins were mythological creatures associated withApollo in the east, and by Classical times the motif ofthese beasts attacking a weaker quadruped symbolizedthe forces of civilization over barbarism, the power ofthe sun rising from the east, or the divine determinationof death (sometimes sudden and quixotic) to mortals. 9As a piece of furniture, the subject as treated here wasno mere decoration for a Greek garden but was a powerfulstatement to be installed in a major votive context. 10K. Simpson and W. Davis, Jr. (Boston, 1981), p. 183.9. The ensemble has its painterly parallel on the front side of theneck of the red-figured volute krater by the Aurora Painter, fromFalerii of about 325 B.C. See M. Sprenger, G. Bartolini, and M.Hirmer, Die Etrusker, Kunst und Geschichte (Munich, 1977), p. 149,pi. 228.Dietrich von Bothmer has adduced and discussed parallels for thegriffins attacking a fallen deer in Etruscan painting and sculpture ofabout 300 B.c. in the publication of an Etruscan red-figured kantharosin the Metropolitan Museum of Art (51.11.10): BMMA 10, no. 5 (1952),pp. 145—149, with illustrations of the subject on both sides of thekantharos, on the wall of the Francois Tomb, and on the end of theolder of the two Prince of Canino sarcophagi from Vulci in the Museumof Fine Arts, Boston (86.145). For the sarcophagi, see also M. B.Comstock and C. C. Vermeule, Sculpture in Stone (Boston, 1976), no.383, pp. 244-246.10. The same school of Attic or South Italian Greek sculptors whocarved the magnificent table support also modeled the two large ter-

32 VermeuleBASIN WITH SCULPTED DETAILS AND APAINTED SCENE IN THE INTERIORThe painting in the bowl's interior comprises a whirligigof three nereids, one on a hippocamp and two onketoi; Thetis is shown holding the shield of Achilles(figs. 3a—b). One other nereid holds a cuirass and thethird a helmet. The bowl has ovolo, or egg-and-dart,molding around the lip; fluted handles with floral bases,which join the body as if cast in metal and riveted orsoldered on; a circular foot enriched with waterleaf design;and, finally, below the fillet of this foot, threeanimal-foot supports rising to the circular foot withIonic fluting. 11 These animal feet are set on a thin,slightly irregular base, and there is a heavy, columnarsupport for the entire ensemble underneath. 12Much ofthe paint remains, and the colors used are: gold for theshield; purple for the nereids' garments; reds and bluesfor the marine creatures as well as the foot of the bowl,the animal feet, the support, and the plinth.The fragile nature of the painting in the interior ofthis bowl, a traditional Greek footbath, indicates thatthe object was not made for practical use but for ceremonialpurposes. Such a basin would have made a perfectdedication in a temple or shrine; it could also havebeen made as an offering to the gods and shades in atomb, although this particular painting within an objectcarved circa 300 B.C. would have conveyed a pointedmythological, dynastic, and political message. Thescene of Thetis with the shield of Achilles as focal pointof a whirligig of nereids and sea creatures is watery indeed,as befits a footbath, but its symbolism is deliberatelyassociated with the Epirote ancestry of the rulingMacedonians (Alexander the Great through his motherOlympias) and their cousins and renewed connectionsin Epirus. 13The most memorable of these at this timewas King Pyrrhus.CONCLUSIONBetween about 320 and 280 B.C., probably closer tothe latter date, an Apollo standing with his griffin athis side was carved in a style that blended late Archaicfeatures with the softened forms of Praxiteleanyouthfulness. To this splendidly accomplished statuewas added a table supported by an ensemble consistingof two griffins slaying a deer. The leg of this tablewas large and strong enough to support a light top ofstone, metal, or wood on its own; there has been somespeculation that there may have been a pendant trapezophoros,which would be in keeping with the constructionof such tables in the Greek world from earlyHellenistic to Julio-Claudian and Flavian (Pompeiian)times. Finally, there is a basin with a low, rounded foot,handles, and careful enrichment imitating Greek metalworkof the fourth century B.C. The interior of thebasin was painted with a marine mythological whirligig,featuring Thetis riding on a sea beast and carryingthe shield of Achilles.The table support and the basin were also probablycarved during the years when Alexander the Great'ssuccessors were consolidating their power, 320 to 280B.C. The griffins killing the deer were carried out as amasterful elaboration in painted marble of motifs andcompositions familiar in South Italy from the gildedterracotta reliefs of Tarentum. 14The basin representedthe best imitation in marble of metalwork from thePeloponnesus or Tarentum, embellished with a painteddesign popular in the koine of the fourth and third centuriesB.C. from Olynthos in Macedonia to Tarentumand beyond to Etruria.To my mind, the chain that links these three works ofart together is the silver didrachm struck by Pyrrhus ofEpirus, Macedonia, and Thessaly at Locri sometime before280 B.C. (figs. 4a—b). 15The reverse of Thetis on asea beast with the shield of Achilles symbolizes the descentof both Alexander the Great and Pyrrhus fromthat hero; it is also the main device painted in the interiorof the Getty's marble basin. Griffins appear on thesides of the helmet of Achilles on the coin's obverse,and these fantastic creatures who conquer in the east, asdid Alexander and Achilles, are identified with Apollo,racotta heads of stags or deer in Würzburg. See E. Simon et al., Führerdurch die Antikenabteilung des Martin von Wagner Museums der UniversitätWürzburg (Mainz, 1975), p. 226, pi. 56. There are Roman decorativecarvings of comparable quality, but they are rare, e.g., the head of apanther from a table support. See Jacques Chamay in J. Dörig et al.,Art antique: Collections privees de Suisse Romande (Geneva, 1975),no. 375.11. The famous nereid on a sea beast (ketos) depicted in relief onthe lid of a pyxis (jar) in gold and silver from Canosa di Puglia that isnow in the Museo Nazionale, Taranto, is a contemporary parallel. SeeE. Langlotz and M. Hirmer, Ancient Greek Sculpture of South Italy andSicily (New York, 1965), pp. 69-70, pi. XX. For other, varied views ofthe subject, see H. Sichtermann, "Nereo e nereide," in EnciclopediadelVarte antica, classica e Orientale (Rome, 1963), vol. 5, pp. 421—423, and S.Reinach, Repertoire de peintures grecques et romaines (Paris, 1922), p. 40.12. Accession number 85.AA.107. H (max.): 30.8 cm (12V8"); Diam(max. including handles): 60 cm (23 5 /s"), (max. at rim): 56 cm (22").Crystalline Greek island marble. A curved section is missing at thebowl's rim, and there are chips around the molding of the rim. Thehandles have been broken, repaired, and rejoined. See "Acquisitions/1985,"The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 14 (1986), no. 5, p. 180.13. Gold medallions from Aboukir with the bust of Olympias onthe obverse and Thetis in a nereid and triton composition on thereverse are work of the late Severan period (A.D. 230) in the traditionof early Hellenistic Macedonia. See The Search for Alexander: An Exhibition(Boston, 1980), nos. 10, 11, pp. 103-104. A full bibliography on

The God Apollo 33Figures 4a-b. Left, Didrachm (obverse). Struck at Locri by King Pyrrhus of Epirus,before 280 B.C. Silver. Diam: 23.5 mm ( 1 5 /i6"). Right, reverse. Boston,Museum of Fine Arts, Theodora Wilbour Fund in Memory of ZoeWilbour, 1985.235. Photos: Courtesy Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.Figure 5. Roundel with bust of Apollo.Early Hellenistic period.Gilded silver. Diam: 7 cm(2 3 A"). Boston, Museum ofFine Arts, Theodora WilbourFund in Memory of ZoeWilbour, 1985.333. Photo:Courtesy Museum of FineArts, Boston.a fact made clear by the presence of the beast beside thegod in the Getty's marble statue.Zeus, Demeter, and Kore, rather than Apollo, werethe major divinities of Locri. 16Apollo was present in asecondary way at Rhegium, around the toe of the Italian"boot" from Locri Epizephyrii, but at Caulonia justto the northeast, across the Sagras River, he was themajor patron divinity. Caulonia, however, was destroyedby Dionysius I of Syracuse about 388 B.C., andits territory was presented to the Locrians. 17Rhegiumwas treated in similar fashion in 387, but this city wasrestored by Dionysius II before 350 B.C. It was at thistime (350—300 B.C.) that Rhegium's bronze coinage featureda youthful Apollo with long hair similar to theimage on a silver-gilt plaque of the fourth century B.C.(fig. 5).«Thus, in a shrine to Apollo early in the third centuryB.C., it would seem suitable that a statue of the god be"Archaistic" to recall Caulonias famous image on silverstaters of 550 to 480 B.C., albeit in an updated sculpturalform. Apollo Katharsios had cured the Sagras coast ofplagues. Could this ensemble, the statue, the table, andthe basin have been the dedication of a prominent EpiroteMacedonian, like King Pyrrhus, intended to keepthe armies in Megale Hellas free of illness as well asfrom the surging power of Rome? Such is a possibleexplanation for three such unusual masterpieces ofGreek sculpture and painting in a single context.Given the theme of Thetis with the shield of Achilleson the inside of the marble basin (fig. 3b) and on thereverse of the didrachm of Pyrrhus (fig. 4b), thereshould have been arms and armor found with this dedication.Such armor ought to have been of the highestartistic level and finest quality produced in the Greekworld in the age of Alexander the Great or the twogenerations of his successors and relatives. Figural denereidswith the arms of Achilles is given by Stella G. Miller, "Erosand the Arms of Achilles," AJA 90 (1986), p. 159, n. 2.14. See Lidia Forti and Attilio Stazio, "Vita quotidiana dei Grecid'ltalia," in Megale Hellas: Storia e civiltä della Magna Grecia (Milan,1983), p. 699, fig. 720, an example of a griffin and a stag, a heavilygilded relief in just the schema of this table support. H. Hoffmann,Ten Centuries That Shaped the West: Greek and Roman Art in TexasCollections (Houston, 1970), no. 135, p. 280, on the general meaning ofthese plaques. H. Herdejürgen, Die tarentinischen Terrakotten des 6. bis4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. im Antikenmuseum Basel, Veröffentlichungen desAntikenmuseums Basel, Band 2 (Basel, 1971), nos. 71, 72, pp. 68—69,pl. 21, a stag facing a griffin as pendant plaques.15. This specimen is from the J. Vinchon sale, Monte Carlo, April13, 1985, lot 269. E. S. G. Robinson, Lloyd Collection, vol. 2 of SyllogeNummorum Graecorum (London, 1933), no. 657, pl. XXI.16. See E. Langlotz and M. Hirmer (supra, note 11), p. 271, pis.71—75, terracotta reliefs from Locri, dating about 450 B.C. These reliefsfeature stylistic details of up to half a century earlier, perhapssetting the taste that produced the "Archaistic" marble Apollo of thelate fourth century B.C.17. B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1911), pp. 92-94. AttilioStazio, "Moneta e scambi," in Megale Hellas: Storia e civiltä dellaMagna Grecia (Milan, 1983), pp. 122-123, 136, figs. 94-99.18. See Sale 6, Bank Leu A. G, Zurich, May 8, 1973, lots 43, 44.

34 Vermeuletails certainly would have been included, and the subjects,again, ought to have been linked with the mythsof Achilles, the greatest Greek hero and an ancestor ofAlexander and Pyrrhus.There is a scrap of evidence that meets all these criteria,including the possibilities of provenance. The leftshoulder-plate of a bronze cuirass features a female headin an Amazonian cap, the side flaps of which turn intodecorative volutes at the curving edges of the background(fig. 6). She wears earrings of Lydian or Ionianform and a slender torque with a flower suspended fromit. This sad-faced Amazon can only be Queen Penthesilea,and her slight inward turn of the head affirms thededuction that another head rose out of the oppositeshoulder-plate. 19The head on the wearer's right, theplace of honor, could only have been Achilles. Thebody of the cuirass was probably undecorated, beyondsuggesting the ideal anatomy common to such objectsat the time, but the complete ensemble would have beenfully worthy of a princely dedication in the Italic aftermathof Alexander the Great. 20Museum of Fine ArtsBostonFigure 6. Queen Penthesilea on the left shoulder-plateof a cuirass. Early Hellenistic period. Bronze.H: 16 cm (6 5 /i6"). Boston, Museum of FineArts, Frank B. Bemis Fund, 1986.242. Photo:Courtesy Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.19. H (max.): 16 cm (6 5 /i6"); W (max.): 12 cm (4 n /ie"). The patinais the rich, deep green of the finest Greek metalwork from 350 to275 B.C.20. The comparable right shoulder-plates (covering the straps) ofGreek bronze cuirasses of the fourth century B.C. are collected on pp.51—54 of Arnold Hagemann, Der Metallharnisch, vol. 1 of GriechischePanzerung: Ein entwicklungsgeschichte Studie zur antiken Bewaffnung(Leipzig and Berlin, 1919). The famous Siris Bronzes in the BritishMuseum (pp. 51—52, fig. 62) are basically the left and right shoulderplatesand back of the neck and shoulders of such a piece of armor.Also, H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Greek, Roman, and EtruscanBronzes in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities (London,1899), no. 285, pp. 39-40, pi. VIII. In reasonably high relief, mirroredpairs of Greeks attack fallen Amazons, similarly balanced. They arepossibly Achilles slaying Penthesilea on the left, and Ajax Oileusdispatching Derinoe on the right. The southeast coast of Italy as wellas western Mainland Greece, the Peloponnesus, and, lately, Macedoniaor Thrace are the sources for a number of these plates or coveringsfor cuirass fastenings.

Two Pieces of Porcelain Decorated byIgnaz Preissler in the J. Paul Getty MuseumMaureen Cassidy-GeigerThe Breslau physician and chronicler, Johann ChristianKundmann (1684—1751), writing in 1726 on the notablecollections of art, books, instruments, and curiositiesto be found in his city, reported that a mannamed "Preussler" had worked for seven years decoratingover one hundred pieces of porcelain in grisaille andwith gilding for the prominent collector Herr ErnstBenjamin von Löwenstädt und Ronneburg (d. 1729). Inthe middle of the lengthy descriptions of vonLöwenstädt's Kunst- und Raritäten-Kammer—which followan enumeration of the paintings, bronzes, andcarved sculpture and a summary of the artists representedin prints and drawings and which precede acomprehensive listing of the numerous and varied curiositiesin the collection—Kundmann states that "Gantzwas sonderbares hat Er in Ost-Indischen Porcellaingesammlet von allerhand Farben; insonderheit besitzetEr über 100. Stück grosse Schalen, Teller und andereGefässe von Preusslern in grau und grau gemahlet; Ja Erhat Selbsten es so weit gebracht, dass Er unterschiedlichePorcellaine Becher vergolden und doch nochdarauf mahlen lassen: Worzu er gantzer VII. Jahrgedachten Preussler gehalten." 1In 1737, Kundmann reported that after vonLöwenstädt's death his entire "cabinet" of porcelaindecorated by "Preussler," including many vessels,plates, bowls, teabowls, and saucers, was acquired byFranz, Count von Hatzfeld, Imperial Councilor andFrey Standes-Herr in Silesia. 2 A fire at the Hatzfeldestate in the eighteenth century is presumed to havedestroyed most of the family treasures, including theporcelain collection. 3 It therefore becomes obvious fromthe large body of remaining work by Preissler (the correctspelling of the artist's name) that he had other clientsduring the seven years he was working on vonLöwenstädt's commission.Breslau (present-day Wroclaw, Poland) was the capitalof Silesia, a province under Hapsburg rule. From theRenaissance, it was an important center for the arts,notably metalworking, and in the eighteenth century itdeveloped into an important intellectual and religiouscenter. Contemporary travel guides praised the city forits many fine libraries and museums. The nobility withestates in Silesia and palaces in Prague and Vienna builtnew palaces in Breslau, thereby attracting leading artistsand craftsmen to the city. The glassmaking industrywas long established in the region, and the heavilywooded estates were cleared by the glassworks, whichwere permitted to operate on their lands. Given thesedevelopments, Breslau in the 1720s became a center ofHausmaler activity (a Hausmaler being a craftsman whodecorated glass and ceramic wares on a free-lance basis,either independently or in a workshop not affiliated withany factory operation). It is therefore not surprising thatthe work of the Hausmaler referred to as "Preussler"(also the name of a prominent family of glassmakers inBohemia) was described in detail in contemporarychronicles and was valued as a collector's item.Various porcelains with Schwarzlot decoration (literallySchwarzlot means "black lead," but it is actually atransparent black enamel painted onto the surface andscratched through with a needle before firing) that canbe attributed to Preissler were already in the collectionof Augustus the Strong in 1721, and others were addedin 1722. These pieces are described in the Inventariumüber das Palais zu Alt-Dresden Anno 1721 under the chapterheading "Weiss Sächsische Porcelain" as follows:N.7. 3. Stk. extra feine runde am Rand vergoldeteChocolate Tassen u. Schaalen, darauff mit einerrothen Couleur sauber en Crotesque gemahlet ist;Diese Arbeit is in Pöhmen gefertiget worden, undjede Tasse und Schaale ist von differenter1. Johann Christian Kundmann, Promtuarium rerum Naturalium etArtificialium Vratislaviensae (Vratislaviae, 1726), p. 62. I wish to thankthe Archdiocese of Wroclaw for permitting me the use of their librarywhere I consulted this and other volumes by the same author.2. Johann Christian Kundmann, Rariora naturae & artis oder Selten-heiten der Natur und Kunst des Kundmannischen Naturalien-Cabinets(Breslau and Leipzig, 1737), pp. 640—641.3. Gustav E. Pazaurek, Deutsche Fayence- und Porzellan-Hausmaler(Leipzig, 1925), vol. 1, p. 209, n. 6.

36 Cassidy-GeigerZeichnung. Zwey Tassen darvon sind schadhafft,jede aber 3. Z. tieff und 272. in diam. eine Schaaleaber 3 A. Z. tieff 5. Z. in diam.(The above entry correctly assigns the decoration to aBohemian painter.)N.8. 3. Stk. dergl. Chocolate Tassen u. Schaalen, so mitschwarzer Farbe en Crotesque gemahlet sind, essind alle von differenter Zeichnung und jede Tasse3. Z. tieff. 272. Z. in diam. eine Schale aber 74.Z. tieff. 5. Z. in diam. Hierzu gehöret ein auswendigbrauner Spiel Napff darauff Neptunus mit allerhandtNayaden und Tritonen, sehr sauberschwarz und goldt Gemahlet ist, inwendig ist feinschwarz Crotesque Arbeit. 3. Z. tieff. 672. Z.in diam. 4Anno 1722 im Monath Juny haben Ihro Königl. Mayt.von dem Herrn Grafen Lagnasco bekommen u. in dasPalais gegeben, wie folget:N.64. 2. stk. Krugeigen darauf Holl. Paysagen mit rothund schwartzer Couleur amaliret sind, mitHenckeln so vergoldet sind. 4. Z. tieff u. 372 Z.in diam.N.65. 2. stk. dergl. darauff Wasser Jadgen mit schwartzerCouleur amaliret sind, von obiger Höhe. 5A beaker, saucer, and bowl corresponding to thosenumbered "N.7." and "N.8." are still in the Porzellansammlungof the Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden(PO 3130 and 3132). 6All three are not, however, ofMeissen porcelain but are of Chinese porcelain decoratedin underglaze blue or iron-red. Two small tankardscorresponding to those numbered "N.64." and"N.65." were illustrated in 1925 but are no longer inthe collection. 7Kundmanns accounts and the 1721 inventory of Augustusthe Strong's collection demonstrate that Preisslerobviously worked for patrons of wealth and rank andthat his work was widely admired and collected in hisown lifetime by members of the aristocracy. It was notuntil the twentieth century, however, that authorsreturned to the subject of Ignaz Preissler and broughtto light church and archival records that provided hisgiven name, the correct spelling of his surname, andsome details of his life. In the intervening centuries, hisworks retained their appeal for collectors, but becausenone are signed and few are dated, their historieswere lost.Information published in the 1920s and 1930s introducedIgnaz Preissler as a porcelain and glass painterworking in Kronstadt (present-day Kunstät), Bohemia,circa 1729—1732, for Franz Karl, Count Liebsteinsky vonKolowrat (d. 1753). 8That the "Preussler" working inBreslau in the 1720s is the same Ignaz Preissler workingin Kronstadt circa 1729 was originally debated but isno longer in doubt. He was born in Friedrichswalde(present-day Bedrichovka), on the border of Bohemia andSilesia, in 1676, the son of a porcelain painter namedDaniel Josef Norbert Preissler (circa 1636—1733) and hiswife, Dorota (nee Keller, d. 1723). He moved with hisfamily to Kronstadt, his mother's village, in 1680/81 andreturned there later in his life to work and care for hiselderly father, whose second wife had died in 1730. IgnazPreissler's own first wife, Anna Steiner, also died in1730, and the following year, he married ZuzanaUhrban of the neighboring village of Kerndorf. He diedin 1741 at the age of sixty-five. A son, also named Ignaz,was apprenticed to a tailor in Reichenau (present-dayRychnov), the Kolowrat family seat, located about thirty-fivekilometers from Kronstadt.The work of the Kronstadt period can be determinedusing documents from 1729—1732, which consist ofinvoices and letters exchanged between Preissler andhis patron, Count von Kolowrat, or his patrons servantTobias Hannusch, a close friend of Preissler's andhimself a porcelain and glass decorator at Reichenau.9The documents reveal, among other things, thatPreissler painted chiefly chinoiseries, but also "difficultpoetic subjects," on porcelain (primarily oriental) andglass provided by the count. He worked primarilyin Schwarzlot and iron-red with gold but began to usepurple monochrome and polychrome colors at the endof this period.The work belonging to the Breslau period wasbrought into focus in 1983 in an article by AnnedoreMüller-Hofstede, which was published in Keramos. 10This year will see the publication in the Journal of GlassStudies of an article by Rudolf Strasser in which he attributesa group of glasses to the Breslau period andanother group to an even earlier period, circa 1695—1715,when the painter was in his twenties and thirties. The4. Parts of the inventory are transcribed in Böttgersteinzeug Böttgerporzellanaus der dresdener PorZellansammlung (Dresden, 1969). This sectionappears on p. 36.5. Ibid., p. 40.6. I would like to express my thanks to Dr. Ingelore Menzhausenand Dr. Friedrich Reichel for their generous assistance during my visitto the collection. The bowl is illustrated in Dr. Menzhausen's article"Das erste Inventar der dresdener Porzellansammlung," Keramos 12(1961), p. 27, fig. 1.7. Illustrated by Pazaurek (supra, note 3), p. 219, figs. 183, 184.8. See the following: F[rantisek] X[aver] Jink, "K dejinam porculänuv Cechäch. Domäcky malir skia a porculänu v Kunstätu IgnatiusPreissler (1728—1732)," in Zprdva Kuratoria za Spravni Rok 1923(Prague, 1924), pp. 24-41, pis. III, IV; Pazaurek (supra, note 3), pp.209-249; Frantisek Xaver Jifik, Ceske Sklo . . . (Prague, 1934), pp.51—52; Annedore Müller-Hofstede, "Der schlesisch-böhmische

Two Pieces of Porcelain 37Figure la. Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Bowl decorated with allegories of spring (interior) and summer (exterior), circa1715—1720. Chinese porcelain with underglaze-blue decoration and overglaze decoration in Schwarzlot and gold. H:7.3 cm (27s"); Diam: 14.9 cm (57s"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 86.DE.738.decoration of these groups of glasses, in particular, suggeststhat Preissler may have trained in Nuremberg beforearriving in Breslau and therefore would have beenone of the last of the followers of Johann Schaper(1621—1670), the glass painter credited with the transferof the Schwarzlot technique from flat glass to hollowglass and faience.In the wake of this recent interest in Ignaz Preissler'searly years in Breslau, the Department of DecorativeArts of the J. Paul Getty Museum has acquired twoimportant examples of his work from this period.One is a bowl of Chinese porcelain decorated in Schwarzlotwith mythological scenes. The other is a leaf-Hausmaler Ignaz Preissler," Keramos 100 (1983), pp. 3—50. I wish toacknowledge the generous assistance of the late Dr. Zdenka Munzerin the translation of the works published in Czechoslovakian.9. These documents were first published by Jink (supra, note 8)in 1923 and were reprinted by Müller-Hofstede (supra, note 8),pp. 44—50. The surname of the painter referred to as "Tobias" in thedocuments was provided to me in 1984. The significance of his relationshipto Ignaz Preissler will be brought to light in Rudolf Strasser'sshaped dish of Meissen porcelain with decoration iniron-red and gold.The bowl (figs, la—h) is a type of porcelain producedbetween circa 1710 and 1740. 11 It has incised floral-scrolldecoration beneath the glaze on the outside, framed bydiaper-patterned borders in underglaze blue; on the inside,the same borders are painted around the rim and inthe center, forming a wreath. This was the type of orientalporcelain used most frequently by Preissler, and itwas also used by Hausmaler working in Augsburg, circa1725—1730. 12 It is obviously that described in the invoicesfrom the Kolowrat commissions as "Weijssmit Blawen Randt." The lack of boldly decorated surforthcomingarticle in the Journal of Glass Studies.10. Müller-Hofstede (supra, note 8).11. Regina Krahl et al., Chinese Ceramics in the Topkapi SarayMuseum Istanbul . . . (London, 1986), vol. 3, p. 952.12. Rainer Rückert, Meissener Porzellan 1710-1810, ex. cat. (Munich,1966), nos. 53-55, pp. 60-61, pis. 17, 18.

38 Cas sidy-GeigerFigure lb. Detail of the exterior of figure la.Figure 1c. Detail of the exterior of figure la.Figure Id. Detail of the exterior of figure la.faces probably made this type of blue-and-white wareless attractive as a cabinet piece and more suitable foruse as a sort of "blank" ware to be painted by theHausmaler and refired in their muffle-kilns.Preissler added the mythological scenes painted inSchwarzlot with touches of gold that decorate the insideand outside of the bowl. He often decorated the insideor underside of dishes, bowls, and vases, though generallynot with such full pictorial scenes but with a formof auxiliary decoration. The latter was often comprisedof ornamental work, in some cases enclosing isolatedfigural elements. Traces of gold over the underglazeblueborders on the Getty bowl suggest that they wereoriginally highlighted with gilding, a feature of otherwares of this type decorated by Preissler.The scenes depicted can be traced to a series of engravingsafter a cycle of the four seasons by Pierre I.Mignard (1612—1695), which was painted in 1677 for theGalerie d'Apollon in the Chateau de Saint-Cloud. Thescene on the interior of the bowl, which shows themarriage of Flora and Zephyr (fig. lg), representsspring, and the sacrifice of Ceres on the exterior (fig. Id)represents summer.Louis XIV's brother, Monsieur (Philippe I, due d'Orleans),acquired the chateau in 1655 and commissionedMignard, LeBruns rival and later his successor, to decoratethe galerie. The completed program was widelyacclaimed, according to Mignard's biographer, theAbbe de Monville, and even the king is reported to havesaid, "Je souhaite fort que les peintures de ma galleriede Versailles repondent ä la beaute de celles-ci." 13The paintings, which were destroyed in the 1870 fire

Two Pieces of Porcelain 39Figure le. Interior of figure la.at the chateau, are evoked in Monville's eloquent descriptionsof them:La Terre sous le symbole de Cybele, elevant vers le delses tristes regards, implore le retour de Soleil, qu'onappercpit dans l'eloignement, sans eclat, presque sanslumiere. C'est ä une image si vraie tout ensemble & sipoetique, que le spectateur reconnoit l'hyver, dont lesfächeux effets sont excellemment exprimez. Ici le Dieud'un fleuve appuie sur son urne, n en voit sortir que desglacpns: lä des vaisseaux sur une mer agitee paroisseritle jouet des vents & de la tempete; Boree & lesfougueux Aquilons soufflent par tout la neige, le gresilSc les frimats: les Hyades inondent les campagnes depluyes; Vulcain presente ä Cybele un brasier, auquel sechauffe un enfant qui est derriere la Deesse; ses lionssont ä ses pieds, ils semblent avoir perdu une partiede leur ferocite, & partager l'abattement de tout le restede la nature.

40 Cassidy-GeigerFigure If. Detail of the interior of figure la.Figure lg. Detail of the interior of figure la.Le Printems designe par l'Hymen de Zephire & deFlore, offre aux yeux une belle campagne, ou la naturerajeunie, prodigue les fleurs les plus precieuses: Flore enrecpit rhommage des mains de Zephire; les Amours,les Ris & les jeux melez avec les Nymphes, paroissentoccupez ä choisir les fleurs les plus belles, & ä encomposer des des [sic] guirlandes: un elegant badinageprete encore des graces nouvelles ä l'agrement infini detableau: les personnages episodiques qu'on y a introduitsont enjoüez.Le Peintre a represents l'Ete par un sacrifice en l'honneurde Ceres. Au milieu d'un champ fertile, desmoissonneurs dont on lit la joye sur le visage, rendent ägenoux, graces ä cette Deesse: tous ont des flambeaux äla main, ä la reserve d'un petit nombre de laboureurschargez des premices de leurs gerbes, qu'ils offrent ä laDivinite qui preside ä l'Agriculture: son image est porteepar quatre de ses Pretresses d'une beaute & d'unemodestie admirable. Un Sacrificateur amene un agneauorne de fleurs, pret ä etre immole. Dans l'enfoncementon appercpit le Temple de Ceres, l'architecture en estsimple, mais noble; il en fort de jeunes Pretresses dansantau son de leurs tambours. L'on a ressemble avecsoin tout ce qui peut servir ä caracteriser la saison; Mignarda sou peindre, pour ainsi dire, la chaleur de l'Ete.On ne pouvoit rien choisir de plus convenable pourfaire de l'Automne le sujet d'un tableau, que le triomphede Bacchus & d'Ariane: ils descendent d'un char,d'oü les Amours detellent les pantherres qui l'ont traine:une troupe d'hommes couronnez de pampre, & quiembouchent la trompettte [sic] les entourent; uneBacchante les precede en dansant: pleins du Dieuqui les possede, ils semblent tous crier euoe) euoe. Le pereSilene porte par des Sylvains, & suivi de son cortege ordinaire,est vü dans l'eloignement un sep de vignecharge de raisins ä la main. Le Amours qui se confondentdans cette troupe bachique, montrent qu'ils ontpart ä la fete. 14In the "Catalogue Des oeuvres graves d'apres lesTableaux de Pierre Mignard premier Peintre duRoy," which Monville included in his biography of thepainter, two of the engraved series are mentioned:Les quatre Saisons de l'annee, representees par des sujetsde la Fable, en quatre tableaux, peints dans la galleriede S. Cloud, gravez par Jean-Baptiste de Poilly[1669-1728].D'autres estampes en petit des memes tableaux, graveesd'apres les precendens, sous la conduite de Jean-Baptistede Poilly.Le Printems: Thymen de Zephyre & de Flore. L'Este: unFigure lh. Detail of the interior of figure 1;13. Simon Philipe Maziere de Monville, La vie de Pierre Mignard . . .(Amsterdam, 1731), p. 102. The first edition was published in Parisin 1730.

Two Pieces of Porcelain 41Figure 2a. Jean Baptiste de Poilly (French, 1669—1728),after Pierre I. Mignard. he Printems, circa1710. Engraving. H: 51.7 cm (20W); W: 69.4cm (27 5 /i6"). London, British Museum195140-6-21.Figure 2b. Jean Baptiste de Poilly (French, 1669-1728),after Pierre I. Mignard. L'Este, circa 1710.Engraving. H: 51.8 cm (20W); W: 69.5 cm(277s"). London, British Museum 1951-10-6-22.Figure 2c. Jean Baptiste de Poilly (French, 1669—1728),after Pierre I. Mignard. L'Automne, circa1710. Engraving. H: 51.2 cm (20 3 /i 6"); W:69.1 cm (27 3 /i6"). London, British Museum1951-10-6-23.Figure 2d. Jean Baptiste de Poilly (French, 1669—1728),after Pierre I. Mignard. L'Hyver, circa1710. Engraving. H: 51.5 cm (20 5 /i 6"); W: 69.2cm (27 1 //). London, British Museum1951-10-6-24.Sacrifice en l'honneur de Ceres. LAutomne: le Triomhe[sic] de Bacchus & Ariadne. L'Hyver: Cybelle implorantle retour du Soleil. 15De Poilly's engravings (figs. 2a—d) are the reverse ofMignard's studies for the paintings and therefore wereeither engraved directly from the paintings or from theverse of de Poilly's engravings for spring and summer,and therefore, they must derive from a reengraving ofde Poilly s series, perhaps the second series described byMonville. The prints from this second series are smallerin scale. Since they were produced under de Poilly'sdirection, they are probably accurate copies but wouldstudies. 16The scenes on the Getty bowl are in the re-read in the reverse of his original series. Prints from the14. Ibid., pp. 94-97.15. Ibid., pp. liv—lv.16. Jean Guiffrey et al., Inventaire general des dessins du Musee duLouvre et du Musee de Versailles (Paris, 1928), vol. 10, nos. 9949-9952,pp. 52-55.

42 Cassidy-GeigerFigures 3a-b. Left, Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Top of a dish decorated with allegories of fall (top) and winter(bottom), circa 1715—1720. Chinese porcelain with underglaze-blue decoration and overglaze decoration in Schwarzlotand gold. Diam: 22 cm (S n 7\6 f ). Right, bottom. Sevres, Musee National de Ceramique MNC 9703. Photos:Courtesy Musee National de Ceramique, Sevres.second series are not known.The prints representing fall and winter are thesources for the scenes on a dish in the Musee Nationalde Ceramique at Sevres (MNC 9703). The dish (figs.3a—b) was illustrated by Müller-Hofstede who attributedit to Preissler working in Breslau "before1720." 17 It is of the same Chinese porcelain as the Gettybowl with incised and underglaze-blue decoration and isdecorated on both sides in Schwarzlotwith touches ofgold. The rim is edged in silver-gilt. The triumph ofBacchus and Ariadne is painted on the top (fig. 3a), aconventional allegory for fall. The scene on the underside(fig. 3b) was interpreted by Müller-Hofstede as theOvidian flood with the survivors, Deucalion and Pyrrha,in the foreground. In the context of the print seriesand Mignard s cycle, however, the scene is intended asan allegory for winter and depicts Mignard's unusualand highly original rendering of the subject. Cybele, the"earth mother," wearing her turreted crown and recliningon the lions usually shown pulling her chariot, imploresthe sun to return while Boreas, the cold northwind and personification of winter, releases his snow-17. Müller-Hofstede (supra, note 8), pp. 23-26, figs. 34-37.18. This information courtesy of Elisabeth Fontan, formerly conservateur,Musee National de Ceramique, who with Mme AntoinetteHalle graciously permitted me access to this and other pieces in thefilledbreath over the earth. Vulcan tries to warm therecumbent Cybele with a pot of coals from his forge.The inclusion of a river god relates to the story ofClaudia, the vestal virgin who pulled a ship loaded witha sacred image of Cybele from the mud at the mouth ofthe Tiber. Since the images on the two pieces belong tothe same series, there is no question that the Getty bowland the dish at Sevres were commissioned together andform a set.The dish was acquired by the Musee National de Ceramiquefrom the 1894 sale of the collection of OctaveDu Sartel. 18Du Sartel had assigned the origins of thistype of decoration to Venice in his book La porcelaine deChine . . ., published in 1881, and called it "extremelyrare." 19The dish appeared in lot 150 in the catalogue ofthe sale as the pair to another dish of the same so-calledJapanese porcelain, which was also painted on bothsides in Schwarzlottouched with gold and edged in silver-gilt.The subject of the scene on the top of the otherdish in the lot (fig. 4a) was identified in the catalogue asDiana and Endymion, but the dish is almost certainlythat formerly in the von Dallwitz collection, which demuseum.19. Ofctave] Du Sartel, La porcelaine de Chine . . . (Paris, 1881),p. 219.

Two Pieces of Porcelain 43Figures 4a-b. Left, Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Top of a dish decorated with Venus and Adonis with cupids (top) andnymphs disarming sleeping cupids on the order of Diana (bottom), circa 1715—1720. Chinese porcelain withunderglaze-blue decoration and overglaze decoration in Schwarzlot and gold. Formerly Berlin, von Dallwitz collection;present location unknown. Illustrated in Kunst and Kunsthandwerk 8 (1905), p. 29. Right, bottom. Photo:Courtesy Verlag Anton Hiersemann, Stuttgart.Figure 5a. Benoit I. Audran (French, 1661—1721), afterFrancesco Albani. Venus and Adonis withcupids. Engraving. H: 29.4 cm (lW); W: 34cm (13W). New York, The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund,1953 (53.600.4138). Photo: Courtesy TheMetropolitan Museum of Art, New York.Figure 5b. Benoit I. Audran (French, 1661—1721), afterFrancesco Albani. Nymphs disarming sleepingcupids on the order of Diana. Engraving.H: 29.7 cm (ll 11 /*"); W: 34 cm (13 3 /s").New York, The Metropolitan Museumof Art, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1953(53.600.4137). Photo: Courtesy The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York.

44 Cassidy-Geigerpicts Venus and Adonis with cupids after the renderingof the subject by Francesco Albani (1578—1660). 20Thescene on the underside (fig. 4b) shows nymphs disarmingsleeping cupids on the order of Diana. Engravingsafter Albani by Benoit I. Audran (1661—1721) were identifiedas the source for the scenes on both sides of thedish by A. Brüning in 1905 (figs. 5a-b). 21Albani'spaintings, like Mignard's cycle, were popularized in setsof tapestries as well. 22That the mythological scenes were not recognized asallegorical subjects as well is made clear by the fact thatthe bowls that should have been paired with the dishesin the Du Sartel sale were instead paired together in lot151: "Paire de bols de meme porcelaine et de memedecor primitif, bordures bleues et gravures dans la päteavant la mise en couverte; ils on ete egalement surdecoresde sujets mythologiques en noir rehausse d'or.Iis sonts garnis de montures ä pied en bois sculpte etdore les transformant en sortes de coupes." 23One of the Du Sartel bowls is probably that whichwas later in the List collection and was described byPazaurek as mounted on an old wooden base and decoratedon both sides with mythological scenes showingJupiter, Juno, and Amoretti. 24In the same paragraphPazaurek also mentions the dish in the museum at Sevresas well as a bowl from the von Parpart collection, whichwas acquired by the Nordböhmische Gewerbemuseumin Reichenberg (present-day Liberec) and was also decoratedon both sides with "dichten Landschaftsfriesenvon weiter Perspektive nebst figurenreicher Staffage(antikes Opferfest und Bacchanalien) in goldgehöhterSchwarzlotmalerei." 25The bowl is illustrated and describedin the 1912 von Parpart sale catalogue, 26and thesame description is repeated almost word for word inthe new acquisitions listing published in the Zeitschriftdes Nordhöhmischen Gewerbemuseums for 1912:3. Runde Kumme mit unterglasblauen Bordüren, aufsreichste überdekoriert in Schwarzlot, mit Goldgehöht. Landschaftsfries mit weiter Perspektive,Ortschaften, zwischen Bäumen versteckt, Feldern,Tempeln und Burgen. Auf der Aussenseite alsStaffage ein antikes Opferfest, auf der InnenseiteBacchanalien mit vielen Figuren. Das PorzellanChina XVII. Jahrh. die Malerei von einem deutschenUberdekorateur. Meissen, Anfang XVIII. Jahrh.Ohne Marke. Höhe 7.5 cm., Durchm. 15 cm. Erworbenauf der Auktion Parpart in Berlin. 27The bowl illustrated in the von Parpart sale catalogueappears to be the one now owned by the J. Paul GettyMuseum and was undoubtedly one of the pair of bowlssold from the Du Sartel collection. By the time of thevon Parpart sale, it had lost its wooden stand and exhibiteda crack. It is possible, however, that a secondbowl exists, for another example of a dish like thatin the Sevres museum was illustrated by Hofmanninl932. 28The decoration of the Getty bowl can be dated tocirca 1715—1720. As noted above, the type of porcelainused by Preisslerwould not have been available inEurope until after circa 1710 when it was first producedin China. The initial engraved series by de Poilly hasbeen dated to circa 1710, 29and the second series, presumablythe source for the Getty bowl and the Sevresdish, was already in use in Augsburg circa 1710—1712when Elias Adam executed a beaker enameled with thetriumph of Bacchus after Mignard. 30Müller-Hofstedehas pointed out the strong stylistic and thematic tiesbetween the Sevres dish and a large covered goblet inthe Umeleckopraumyslove Muzeum in Prague (UPM10017/1906). 31 The goblet is completely painted inSchwarzlotand gold with foliate strapwork and twomythological scenes from the ceiling of the Palazzo Farnese,painted by Annibale Carracci (d. 1609). Thetriumphof Bacchus and Ariadne, a version different fromthat by Mignard, is depicted as a frieze running aroundthe cup, and the procession of nereids, tritons, andcupids accompanying Peleus and Thetis advancesaround the cover. The scenes were copied from one ofthe sets of engravings that illustrate the painted ceiling,probably that by Pietro Aquila (1650—1692). This seemsto be the only set from the period in which the scenesof Bacchus and Ariadne and Peleus and Thetis are not20. The sale took place at the Hotel Drouot, Paris, June 4-9, 1894;see the catalogue: Catalogue des porcelaines et faiences europeennes et deVextreme-orient . . . formant la collection de feu M. O. Du Sartel . . . ,p. 30, lot 150. The width of the dishes is given as 21 cm. The onlyillustration of the top of the other dish is in an article published in1905, see infra, note 22.In the story of Diana and Endymion, Endymion endures eternalsleep in return for perpetual youth and so is generally depicted asleepwhen visited by Diana, his lover. For this reason, it is likely that thesubject of the decoration was misinterpreted at the time of the 1894sale. The figure standing with a spear and a dog does not representDiana, but rather Adonis, and the sleeping figure is intended tobe Venus.21. A. Brüning, "Kupferstiche als Vorbilder für Porzellan," Kunstund Kunsthandwerk 8 (1905), pp. 28-29.22. See Maurice Fenaille, Etat general des tapisseries de la manufacturedes Gobelins . . . (Paris, 1903), vol. 2, pp. 399-417, and H. C. Marillier,"The Venus and Adonis Tapestries after Albani," Burlington Magazine54 (1929), pp. 314-320, pis. I—III.23. Du Sartel sale catalogue (supra, note 20), pp. 30—31. Theheights of the bowls are given as 13 cm, a measurement which obviouslyincludes the wooden mounts; the diameter of the bowls isgiven as 16 cm.24. Pazaurek (supra, note 3), p. 214.

Two Pieces of Porcelain 45Figure 6. Left, Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741).Vase decorated with still lifes of flowers invases, first quarter of the eighteenth century.Chinese porcelain (blanc-de-chine) with overglazedecoration in Schwarzlot and gold. H:15.9 cm (6V4"). Nuremberg, GermanischesNationalmuseum Ke 2261. Photo: CourtesyGermanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.Figure 7. Top, Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741).Saucer decorated with figures representing themonths, circa 1715—1720. Chinese porcelainwith underglaze-blue decoration and overglazedecoration in Schwarzlot and gold. Diam: 13.3cm (5V4"). London, British Museum FranksColl. 124.in the reverse of those on the goblet or on the ceilingitself. 32The goblet was certainly intended to be a cabinetor display piece, as were the Sevres dish and theGetty bowl. It has been published as dating to circa1725—1730, but some believe it could be dated earlier.A comparison of the scenes on the Getty bowl with25. Pazaurek (supra, note 3), p. 214.26. Kunstsammlungen Fjamilie] von Parpart, sale catalogue:Berlin, Lepke, March 18-22, 1912, lot 488, p. 76, pi. 39 (viewof inside).27. Zeitschrift des Nordböhmischen Gewerbemuseums, neue Folge: VIIJahrgang, Nr. 3 u. 4 (1912), no. 3, p. 95.28. Friedrich H. Hofmann, Das Porzellan: Der europäischen Manufakturenim XVIII. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1932), p. 229, fig. 220. Inquirieshave determined that the dish is no longer in Berlin and may havebeen lost during the war. Slight variations in the decoration indicatethis is not the dish now in the museum at Sevres.29. Dagmar Srnenskä, Französische Rokokographik (Hanau, n.d.),those in de Poilly's engravings illustrates well Preissler sconfidence and skill in adapting a printed design ofrectangular format to a surface of an entirely differentconfiguration. The engraved scenes have been stretchedand their components woven into the landscape. Standsof trees, saplings, and stumps, as well as views of buildnos.26—29, pp. 66—73.30. Helmut Seling, Die Kunst der augsburger Goldschmiede 1529-1868(Munich, 1980), vol. 2, fig. 1053.31. Müller-Hofstede (supra, note 8), p. 24. The goblet is illustratedin The Corning Museum of Glass and UmeleckoprümysloveMuzeum, Prague, Czechoslovakian Glass 1350-1980, ex. cat. (Corning,N.Y., 1981), no. 28, p. 149, ill. p. 63 (color).32. For the engravings of the Palazzo Farnese ceiling by PietroAquila, see Ecole Franchise de Rome, Annibale Carracci e i suoi incisori,ex. cat. (Rome, 1986), no. XLIID, pp. 169—183. The scenes depicted onthe goblet are nos. 10 and 17.

46 Gassidy-GeigerFigure 8. Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Saucerdecorated with allegory of November, circa1720. Schwarzlot decoration. Present locationunknown. Photo: Courtesy Verlag AntonHiersemann, Stuttgart.ings and distant villages, have been composed to bridgethe ends of the print source, creating a continuous image.Müller-Hofstede particularly noted Preissler's useof entwined trees at the ends of a scene taken from anengraving. The inserted landscapes recall the prints ofPaul Bril (1554-1626), Johann Teyler (1648-after 1697),and Gabriel Perelle (circa 1603—1667), which werewidely collected from the late seventeenth century andare recognized sources for some of Preissler's compositions.Occasionally, the buildings in these imaginedlandscapes, like the towered complex on the insideof the Getty bowl, seem specific enough tohave been taken from a real setting, perhaps the estateof the patron.The scenes on the bowl and on the Sevres dish incorporatemany elements and motifs that are consideredsignatures of Preissler's work, such as the billowingclouds and cresting waves, the sailing ships at sea, andthe distant hills, which seem at times to lean to theright. Preissler's masterful use of the Schwarzlot techniqueis evident in every aspect of the decoration, whereit was used to give volume to the painted forms anddefine edges and small details. Preissler was very carefulFigure 9. Martin Engelbrecht (German, 1684—1756),after Paul Decker. November. Engraving. H: 27cm (10W); W: 18.9 cm (77i 6"). Nuremberg,Germanisches Nationalmuseum HB 23789 b .Photo: Courtesy Germanisches Nationalmuseum,Nuremberg.in his use of gold, applying it in hair-thin lines to highlightedges and folds or in patterns of small dots sprinkledacross draperies.The bouquet in the center of the Getty bowl (fig. If),at once a reference and a tribute to Flora, is a rare exampleof Preissler's flower painting. The only comparableexample by Preissler is that on a hlanc-de-chine lion-maskjar in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg(Ke 2261), which consists of two still lifesof flowers in globular glass vases (fig. 6). 33However,on two saucers of Chinese porcelain with underglazeblueborders that Preissler painted in Schwarzlot and33. I wish to particularly thank Dr. Klaus Pechstein for the opportunityto examine this piece and others in the collection.

Two Pieces of Porcelain 47Figures Wa-c. Top, Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Leaf-shaped dish decorated with putto and sea dragon (interior) andstrapwork and foliate scrolls with amoretti, fountains, birds and baskets of fruit (exterior), circa 1715—1725.Meissen porcelain decorated with iron-red and gold. H: 4 cm (W); W: 8.3 cm ß 1 //); D: 11.1 cm (4W). Left,interior. Right, bottom. Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 86.DE.541.

48 Cassidy-GeigerFigures 10d-e. Details of exterior of figure 10a.

Two Pieces of Porcelain 49Figure 11. Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Bowl decorated with sea gods and dolphins, circa 1715—1725.Japanese porcelain with decoration in polychrome enamels and in Schwarzlot and gold. Diam: 17.3 cm(6 13 /i6"). Formerly Dr. Joseph Kler collection; present location unknown. Photo: Courtesy Christie's,New York.Figure 12a. Barthel Beham (German, 1502-1540). Battlingsea god, 1525. Engraving. H: 4.7 cm(170; W: 27 cm (V/m"). London, BritishMuseum 1870-10-8-2394.Figure 12b. Barthel Beham (German, 1502-1540). Battlingsea god, 1525. Engraving. H: 4.3 cm(PViO; W: 2.7 cm (lVie"). London, BritishMuseum 1870-10-8-2395.

50 Cassidy-GeigerFigure 13. Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Platedecorated with a putto in the guise of a rivergod, circa 1725. Schwarzlot and gold decoration.Formerly Berlin, von Dallwitz collection;present location unknown. Photo: CourtesyVerlag Anton Hiersemann, Stuttgart.Figure 14. Municipal diploma issued to Michael Steinmetzon February 26, 1678. Augsburg, 1678.Sepia ink on parchment, heightened withgray wash and gold leaf. H (fully opened):64.5 cm (25 3 / 8"); W: 68 cm (26 3 / 4"). Cologne,Bundeszahnärztekammer. Photo: CourtesyBundeszahnärztekammer, Cologne.gold with figures representing the months after Hans-Sebald Beham (1500—1550), the inner circular border enclosesa wreath of fruit or flowers (fig. 7). 34Thesesaucers are presently in the UmeleckoprümysloveMuzeum in Prague (18.959) and in the British Museum(Franks Coll. 124).Preissler's oeuvre includes other allegorical themesand cycles as well, such as the elements, the continents,and the months. A saucer obviously from a serviceillustratingthe latter is decorated with a hunting allegoryrepresenting November (fig. 8). 35The image derivesfrom a Paul Decker design engraved by Martin Engelbrechtand published in Augsburg by JeremiasWolff(fig. 9). Comparison of the scene on the saucer to theimage in the engraving illustrates again how Preissleradds his own elements to the scene to make it betteraccommodate the circular surface. In this case, a zodiacsign has been employed to identify the subject; a tree isused to anchor the figure in the foreground; and backgrounddetails enhance the recession of space. Many of34. Dr. Dagmar Hejdovä and Dr. Olga Drahotovä deserve specialmention here for their generous assistance, support, and hospitalityduring the many days that I was permitted to study the collection inthese allegorical works date from the Breslau period,but the "difficult poetic subjects" described in theKronstadt invoices indicate that allegorical subjects werestill requested by the artist's patrons later in his life.The Getty's leaf-shaped dish of Meissen porcelainadapted from a blanc-de-chine model and painted in ironredwith gold highlights represents another populartheme from Preissler's Breslau period (figs. 10a—e). Thedish is decorated on the inside with a winged puttoholding a marsh reed and seated backwards on a dolphinlikesea dragon with a spiraling tail. The inside rimshows Preissler's characteristic form of Laub- und Bandwerk.On the outside, strapwork and foliate scrollscourse around the sides sprouting leaves and tendrils.Amoretti, fountains, baskets of fruit,and birds areperched among the scrollwork. The leafwork in reliefon the underside is outlined in iron-red and gold.Some of the many similarly decoratedleaf-shapeddishes in various museums are painted like this one iniron-red with gold, and others are painted in a corn-Prague. I wish also to thank Aileen Dawson of the British Museumfor allowing me to see this piece and others in storage.35. Pazaurek (supra, note 3), p. 219, fig. 181.

Two Pieces of Porcelain 51Figure 15. Ignaz Preissler (Bohemian, 1676—1741). Platedecorated with Fortune riding a dolphin,circa 1725. Decorated in Schwarzlot and gold.Formerly Wroclaw, Muzeum Narodowe weWroclawiu; present location unknown.Photo: Courtesy Verlag Anton Hiersemann,Stuttgart.Figure 16. Johann Friedrich Probst, after HieronymusSperling (German, 1695—1771). Fortuneriding a dolphin from Trojano regio PrincipiParidi. . . . Engraving. H: 34.3 cm (1372"); W:22.9 cm (9"). New York, The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund,1951 (51.540.6). Photo: Courtesy The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York.bination of Schwarzlot and iron-red with gold. 36It is notclear if the dishes were produced individually, as smalldecorative tokens of friendship or esteem, or as sets,perhaps belonging to a larger table service. All have aform of Preissler's Laub- und Bandwerk around the insiderim and scrollwork on the outside, which contains astandard repertoire of elements, including running stagsand covered urns in addition to those listed above. Thisseemingly incongruous auxiliary decoration derivesultimately from French and German ornamental engravingsand constitutes the primary decoration ofother Preissler pieces. The way it has been fitted to anobject of such irregular form typifies Preissler's creativityand skill as an ornamentalist, and it. is this thatmakes such works so interesting and engaging.The execution of the figure on the inside of the dish(fig. 10b), however, lacks the same kind of energy andassurance. Preissler probably received no formal trainingas an artist, and as a result, his rendering of thehuman figure and other three-dimensional forms oftenmakes them appear stiff and awkwardly posed, whilethe aggressive modeling gives them a sort of impressiveweight and substance. This may partly result from theuse of print sources or other models that feature thebold chiaroscuro effects favored by Baroque artists.By the eighteenth century, parades of sea creaturesand putti on dolphins had become a generic sort of"classical" decoration, comparable to the Bacchanaliantriumphs and celebrations that were similarly portrayedby Renaissance and Baroque artists, often without specificconnotations or deeper individual meaning foreither the artist or his patron. This was certainlythe case with Preissler's frequent treatment of thesethemes. In addition to the leaf-shaped dishes, he decoratedother dish types, bowls, plates, and glassware withsuch figures.The exact sources for some of Preissler's sea gods andputti suggest that those on the leaf-shaped dishes probablyderive from engraved and other models as well. Abowl of Japanese porcelain sold at Christie's, New York,36. Other examples known to the author are in the GermanischesNationalmuseum, Nuremberg (inv. nr. Ke 765), the UmeleckoprumysloveMuzeum, Prague (inv. nr. 5291), and the National Mu-seum of American History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington,D.C. (SyzColl. 355).

52 Cas sidy-Geigerin 1985 (fig. 11) is painted on the outside with sea godswielding swords and seated astride sea creatures withhorny snouts and spiraling tails. 37These figures weretaken directly from a pair of engravings by BarthelBeham (1502-1540) dated 1525 (figs. 12a-b). Preisslerinserted them in a seascape of his own invention influencedby seventeenth-century engraved sources. TheChristie's bowl was probably painted circa 1715—1725.As with the British Museum saucer (fig. 7), the identificationof the print source demonstrates the persistenceof certain engraved images and themes through twocenturies of Baroque art.A plate formerly in the von Dallwitz collection ispainted in the center with a putto in the guise of a rivergod with his trident resting against an overturned vasefrom which water flows (fig. 13). A vignette with thesame figure on the riverbank and one of the birds in thebackground occurs on a diploma issued in Augsburg in1678 (fig 14). The diploma is bordered at the bottom bya series of related images of winged putti on sea animals.Another plate formerly in the Muzeum Narodowewe Wroclawiu (fig. 15) shows the female figure of Fortunewith a billowing sail seated on a dolphin in astorm-tossed sea; this image appears in a frame borderedby figures representing the winds and the seas.The entire scene was taken from an engraving afterHieronymus Sperling (1695—1771), which was publishedin Augsburg, circa 1724 (fig. 16). The von Dallwitz andWroclaw museum plates were probably painted circa1725 or later, after Sperling's design was published.Preissler's talents and his reputation as a Schwarzlotpainter were well established early in the eighteenthcentury when his works entered the collections of manyprominent citizens and members of the nobility in easternand central Europe. In technique as much as subjectmatter, they reflect the persistence of seventeenthcenturytastes and traditions through the first quarter ofthe eighteenth century. In 1731, at the age of fifty-five,Preissler continued to defend the Schwarzlot tradition inhis reply to an apparent request from his patron fordecoration in polychrome enamels. He stated in a letterthat, like his father, he considered Schwarzlot paintingin red and black to be the finest and most subtle form ofdecoration ("Mein Vatter, auch ich allzeit schwarz undroht bemohlet, disses, undter aller Parcellan Mahlereydass feinste undt Suptieleste ist"). 38Yet by January of1732, Preissler had completed an order that includedseveral pieces with polychrome decoration, 39a sign thatthe tradition established almost one hundred years earlierin Nuremberg was at its close.The Metropolitan Museum of ArtNew York37. Important European Porcelain and Pottery, sale catalogue: Christie's,New York, April 27, 1985, lot 96. This view is not shown in thecatalogue.38. Müller-Hofstede (supra, note 8), p. 47; originally transcribedand published by Jink in 1923 (supra, note 8), p. 31.39. Müller-Hofstede (supra, note 8), p. 49; originally transcribedand published by Jifik in 1923 (supra, note 8), p. 34.

Theoktistos and Associatesin Twelfth-Century Constantinople:An Illustrated New Testament of A.D. 1133Robert S. NelsonThis book was finished by the grace of Christ in theyear 6641 [A.D. 1133], the eleventh indiction, the thirtiethof April, the third hour of the day, the fifteenthyear of the emperor John Comnenus, the Porphyrogennetos,and the most pious augusta Irene, by the hand ofthe sinner Theoktistos. 1With these words the humble scribe Theoktistosended the New Testament section of a handsome Greekmanuscript, formerly in the Dionysiou monastery onMount Athos (cod. 8) and presently at the J. Paul GettyMuseum (Ms. Ludwig II 4). 2 Now decorated withtwelve pages of canon tables (figs. 6—12), six ornamentalheadpieces (figs. 2—5), and four evangelist portraits(figs. 22—25), the manuscript once contained other illuminationsas well. A full-page miniature of the twelveapostles (fig. 21), formerly folio 134v, served as a frontispieceto the Acts of the Apostles and is now in thePaul Canellopoulos collection in Athens. 3Two morepages of canon tables were removed between folios 1and 2 and were recently discovered by Hugo Buchthalin the library of the Zographou monastery on MountAthos. 4Finally, as discussed below, an offset of colorI began this paper as a Guest Scholar of the J. Paul Getty Museumand completed it while I was a Fellow at the National HumanitiesCenter. For making my stay at the Museum so enjoyable and productive,I wish to thank Thomas Kren and Ranee Katzenstein of theDepartment of Manuscripts. Others who facilitated my research wereFran Terpak, who secured important photographs quickly, Frank Preusserand Michael Schilling, who provided technical advice concerningthe Ludwig manuscript, and Andrew Dyck of UCLA, who discussedtexts with me.AbbreviationsAnderson, "Examination": J. C. Anderson, "An Examinationof Two Twelfth-Century Centers ofByzantine Manuscript Production"(Ph.D. diss., Princeton University,1975).Buchthal, "Disiecta Membra" H. Buchthal, "Disiecta Membra,"The Burlington Magazine 124 (1982),p. 214, figs. 15-17.Buchthal, "Escorial"H. Buchthal, "A Greek New TestamentManuscript in the Escorial Library:Its Miniatures and Its Binding,"Byzanz und der Westen: Studienzur Kunst des europäischen Mittelalters,ed. I. Hutter (Vienna, 1984),pp. 85-98.Buchthal, "Melbourne"H. Buchthal, "An Illuminated ByzantineGospel Book of about 1100A.D.," in Art of the MediterraneanWorld A.D. WO to 1400 (Washington,DC, 1983), pp. 140-149, reprintedfrom the Special Bulletin of theNational Gallery of Victoria (Melbourne,1961).Hutter, Corpus:I. Hutter, Corpus der byzantinischenMiniaturenhandschriften (Stuttgart,1977-1982), 3 vols.JOB:Jahrbuch der österreichischenByzantinistikI. Spatharakis, Corpus of Dated IlluminatedGreek Manuscripts (Leiden,Spatharakis, Corpus:1981).I. Spatharakis, "An IlluminatedSpatharakis, "Grammar"Greek Grammar Manuscript inJerusalem: A Contribution to theStudy of Comnenian IlluminatedOrnament" JOB 35 (1985),pp. 231-244.Von Euw and Plotzek:A. von Euw and J. M. Plotzek, DieHandschriften der Sammlung Ludwig(Cologne, 1979), vol. 1.1. Fol.268v: 5 ETeAeico9(T|) r\ Trapoö(aa) ßißXo(s) x

54 Nelsonproduced all four of the manuscripts evangelist portraits.It figured in various paleographical studies andcatalogues and was presented in another general workFigure 1. Colophon and later ex libris of the Dionysioumonastery. New Testament, fol. 268v. Constantinople,1133. Pen and ink on vellum. H:220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7"). Malibu, TheJ. Paul Getty Museum Ms. Ludwig II 4;83.MB.68.on folio lr is the only trace of yet another decoratedpage, which must have served as the frontispiece tothe volume.Deluxe illuminated Byzantine manuscripts with suchprecise indications of date and, as we shall see, provenanceare not common, and doubtlessly for this reasonthe earliest students of the subject were attracted to themanuscript. In 1891 Heinrich Brockhaus first mentionedand illustrated the portrait of Matthew in a generalbook on art at Mount Athos. 5Thereafter, the bookwas briefly noted in art historical studies by C. R. Morey(1914) 6 and by A. M. Friend, Jr. (1927), 7 who reon Mount Athos, published in 1942 by F. Dölger et al. 8None of these authors, however, studied the manuscriptin detail, and in more recent years few have had theopportunity to examine the book personally.Since I960, 9the manuscript has passed through tworelatively inaccessible private collections before the Museumacquired it in 1983 as part of the Ludwig collectionand thereby made it available to a wider audience.Sequestered for over two decades, the Getty New Testamenthas not been fully incorporated into recent scholarshipon twelfth-century Byzantine illumination.Thus, while its published miniatures have long beenused as chronological guides to the dating of othermanuscripts, the manuscript itself has not received theclose scrutiny that its high quality illumination and itswell-defined provenance warrant. The present attemptat such an inquiry will first explore the circumstances ofthe manuscripts creation and then consider its decorationin the larger context of twelfth-century Byzantinebook illumination.The colophon, written in the customary passive voice,documents the moment of the manuscript's completion inexhaustive fashion: the years elapsed since the creation ofthe world (i.e., 5,508 years before the birth of Christ); theindiction number, or year during a repeating fifteen-yearcycle; the day of the month, but not in this case the day ofthe week; the hour of the day—the third, correspondingto midmorning; and the regnal year of the Byzantine emperorJohn II Comnenus (r. A.D. 1118—1143), Porphyrogennetos,or "born to the purple," and his consort, Irene. 10Atthe end comes the name of the scribe, who as usual professeshis humility, fortunately not to the extent of omittinghis name. Theoktistos tells us nothing else abouthimself, but his name, not a common one for scribes,appears in several other manuscripts, which C. R. Moreyin 1914 11 and J. Bick in 1920 12 attributed to the same hand.Recently, however, H. Hunger and O. Kresten have splitapart this group, assigning three manuscripts in Vienna toa second Theoktistos, who worked in the fourteenth cen-5. H. Brockhaus, Die Kunst in den Athos-Klöstern (Leipzig, 1891),pp. 183, 211, 231-233, pi. 21.6. C. R. Morey, East Christian Paintings in the Freer Collection(Washington, D.C., 1914), pp. 28, 30.7. A. M. Friend, Jr., "The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greekand Latin Manuscripts," Art Studies 5 (1927), pp. 125, 133, figs. 9-12.8. Dölger et al. (supra, note 3), pp. 194—197.9. Date noted by Buchthal, "Disiecta Membra," p. 214.10. The basic source for these chronological details is V. Grumel,Traite d f etudes byzantines: I. La Chronologie (Paris, 1958).11. Morey (supra, note 6), pp. 27—29.12. J. Bick, Die Schreiber der wiener griechischen Handschriften(Vienna, 1920), pp. 65-66.13. H. Hunger and O. Kresten, "Archaisierende Minuskel undHodegonstil im 14. Jahrhundert: Der Schreiber Theoktistos und dieKpdXatva TWV TpißaXwv," JOB 29 (1980), pp. 187-236.14. Illustrated in Morey (supra, note 6), pl. II. This scribe uses anentirely different zeta from the characteristic type of the copyist ofMs. Ludwig II 4.15. On the manuscript see Hunger and Kresten (supra, note 13),pp. 210-212 with further bibliography.16. Texts in ibid., p. 211.

Theoktistos and Associates 55tury. 13The script of a fourth manuscript, represented onlyby two folios in the Freer Gallery of Art in Washington,D.C., should also be divorced from the group, for it is byneither Theoktistos I nor II. 1 4Thus at present the onlyother manuscript by the scribe of the Getty New Testamentis a copy of saints' lives for the month of Novemberin Paris (Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 1570). 15According to notes on folio 213r, Paris gr. 1570 wascompleted on June 9, 1127, and was written by Theoktistosfor the Abbot Maximos. A further entry on folio214v records the book's ownership by the monastery ofSaint John the Baptist in Petra, located in the northwesterncorner of the city of Constantinople, not farfrom the imperial Blachernae palace. 16The scripts of allthree notices in the Paris volume agree with each otherand with the main text of the manuscript and closelyresemble the Getty New Testament. 17Because the twobooks, written in 1127 and 1133, are near contemporaries,there can be no doubt that the same Theoktistoswrote both. Whether the scribe was actually a monk atthis establishment, also known as the Prodromos-Petramonastery, is unclear; in neither the Paris nor the Gettymanuscript does he call himself a monk. In this respectTheoktistos' manuscript for the Prodromos-Petra monasterycontrasts with one copied by his contemporaryArsenios. The latter inscribed the monastery's ex librisin Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 891, stating in thecolophon that the book was completed in 1136 by "themonk Arsenios" for "the abbot of the same monastery,the monk Maximos." 18 This Arsenios then was definitelya member of the Prodromos-Petra community,whose abbot, Maximos, commissioned manuscriptsfrom the two scribes. Even if Theoktistos did not belongto the monastery, the Paris manuscript of 1127 atthe very least locates him in Constantinople six yearsbefore he wrote the Getty New Testament and associateshim with a major monastery in the capital.Little known before the twelfth century, the monasteryof Saint John the Baptist in Petra became prominentat the end of the eleventh and the beginning of thetwelfth centuries, in part as a result of imperial support.19In 1200 a Russian visitor to Constantinople re-ported that the monastery had two hundred monks. 20Its prosperity is attested by an event that took placeduring the reign of John Comnenus' son Manuel.Wishing to have an imperial banquet on very shortnotice, the emperor succeeded in obtaining the necessaryprovisions from the monastery, including whitebread, vegetables, olives, cheese, several kinds of fish,and black and red caviar. 21Following the Latin occupationof Constantinople during the thirteenth century,the monastery was again prominent, and in the earlyfifteenth century a Spanish visitor to the city extolledthe monastery's rich mosaics, marbles, pavements, metaland glass lamps, and gilded doors. 22It also possesseda considerable library, which can be reconstructedthrough a characteristic ex libris, the same one that Theoktistosand Arsenios copied in their manuscripts.Among its holdings were two art historically importantvolumes, the famous sixth-century Dioscurides manuscriptin Vienna and a fine eleventh-century Gospelbook in Athens (National Library cod. 57). 23Did Theoktistos write the Getty New Testament forthe Prodromos-Petra monastery, as von Euw andPlotzek have assumed? 24The book's relatively large size(220 X 180 mm), its liturgical rubrics, and the presenceof the New Testament, not just the four Gospels, mightsuggest an institutional patron. Certainly it is largerthan a class of diminutive Gospel books, measuring 120X 90 mm or less, that were made in the later eleventhand twelfth centuries for the personal use of priests andmonks. 25Yet in Byzantium, unlike the Latin West,sharp distinctions cannot be made between private andpublic religious texts, and nothing prevents the GettyNew Testament from being the commission of an individual,either lay or religious. The only evidence in thisregard is of a negative nature. Unlike Paris gr. 1570,Theoktistos did not add to the Getty New Testamentthe traditional ex libris of the Prodromos-Petra monastery,verses that were considered important enough tobe inscribed in over twenty surviving manuscripts.Such an omission might indicate a patron other than themonastery. Thus, while the Getty New Testament revealsmuch more about the circumstances of its creation17. Cf., ibid., figs. 3-6, 8.18. The manuscripts of Arsenios are surveyed in E. D. Kakoulidi," C H ßißXioÖTJKTi TTJS ixovrjs IIpo8pö|Xov—üerpas OTTJV KoovoTav-TLVOUTTOXT]," Hellenika 21 (1968), pp. 21—24. The Paris manuscript(Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 891) has a decorated headpiece. SeeSpatharakis, Corpus, p. 42, fig. 262.19. The basic sources on the monastery are collected in R. Janin,La geographie ecclesiastique de Vempire byzantin, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969),part 1, vol. 3, pp. 421—429; and G. P. Majeska, Russian Travelers toConstantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Washington,D.C., 1984), pp. 339-345.20. Majeska (supra, note 19), p. 341.21. Janin (supra, note 19), p. 422.22. Ibid., pp. 425—426; S. Cirac, "Tres monasterios de Constantinoplavisitados por espanoles en el afio 1403," Revue des etudesbyzantines 19 (1961), pp. 366—373; G. Le Strange, Clavijo Embassy toTamerlane (New York, 1928), pp. 62-63.23. Manuscripts associated with the monastery are surveyed inKakoulidi (supra, note 18), pp. 3—39.24. Von Euw and Plotzek, p. 162.25. A. Weyl Carr, "Diminutive Byzantine Manuscripts," CodicesManuscripti 6 (1980), pp. 133-136.

56 NelsonFigure 2. First page of the Gospel of Matthew. NewTestament, fol. Ur. Constantinople, 1133.Tempera and gold on vellum. H: 220 mm(8W); W: 180 mm (7"). Malibu, The J. PaulGetty Museum Ms. Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.Figure 3. First page of the Gospel of Mark. New Testament,fol. 46v. Constantinople, 1133. Temperaand gold on vellum. H: 220 mm (87s"); W:180 mm (7"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty MuseumMs. Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.than the great majority of illuminated Byzantine manuscriptswithout colophons, the trail of easily availableevidence ends all too soon. At that point one must resortto codicological, paleographical, and art historicalanalysis of the manuscript in the context of Constantinopolitanbook production of the second quarterof the twelfth century, a fertile period in the history ofByzantine illumination.The codicology and paleography of the Getty NewTestament provide the first set of clues to its process ofcreation. Two scribes worked on the manuscript. Theoktistos,the principal scribe, wrote the entire New Testament(fols. Ur—268v; figs. 1—5). A second scribe didthe preliminary letter of Eusebius (fol. lr—v; fig. 13) andthe concluding liturgical tables (fols. 269r—280r) andadded the numbers to the canon tables (fols. 2r—7v; figs.6—12). The colophon appears not in the usual position atthe end of the manuscript on folio 280r, but many pagesearlier on folio 268v (fig. 1), because Theoktistos completedhis work at that point. 26The two writing styles,while related, are nonetheless rather different in overalleffect and specific letters. Theoktistos achieves a rapidrhythm from narrow, thin letters, especially the nu, andfrequent slashing abbreviation marks (figs. 1—5). Hiscollaborator (fig. 13) writes a more conventional handwith fluid transitions and curvilinear letters, for example,the lambda, which contrasts with the more angularductus of Theoktistos. To the latter's text, the secondscribe added marginal liturgical rubrics. The manuscriptis thus a joint effort of two contemporary scribes.The decoration is consistent throughout the manuscript,the same colors and designs being used in thefull-page evangelist portraits (figs. 22—25), the ornamentalheadpieces at the beginning of each Gospel (figs.2—5), and the canon tables (figs. 6—12), as noted below.However, this does not suggest that one or both scribeswere responsible for the illuminating of the manuscript.Rather the two operations were separate and not es-26. The contrasting scripts of folios 268v and 269r are well illustratedin K. Lake and S. Lake, Dated Greek Manuscripts to the Year 1200(Boston, 1935), fasc. 3, no. 116, pi. 198.

Theoktistos and Associates 57Figure 4. First page of the Gospel of Luke. New Testament,fol. 70r. Constantinople, 1133. Temperaand gold on vellum. H: 220 mm (87s"); W:180 mm (7"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty MuseumMs. Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.Figure 5. First page of the Gospel of John. New Testament,fol. 107v. Constantinople, 1133. Temperaand gold on vellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s");W: 180 mm (7"). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum Ms. Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.pecially well coordinated, and the five figural miniaturesare painted on single folios tipped into regular textquires (see appendix).Thus Matthew (fol. lOv; fig. 22) is attached to thepreceding two folios (fols. 8—9), containing the list ofchapters in Matthew. Before it was removed from themanuscript, the page with the twelve apostles constitutedfolio 134v (fig. 21) and must have been joinedeither to the preceding or the following quaternion.Mark (fol. 45v; fig. 23) is put between bifolios 3 and 4in an otherwise regular quaternion (fols. 43—51), containingthe end of the Gospel of Matthew, the list ofchapters in Mark, and the beginning of the Gospel ofMark. Similarly Luke (fol. 69v; fig. 24) falls betweenbifolios 1 and 2 of a formally regular quaternion (fols.68—76), comprising the list of chapters in Luke and thebeginning of the Gospel of Luke. Finally John (fol.106v; fig. 25) is found between bifolios 3 and 4 of anotherwise regular quaternion (fols. 101—109) with the27. This opening in the manuscript, folios 106v—107r, is illustratedby Dölger et al. (supra, note 3), fig. 115.end of the Gospel of Luke, the chapters in John, and thebeginning of the Gospel of John.In two cases the inserted miniatures actually interrupttexts. Mark (fol. 45v) comes in the middle of the list ofchapters, which begins on folio 44v and continues onfolio 46r. Worse still, John (fol. 106v), designed to be afrontispiece to his Gospel, appears before the end ofLuke, so that Theoktistos' conclusion to Luke and hislist of chapters in John follow on folio 107r. 27The originallyblank rectos of all five miniatures (fols. lOr, 45r,69r, 106r, 134r) make these interruptions even more disconcerting.A later owner was sufficiently bothered bythe portrait of John to write the conclusion of Luke'sGospel on the back (fol. 106r) of the miniature, therebymaking redundant Theoktistos' original text on the followingfolio.The manner in which the parchment of the full-pageminiatures is ruled further distinguishes them from thebasic text of the manuscript (see the appendix). Doublevertical lines define the lateral borders of the frame, andsingle horizontal lines mark the upper and lower limitsof the miniature. The pattern thus aids the illuminator.

58 NelsonOther special rulings are found elsewhere in the manuscript.A distinctive pattern sets up some of the liturgicaltables at the end of the book (fols. 275r—280r). In theinitial quire with the canon tables (fols. 1—7), three setsof double vertical lines define the widths of the threepainted columns of the tables (figs. 6—12). Only folio 1with Eusebius' letter about the canon tables has horizontallines for the text (fig. 13).Taken together, these and other details permit a partialreconstruction of how the Getty New Testamentwas made. Theoktistos wrote the main text, sometimesindenting one or more lines at the beginning of majortextual divisions for gilded initials (see figs. 2—5). Theseinitials are all by the same hand and resemble the minordecoration and the gold titles, both surely by the scribe.Theoktistos must have added the initials after hefinished writing his text; when a scribe makes the initialsbefore he writes the text, the indented lines of textoften follow the particular profile of the individual letter,an effect that can be especially noticeable with thebeta for Matthew's Gospel. The second scribe may havewritten his sections of the manuscript after Theoktistos;certainly he added the liturgical marginalia after the latterhad finished.Next, the scribes turned their text over to an illuminator,who painted the headpieces at the start ofthe four Gospels (figs. 2—5), the Acts of the Apostles,and Paul's Epistle to the Romans. That the ornamentcame after the initials is shown by the first pages ofMark, Luke, and John. For Mark (fig. 3), the lower leftfinial to the ornamented rectangle is abbreviated so asto avoid the tall gold initial alpha. For the same reasonthe corresponding finial of John's headpiece (fig. 5) ispushed to the side of the large initial epsilon, while theone in Luke's headpiece (fig. 4) is shrunken to a smallgolden teardrop, better to blend with the color of theinitial below.The illuminator of the headpieces also painted thefigural miniatures and the canon tables. The same arrayof colors is used throughout the manuscript, and thesame scalloped design in the borders of the frames ofthe evangelists (figs. 22—25) and the apostles (fig. 21)appears in the headpiece for Mark (fig. 3) and in certaincanon tables (figs. 7, 9, 11, 12). For the full-page miniatures,the painter worked with separate pages of parchment,guided by the ruling lines that he incised toinsure uniform proportions for the frames. He didnot, however, rule all four evangelist portraitssimultaneously, because the miniatures' measurementsvary slightly. 28The production stages of the canon tables are moredifficult to reconstruct, but the illuminator probablytook the lead here. Three sets of double vertical linesdefine the widths of the three painted columns on eachpage, so that it must have been the illuminator whostarted with the blank parchment. Again his apparentobjective was uniformity in the manuscript, because theheight of the canon tables approximately equals that ofthe evangelist portraits. 29He ruled four bifolios of parchment,or sixteen pages, and painted tables on fourteenof these pages. The same ruling pattern appears on thefirst folio with the letter of Eusebius, except that horizontallines were added for the text (fig. 13). The secondscribe used gold ink for the letter on folios lr—v and thenumbers of the canon tables.It appears therefore that while there was some interchangebetween scribes and illuminator, they preferredto work separately. Thus, even though there was roomfor the portrait of Matthew on the originally blank folio9v, following the conclusion of the chapter lists forMatthew on folio 9r, the illuminator painted his miniatureon a separate leaf of parchment to be attached tothe small quire with the chapter lists. The manuscriptthat resulted does not conform to the usual layout ofdeluxe books. Neither the evangelist portraits nor thefirst pages of each Gospel follow the predictable norm.As a rule, the evangelist portrait occupies a verso, so asto face the beginning of a Gospel on a recto. For thisreason the evangelist normally is shown turning inwardtoward the binding. Moreover, each Gospel traditionallybegan a new quire, a centuries-old convention that wentback to the earliest Christian manuscripts. 3028. Matthew (fig. 22) 160 X 108 mm; Mark (fig. 23) 165 X 105mm; Luke (fig. 24) 163 X 108 mm; John (fig. 25) 163 x 108 mm.Because the last two have the same measurements and all but Markshare the same width, the evangelists were clearly made in the samecampaign.29. For example, the canon table on folio 5v (fig. 10) measures160 X 140 mm.30. P. McGurk, Latin Gospel Books from A.D. 400 to A.D. 800(Paris, 1961), pp. 8-9.31. I made some comments on the relative independence ofscribes and illuminators in regard to tenth-century illumination in"Byzantine Miniatures at Oxford: CBM 1 and 2," forthcoming inByzantine Studies/Etudes byzantines. Others have reached similar con-elusions for later manuscripts. For the period of the present essay, seeBuchthal, "Escorial," p. 93, and J. C. Anderson, "The Seraglio Octateuchand the Kokkinobaphos Master," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 36(1982), pp. 103-104. For the Palaeologan period, see H. Buchthal,"Toward a History of Palaeologan Illuminations," Art of the MediterraneanWorld A.D. W0 to 1400 (Washington, D.C, 1983), pp. 162-163; A.Weyl Carr, "Two Manuscripts by Joasaph in the United States," TheArt Bulletin 63 (1981), pp. 188-190; and H. Belting, Das illuminierteBuch in der spätbyzantinischen Gesellschaft (Heidelberg, 1970), pp. 3—17.32. Buchthal, "Disiecta Membra"; von Euw and Plotzek, p. 159.33. The contents of these pages are as follows (Zog refers to theZographou leaf):Page 1 (Zog) I, I8 (4v) V, V

Theoktistos and Associates 59The observed lack of coordination between scribesand painter does not mean that they were not contemporariesor that the miniatures were inserted into themanuscript at a later date. As discussed below, the decorationis too firmly embedded in the context of Constantinopolitanillumination of the second quarter ofthe twelfth century to be attributed to a later period.What the codicological analysis of the manuscript suggestsinstead is a physical, not a temporal, distance betweenthe writing and the decorating of the manuscript.The illuminator probably did not share the same worktableor scriptorium with the scribes and may even havehad a separate shop to which the master Theoktistosbrought his book for decoration. A similar modus operandibest describes the production of certain twelfthcenturymanuscripts, to be discussed shortly, and maybe deduced, as well, for other periods of Byzantineillumination. 31Having thus examined how the Getty New Testamentwas made, it is appropriate to evaluate the illuminationthat resulted by looking first at the beginningof the manuscript. Beginnings of books are alwaysimportant, but perhaps more so than usual in the case ofMs. Ludwig II 4. One of its more distinctive aspects isits preliminary canon tables (figs. 6—12), which haveheretofore been ignored. Thanks to Hugo Buchthal'sdiscovery, their full extent can now be studied. Thesingle leaf that he identified must be the folio that theauthors of the Ludwig catalogue recorded as missingbetween folios 1 and 2 of the manuscript. 32The leaf'smeasurements agree with those of the Getty volume,and its contents complete the missing section at thebeginning of the tables. The series of decorated pagesmay therefore be reconstructed as beginning on therecto of the Zographou leaf and extending throughthe verso of folio 7, making fourteen pages in all. 33The canon tables consist of three handsome marbleizedcolumns that frame two sections for the lists ofnumbers and support an ornamental superstructure. Thecolumns, painted either blue or green, rest on roundor tripartite bases. The rectangular sections above arevariously filled with gables, arches, or ornamental patterns,so that each opening of the manuscript has thesame design. Thus the fact that folio 2r matches exactlythe design of the verso of the Zographou leaf is conclusiveproof that the latter belonged to the manuscript. 34These canon tables would seem to appeal less to modernsensibilities than the manuscript's figural miniaturesto judge from the fact that the latter have been reproducedseveral times since 1891, whereas the canontables were first illustrated only in the Ludwig catalogueof 1979. 35Yet these ornate arches must have beenimportant to the manuscript's medieval patron. Theyare carefully executed in the same array of colors as theevangelists and apostles, and it may well have requiredmore of the artist's time to paint fourteen canon tablesthan five figural miniatures. 36Canon tables play a major role in the decorative programsof other Middle Byzantine Gospel books. Someconsist of large illusionistic architectural designs derivedfrom early prototypes, while others set intricate genrescenes atop the structures or introduce personificationsas caryatids. To understand better the context of theGetty canon tables, it is necessary to locate them inthe history of this aspect of the post-Iconoclastic Gospelbook/New Testament, a formidable task since thathistory has yet to be written. The premier authority onthe subject, Carl Nordenfalk, did consider the Greekversions but principally in regard to their potential forreconstructing Eusebius' original design. The latter,he showed, was reflected in the seven-page series ofsome tenth-century Greek manuscripts, his "kleineregriechische Kanonfolge." He also isolated the "grösseregriechische Kanonfolge," consisting of ten pages andrepresented by the masterpiece in the Stavronikita monasteryon Mount Athos (cod. 43). According to Nordenfalk,this series was a new redaction by Constantinopolitanilluminators of the tenth century and consequentlyof lesser interest for his purposes. 37Neither he noranyone else has taken up the subsequent history of2 (Zog) I, II3 (2r) II, II4 (2v) II, II5 (3r) II, III6 (3v) III, IV7 (4r) IV, V9 (5r) V, VI10 (5v) VI, VII11 (6r) VIII, IX12 (6v) X(Mt), X(Mk)13 (7r) X (Lk), X (Lk)14 (7v) X (Jn), X (Jn)34. Because of the vagueness of earlier accounts, it is unclearwhen the Zographou leaf was removed from the manuscript. Unlikethe missing apostles page, the leaf does not appear in the Library ofCongress microfilm made in 1953 (see supra, note 3).35. Von Euw and Plotzek, figs. 56-59.36. In a forthcoming study on Armenian illumination, ThomasMathews also underscores the importance and the seriousness ofcanon tables. He is able to interpret their significance for Armenianmanuscripts by reference to medieval Armenian commentaries on theEusebian canons. I know of no similar texts for Greek manuscripts.I thank him for letting me read a portion of his study coauthoredwith Avedis K. Sanjian, Armenian Gospel Iconography; The Tradition ofthe U.C.L.A. Gospel.37. C. Nordenfalk, Die spätantiken Kanontafeln (Göteborg, 1938),pp. 57—64. He also identifies an early eight-page series, as a variant onthe smaller seven-page format: ibid, pp. 149—152, and idem, "TheApostolic Canon Tables," Gazette des beaux-arts ser. 6, 62 (1963),pp. 24-26.

60 NelsonFigure 6. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 2r. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8W); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII 4; 83.MB.68.Figure 7. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 2v. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII 4;83.MB.68.Byzantine canon tables, in spite of the fact that theyconstitute major components of deluxe manuscriptsand may well offer clues to the origin andof such books.affiliationThe present study is not the place for such an investigation,but a few preliminary observations may aid inappreciating the series in the Getty manuscript. First,the latter's fourteen pages are exceptional. While Nordenfalk'sseven-page series appears less frequently afterthe tenth century than eight- or ten-page sequences,38. C. Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates Graeci Bibliothecae Vaticanae(Rome, 1895), p. 4; Spatharakis, Corpus, p. 41, fig. 251.39. Spatharakis, Corpus, pp. 11—15: Rome, Vatican gr. 354; Paris,Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 70; Mount Athos, Lavra cod. A 19. I excludeOxford, Bodleian Library Auct. D. 4. 1, said to have two canontables (ibid., p. 12). These are canons for the Psalms: Hutter, Corpus,vol. 1, p. 27.40. Nordenfalk (supra, note 37), p. 60.41. Spatharakis, Corpus, pp. 19, 28, 33, 36. The other manuscriptsare a Trebizond manuscript divided between Mount Sinai gr. 172 andLeningrad, Public Library gr. 291 dated 1067, and Paris, BibliothequeNationale gr. 81 dated 1092. The tables in the Dumbarton Oaksmanuscript are comparatively simple, being rendered only in red ink.42. Spatharakis, Corpus, pp. 41-42, 44-48: Mount Sinai gr. 193very few series are as extended as that of Ms. Ludwig II4. The contemporary Gospel book in the Vatican Library(Urb. gr. 2), with its portraits of John II Comnenusand his son Alexius, spreads the letter of Eusebiusand the canon tables over sixteen pages(fols.4r—11 v), but the tables proper occupy only the traditionalten pages. 38Like the earlier series studied by Nordenfalk,later canon tables may also be productivelyclassified by number of pages.Second, canon tables are more popular in some peridated1124; Rome, Vatican Urb. gr. 2 of circa 1125; Mount Athos,Esphigmenou cod. 25 dated 1129; Malibu, The J. Paul Getty MuseumMs. Ludwig II 4 dated 1133; Princeton, University Library Garrett3 dated 1136; Rome, Vatican Barb. gr. 449 dated 1153; Athens, ByzantineMuseum ms. 205 dated 1154; London, British Library Add. 5107dated 1159; Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale suppl. gr. 612 dated 1164;Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 83 dated 1167; London, British LibraryAdd. 5111-5112, "shortly before 1189"; Rome, Vatican gr. 2290dated 1197.43. Spatharakis, Corpus, pp. 49, 54: Athens, Gennadeios Libraryms. 1. 5 dated 1226; Athens, Byzantine Museum ms. 155 dated 1292.Spatharakis included Mount Sinai gr. 2123 as dated 1242, but its datehas now been justly challenged by G. Prato andj. A. M. Sonderkamp,"Libro, testo, miniature: II caso del Cod. Sinait. Gr. 2123," Scrittura e

Theoktistos and Associates 61Figure 8. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 3v. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII 4;83.MB.68.Figure 9. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 4v. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII 4; 83.MB.68.ods than others, as shown by a perusal of the datedilluminated Greek manuscripts in the recent volume ofI. Spatharakis. There the tenth century is represented bythree manuscripts, 39one of which (Paris, BibliothequeNationale gr. 70) is a prime example of Nordenfalk'sseven-page sequence. 40 Of the five eleventh-centurymanuscripts that Spatharakis catalogues, all but one(Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana Ms. B 56 sup., dated1022) are from the second half of the century. Two(Washington, D.C., Dumbarton Oaks cod. 3 andMount Athos, Lavra A 61) are of high or moderatelyhigh quality, and each has ten pages of canon tables. 41The situation abruptly changes, however, in the twelfthcentury. Now twelve dated manuscripts have canon tables,including, of course, Ms. Ludwig II 4. 42In contrast,tables are found in only three manuscripts fromthe thirteenth century, 43two from the fourteenth century,44and none from the fifteenth century. In the LateByzantine period canon tables decline in importanceand are not included in many deluxe manuscripts. 45civiltä 9 (1985), pp. 309—323. Other dated manuscripts have canontables but perhaps were not mentioned by Spatharakis because theyare not of sufficient art historical interest, e.g., Rome, Vatican Ottob.gr. 381 dated 1281/82 and Williamstown, Williams College cod. DeRicci 1 dated 1294/95. Perhaps for the same reason Oxford, ChristChurch gr. 20 dated 1291/92 is omitted entirely from the Corpus.Göttingen, Universitätsbibliothek cod. Theol. 28, an illuminatedmanuscript dated 1289/90 with canon tables, should be added to theCorpus. The Oxford and Göttingen manuscripts are discussed in mypaper, "Theodore Hagiopetrites and Thessaloniki," JOB 32/4 (1982),pp. 79—85, and the Göttingen manuscript alone in "The Manuscriptsof Antonios Malakes and the Collecting and Appreciation of IlluminatedBooks in the Early Palaeologan Period," JOB 36 (1986),pp. 235-238.44. Spatharakis, Corpus, pp. 56—57: Mount Athos, Pantocratorcod. 47 dated 1301; Venice, Biblioteca Nationale gr. I. 20 dated 1302.Again, at least one other manuscript, Venice, Biblioteca Marciana gr.I. 19, has canon tables. The latter, however, are not richly decorated.45. For example, Pistoia, Biblioteca Fabroniana ms. 307 dated1330; Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana ms. F 17 (83) dated 1330; MountAthos, Lavra cod. A 46 dated 1333; Patmos, Monastery of Saint Johnms. 81 dated 1335; Mount Sinai gr. 152 dated 1346; London, BritishLibrary Burney 18 dated 1366; Athens, National Library ms. 2603dated 1418; and Mount Athos, Iviron cod. 548 dated 1433. SeeSpatharakis, Corpus, pp. 60—70.

62 NelsonIflflll^^Figure 10. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 5v. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8W); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII 4; 83.MB.68.Figure 11. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 6v. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 / 8"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII 4; 83.MB.68.Further research would be required to ascertain thedegree to which the number of canon tables is dependentupon the number of illustrated Gospel books andNew Testaments being produced at various times.However, in the absence of such a difficult inquiry, theevidence of surviving dated examples still reveals that atleast the tables, if not the manuscripts in which they arefound, enjoyed their greatest popularity in the latereleventh and twelfth centuries. Not coincidentally, thiswas also the time of their principal artistic success, adevelopment that parallels the increased prominence ofthe decorated headpiece during the same period. 46Tenth-century tables might be monumental and illusionistic(Mount Athos, Stavronikita cod. 43) or flat anddecorative (Athens, National Library cod. 56) and couldinclude a variety of small birds at the top (Rome, Vaticangr. 364), 47but in the eleventh century, especially thelatter half, canon tables reached new levels of embellishment.Atop the intricate arcades of one masterpiece ofthe period (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 64) cavortmenageries of exotic animals. A cheetah and a hunterrace after stags; one griffon stands proudly by whileanother licks its paws; pairs of long-necked waterfowland peacocks drink from a fountain; or a youth goads acamel, as an elephant drinks with his trunk from afountain. 48More fanciful still are the mythological creaturesplaying cymbals and harp above a majestic table inthe later eleventh-century Gospels in Parma (Biblioteca46. On the headpiece see my forthcoming study, "PalaeologanIlluminated Ornament and the Arabesque," which will appear in theWiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte.47. K. Weitzmann, Die byzantinische Buchmalerei des 9 und 10. Jahrhunderts(Berlin, 1935), figs. 177-178, 148, 194-195.48. J. Ebersolt, La miniature byzantine (Paris, 1926), pis. XLII—XLIII.A color reproduction of the page with the boy and camel is found in A.Grabar, The Art of the Byzantine Empire (New York, 1963), p. 39.49. V. Lazarev, Storia della pittura bizantina (Turin, 1967), fig. 240.50. Hutter, Corpus, vol. 1, figs. 209-213; vol. 3.1, p. 333; Nelson,"Byzantine Miniatures at Oxford" (supra, note 31).51. Buchthal, "Melbourne," pp. 141-143, figs. 295-300. The Venicemanuscript is discussed in I. Furlan, Codici greci illustrati della BibliotecaMarciana (Milan, 1979), vol. 2, pp. 13—18, without knowledge ofthe preceding, and most recently by Spatharakis, "Grammar," pp.235—237. On the Melbourne manuscript there is now M. M. Manionand V. R. Vines, Medieval and Renaissance Illuminated Manuscripts inAustralian Collections (Melbourne, 1984), pp. 23—26.

Theoktistos and Associates 6352. On the manuscript see E. Takaichvili, "Antiquites georgiennes:I. L'evangile de Vani," Byzantion 10 (1935), pp. 655—663; Sh.Amiranashvili, Gruzinskaja Miniatjura (Moscow, 1966), pis. 30—33; H.Buchthal, "Studies in Byzantine Illumination of the Thirteenth Century,"Jahrbuch der berliner Museen 25 (1983), pp. 36, 40, figs. 14—16.53. Buchthal (supra, note 52), pp. 37-44.54. Hutter, Corpus, vol. 1, pp. 59-62, figs. 227-235. J. C. Andersonis preparing a monograph on the Kokkinobaphos group. For hismost recent paper on the subject see supra, note 31. Another manificationsare reproduced so faithfully that the illuminatormust have consulted one or more earlier manuscripts.52Finally, at the end of the twelfth century, spectacularprofusions of ornamental patterns envelop thecanon tables of the appropriately named Decorativestyle, perhaps best exemplified by a manuscript in theDionysiou monastery on Mount Athos (cod. 4). 53Figure 12. Canon table. New Testament, fol. 7v. Constantinople,1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. LudwigII4;83.MB.68.Palatina ms. palat. 5), 49a manuscript that is closelyrelated to a smaller and simpler Gospels at Oxford(Bodleian Library E. D. Clarke 10). 50In the second quarter of the twelfth century, Gospelbooks belonging to the National Gallery of Victoria inMelbourne and the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana inVenice (cod. gr. Z 540) insert personifications of thelabors of the months and the virtues between the capitalsand spandrels. 51Both the caryatids and the genrescenes are combined at the end of the twelfth century orthe beginning of the thirteenth century in the Vani Gospels,a manuscript written in Georgian but decorated bya Byzantine illuminator in Constantinople. Here motifslike the boy and the camel, the elephant, or the person-Compared to such elaborate creations, the tables inthe Getty New Testament appear rather simple, lacking,as they do, the frolicking animals or the genre scenes ofother Comnenian manuscripts. Yet their ornament isvaried and well painted, and the series is significantlylonger than the traditional formats to which all but avery few deluxe manuscripts conform. The ten-pagesequence is favored by many of the foregoing: Athens,National Library cod. 56; Rome, Vatican gr. 364;Mount Athos, Stavronikita cod. 43; Paris, BibliothequeNationale gr. 64; Oxford, Bodleian Library E. D. Clarke10; Rome, Vatican Urb. gr. 2. The Parma Gospels hasonly nine pages of tables, perhaps because it is largerthan most Gospel books. Another prominent manuscriptwith a nine-page series is the Codex Ebnerianusat Oxford, a contemporary of the Getty New Testamentand a member of a large school of Constantinopolitanillumination of the period, usually termed the Kokkinobaphosgroup after prominent manuscripts in Parisand Rome. 54The scribe of the Codex Ebnerianus alsowrote a New Testament in the Escorial with eight pagesof tables. 55A Paris Gospel book (Bibliotheque Nationalegr. 71), illuminated in the Kokkinobaphos style,contains handsome tables, which, however, are onlyseven in number. 56Manuscripts of the later Decorativestyle, recently studied by A. Weyl Carr, have eitherseven or eight pages of tables. 57Among the manuscriptssurveyed, the Melbourne and Venice manuscripts withfourteen and fifteen pages, respectively, offer the closestparallels to the Getty New Testament.Hugo Buchthal, who first noted the relationship betweenthe Melbourne and Venice Gospels, concludedthat they were produced in the same monastic scriptorium,because of the probable monastic origin of thevirtues iconography and the presence of the portrait ofthe monk Theophanes at the beginning of theMelbourne manuscript (fig. 20). 58The inscription acuscriptpossibly relevant to the group is the Lafskali Gospels, mentionedin Spatharakis, "Grammar," p. 241, and illustrated in J.Mourier, L'art en Caucase, 3rd ed. (Brussels, 1912), p. 239.55. Buchthal, "Escorial," pp. 85-87.56. Spatharakis, "Grammar," p. 235.57. A. Weyl Carr, "A Group of Provincial Manuscripts from theTwelfth Century," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 36 (1982), pp. 67-81.58. Buchthal, "Melbourne," pp. 145-146.

64 NelsonFigure 13. Eusebian letter. New Testament, fol. lr.Constantinople, 1133. Pen and ink on vellum.H: 220 mm (8 5 / 8"); W: 180 mm (7"). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. Ludwig II 4;83.MB.68.Figure 14. Eusebian letter. Gospel book, fol. 2r. Constantinople,second quarter of the twelfthcentury. Tempera and gold on vellum. H: 242mm (9V 2"); W: 174 mm (67s"). Melbourne,National Gallery of Victoria MS. Felton710/5 (Felton Bequest 1959). Photo: CourtesyNational Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne.companying the miniature identifies him as the donor,scribe, and illuminator of the manuscript. CertainlyTheophanes must have been responsible for the book'screation, but whether he was the actual scribe andpainter is not entirely clear. 59Thus the miniature mayeither be a rare self-portrait of a scribe and illuminatoror yet another representation of a patron presenting hisbook to the Virgin. In any event, the connection betweenthe Melbourne and Venice Gospels may be drawntighter, for they are not merely products of the samescriptorium. They are written by the same scribe, as thecomparison of the same texts in the two will indicate.For example, the letters of Eusebius at the beginningof each volume (figs. 14, 15) not only have similar ornamentalframes but also share the same letter formsand ligatures. 60To judge from the beginnings of theGospels, this scribe also wrote the main texts ofboth volumes.Furthermore, the measurements of the two Gospelbooks are related. The Melbourne manuscript (242 x174 mm) is twice the size of the Venice volume (175 x123 mm); the width of the former equals the length ofthe latter, and twice the width of the latter approximatesthe length of the former. The books' scribe musthave folded the unit of parchment used for the largervolume once more for the smaller volume. Other similarpairs of manuscripts are known, and one set is documentedas having been produced at the same time. 61Ofthe two manuscripts, the Melbourne Gospels wouldhave been the more expensive, because even though it is59. It was common for patrons of all sorts to claim in an inscriptionthat they had made, built, etc., the object. To take one exampleclose in date, Mount Sinai gr. 339 of the mid-twelfth century containsa note stating that the Abbot Joseph of the Pantocrator monastery"made the silver-white book dappled with wrought gold" and gave itto the monastery of the Theotokos Pantanassa. Joseph is neither thescribe nor the illuminator of the manuscript, but its patron. See J. C.Anderson, "The Illustration of Cod. Sinai. Gr. 339," The Art Bulletin61 (1979), pp. 167-168.60. Compare the word btXegavopeus in line 3 of Melbourne (fig.

Theoktistos and Associates 65Figure 15. Eusebian letter. Gospel book, fol. Ir. Constantinople,second quarter of the twelfthcentury. Tempera and gold on vellum. H: 175mm (67s"); W: 123 mm (47s"). Venice, BibliotecaNazionale Marciana cod. gr. Z 540. Photo:Courtesy Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Venice.Figure 16. Eusebian letter. Gospel book, fol. lr. Constantinople,second quarter of the twelfthcentury. Pen and ink on vellum. H: 117 mm(4 5 / 8") ;W: 84 mm (3 5 /i 6"). New York, H. P.Kraus collection. Photo: Courtesy H. P.Kraus, New York.twice as large, it has nearly the same number of folios(254) as the Venice manuscript (275). Given that bothcontain the same text, one would expect the Melbournemanuscript to have half the number of folios of its twin,if their cost of materials had been the same.Theoktistos, with his squarish letters and diagonalabbreviation signs, wrote rather differently than thescribe of the Venice and Melbourne Gospel books, butin the latter context, the anomalous style of Eusebius'letter in the Getty New Testament (fig. 13) suddenlybecomes significant. A number of letters and ligatureshere are so similar to the Gospel books (figs. 14, 15) thatthe same person probably penned the Eusebian lettersof all three books. 62It thus should not be surprising thatthe three sets of canon tables employ the same ornamentalrepertory. For example, the marbleized columns,painted alternately blue or green, and the many redbases and capitals are practically identical to those in theonly color reproduction published from the MelbourneGospels. Moreover, a peculiar flower-leaf with a hole atthe side is the principal decorative motif of a canon tablein the Getty volume (fig. 10) and a headpiece in theMelbourne manuscript. 63The precise relationship betweenthe illuminators of the three books is not clear,because, to take one example, the designs of the canontable spandrels and the headpieces are unrelated. At thevery least, however, it may be concluded that all threebooks are the products of contemporary Constantinopolitanpainters.These artisans may be traced in yet one more manu-14) and line 4 of Venice (fig. 15); the word 8iacJ)0apf|vai in line 8 ofMelbourne and line 10 of Venice; or the words el\Ti(|)a)sa(|)op|x&s inline 14 of Melbourne and line 16 of Venice.61. See R. S. Nelson and J. L. Bona, "Relative Size and ComparativeValue in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts: Some QuantitativePerspectives," forthcoming in Biblioteca di scrittura e civiltd.62. Compare the same words cited in note 60 and found in Gettyon lines 2, 7, 13. Or compare the form of the word d8eX(()win line 1 ofGetty with that in line 3 of Venice.63. Buchthal, "Melbourne," fig. 303.

66 Nelsondate the lists of numbers on a much smaller page necessitatedthe abridgment of the decorated spandrels. Nevertheless,like the Melbourne and Getty manuscripts,the Kraus Gospels has fourteen pages of canon tables.Its Eusebian letter (fig. 16) is written by the person whowrote the other three letters (figs. 13—15) and is introducedby a simple wavy band identical to that of theGetty manuscript (fig. 13). 66Figure 17. Canon table. Gospel book, fol. 5r. Constantinople,second quarter of the twelfthcentury. Tempera and gold on vellum. H: 117mm (4 5 /s"); W: 84 mm (3 5 /i 6"). New York, H.P. Kraus collection. Photo: Courtesy H. P.Kraus, New York.script, a diminutive Gospel book that has received littleattention to date. Its canon tables (fig. 17) display thesame combinations of columns and capitals in the identicalshades of red, green, and blue as the precedingbooks. Formerly owned by the Marquess of Bute, themanuscript has been in the collection of Mr. H. P.Kraus since 1983. 64Its small size (117 X 84 mm) distinguishesit from the average Gospel book and suggestsa private function. 65Decorated only with canon tables,the manuscript, nevertheless, is carefully written and isof high quality. Its tables are simpler than those of theGetty New Testament, because the need to accommo-The general ornamental vocabulary of the tables inthese manuscripts belongs to the larger context oftwelfth-century Constantinopolitan illumination andleads quickly to the group of the aforementioned Kokkinobaphosmanuscripts. The Codex Ebnerianus at Oxfordalso uses the green and blue columns and the redcapitals in its canon tables. 67Moreover the scalloped designused for some arches (figs. 7, 9) and borders (figs.22—25) in the Getty manuscript frames the evangelistsin another manuscript of the group (Patmos, Monasteryof Saint John cod. 274). 68Yet while certain ornamentalmotifs are generally characteristic of high quality illuminationfrom the capital, the common format of theGetty, Kraus, and Melbourne manuscripts distinguishesthem from those Kokkinobaphos-school manuscriptsthat still preserve their canon tables 69and suggests acloser kinship for these portions of the threemanuscripts.Paleography, however, leads in different directions.To recapitulate, Theoktistos, the copyist of the mainpart of the Getty New Testament, collaborated with asecond scribe, who did the Eusebian letter and the liturgicaltables. The latter also wrote the Melbourne andVenice Gospels, as well as the Eusebian letter in thelittle book of H. P. Kraus (fig. 16). The main text of thislast manuscript (fig. 18), however, is written in an entirelydifferent style and should be assigned to anotherscribe, whose hand can be detected in yet another memberof the Kokkinobaphos group, a Gospel book inParis (Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 75). 70A comparisonof the first pages from Mark in the two books (figs. 18,19) reveals a number of identical letter forms and ligatures71and a similar quiet, somber rhythm, so differentfrom the corresponding pages in the Melbourne 72and64. I. C. Cunningham, Greek Manuscripts in Scotland: SummaryCatalogue (Edinburgh, 1982), p. 18; Sotheby Parke Bernet & Co., Catalogueof the Bute Collection of Forty-Two Illuminated Manuscripts and Miniatures(London, 1983), pp. 6—9. Two tables are illustrated in color onp. 6. I thank Ms. Mary Ann Mitchell of the firm of H. P. Kraus forsending me information about the manuscript.65. See the study of Weyl Carr (supra, note 25). The manuscript iscited on p. 156. It should be noted that the manuscript is one-half thesize of the Venice Gospels and one-fourth that of the MelbourneGospels, a further indication of the relationship of all three.66. In the latter, the same band is repeated on folio 269r in gold(illustrated in Lake [supra, note 26], pi. 198) and on the followingpages in red. The motif is a common one, admittedly, but the preciseexecution is consistent in both the Getty and Kraus manuscripts andis further evidence that these sections are by the same hand.67. Described in Hutter, Corpus, vol. 1, pp. 61—62.68. G. Jacopi, "Le miniature dei codici di Patmo," Clara Rhodos6-7 (1932-1941), fig. 131.69. For example, Rome, Vatican Urb. gr. 2 has ten pages; theCodex Ebnerianus, nine pages; and Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr.71, seven pages.70. Anderson, "Examination," pp. 36—40, where the manuscript

Theoktistos and Associates 67Figure 18. First page of the Gospel of Mark. Gospelbook, fol. 132r. Constantinople, second quarterof the twelfth century. Tempera and goldon vellum. H: 117 mm (4 5 /s"); W: 84 mm(37i6"). New York: H. P. Kraus collection.Photo: Courtesy H. P. Kraus, New York.Figure 19. First page of the Gospel of Mark. Gospelbook, fol. 95r. Constantinople, second quarterof the twelfth century. Tempera and goldon vellum. H: 179 mm (7"); W: 127 mm (5").Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 75. Photo:Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.Getty manuscripts (fig. 3). Moreover the same decorativeflair seems to animate the initial alphas. The KrausGospels has only a simple band of pseudo-Kufic ornamentas headpiece for Mark, whereas the Paris volumeopens each Gospel with a framed miniature painted accordingto the style and iconography of such Kokkinobaphos-schoolmanuscripts as Vatican Urb. gr. 2. 73The latter's script in turn is to be distinguished fromthat of Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 75, which betterresembles the Paris Kokkinobaphos manuscript(Bibliotheque Nationale, gr. 1208). 74To trace further the intricate affiliations of this largegroup is beyond the scope of the present essay, butsome parts of the puzzle are becoming clearer. Buchthalhas shown that the Codex Ebnerianus and the EscorialNew Testament were written by the same scribe butpainted by different artists. 75Thus it is already possibleto conclude that manuscript production in Constantinopleduring the second quarter of the twelfth century involvedshifting associations of scribes and illuminators,and in this respect the Getty New Testament is a typicalproduct of the period. Consequently, to make attributionsbased only on script or illumination is to ignorethe larger reality of medieval craft practices.is compared with Rome, Vatican Urb. gr. 2; and idem (supra, note31), pp. 89, 95. It is unfortunate that someone erased two lines oftext at the end of the Gospel of John and the beginning of the liturgicaltables in the Kraus manuscript (fol. 429r). These may well havebeen the book's original colophon. They were not readable with ultravioletlight. In the Getty manuscript the colophon appears in the sameposition after the conclusion of the canonical texts and before theSynaxarium.71. Cf the words irpo

68 NelsonFigure 20. The monk Theophanes presenting a book tothe Virgin and Child. Gospel book, fol. lv.Constantinople, second quarter of thetwelfth century. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 242 mm (9V 2"); W: 174 mm(6 7 /s"). Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria,MS. Felton 710/5 (Felton Bequest1959). Photo: Courtesy National Gallery ofVictoria, Melbourne.Figure 21. The twelve apostles. New Testament, fol.134v (excised). Constantinople, 1133. Temperaand gold on vellum. H: 185 mm (J X U")\W: 135 mm (57i 6"). Athens, Paul Canellopouloscollection.The context thus established for the canon tablesof the Ludwig manuscript provides a useful frameworkfor interpreting the bits of color on folio lr (fig. 13),the only traces of a miniature on the now lost versofolio. Several of these offsets may be seen at the upperleft. In the inner margin, a light blue palmette growsfrom a stem that twists and projects to the right. Beloware the dark blue remnants of a capital, and lower still,dots of light green trailing down the page between thedouble ruling lines. Extending above and slightly tothe right of the capital are other patches of the darkblue, the largest of which overlays the word Encreßiosand is joined to a spot of dark green, which obscuresthe word 'Afiuxiovios. Dots of red and orange adjointhis offset. Finally in the top left corner of the page,bits of dark blue have adhered to an area betweenthe double rulings.The key to interpreting these offsets is as close asfolio 2r (fig. 6). The palmette corresponds to one hereor on folio 6v (fig. 11), and the blue area below can onlybe from a dark blue capital like those of the canon tables.These portions of the missing leaf must have beencoordinated with the tables, for the offset palmette isonly a few millimeters higher on the page than its analogueon folio 2r. Like the capitals of the canon tables,the offset capital is bisected by the ruling lines of foliolr. The specks of color below also fall between the rulingsand must therefore be the remnants of a greencolumn that corresponds to one of the outer oneselsewhere, for example, folio 2v (fig. 7). Above the capi-76. The codicology of the manuscript is analyzed in Manion andVines (supra, note 51). The frames of the missing evangelist portraitsare visible on the first pages of the Gospels, as noted by Buchthal,"Melbourne," p. 145.77. Hutter, Corpus, vol. 1, pp. 60-61, fig. 225.78. Buch thai (supra, note 52), p. 36.

Theoktistos and Associates 69tal the dark blue and green patches with red and orangetouches are from a leaf analogous to one in the samearea of folio 5v (fig. 10), and the smear of color in theupper left corner probably came from a projectingfinial. Presumably the overall design was symmetrical,so that one may reconstruct another column, capital,and palmette on the opposite side of the page, but thereis no way to know if the lost illumination had a centralcolumn like the tables that follow. To achieve such preciseagreement with the tables, the missing page wasdoubtlessly ruled in the pattern of folios 1—7.Fortunately or unfortunately, no more of the missingpage was damaged by rubbing, so that one is left withonly these scattered clues; something, nevertheless, canbe said about the whole page. It must have been part ofthe original program of decoration, because it was ruledlike the first quire, and it must have been painted by theoriginal illuminator, whose blues have also rubbed offin the same areas of the canon tables (figs. 6—12). Whiledesigned to match the tables, the page was probably notpart of the book's initial quaternion, quinions beingrare in Byzantine manuscripts, but may rather havebeen a singleton or a bifolio set before the first regularquire. It cannot, of course, have been a canon table,because these were complete, but the manuscript itselfprovides no further clues as to the content of the missingpage, so one must look elsewhere.Byzantine Gospel books or New Testaments mightbe introduced by a variety of themes, Christ and thefour evangelists, the Deesis, a cross, etc., but the contemporariesof the Getty New Testament suggest morelikely possibilities. Once again the closest analogue isthe Melbourne Gospels. It too has lost various miniatures,whose traces have also been preserved on the oppositepages. Its first folio (fig. 20) is a singleton, whichfaces a regular quaternion containing, as in the Gettymanuscript, the letter of Eusebius (fols. 2r—v; fig. 14)and originally seven folios, or fourteen pages, of canontables. 76Folio lv depicts the scribe, illuminator, and/orpatron, Theophanes, presenting his manuscript to theVirgin. The three handsome columns here complementthe book's canon tables and suggest one way of reconstructingthe lost Getty page. A second possibility isoffered by the Codex Ebnerianus, where another largetriple-arched structure frames the probable portraits ofEusebius and Carpianus. 77The latter is the recipient ofEusebius' letter, which follows on the next page, as itwould have in the Getty manuscript. Eusebius and Car-pianus were popular subjects in the Comnenian period,appearing somewhat earlier in the previously mentionedParma and Oxford manuscripts and later in theVani Gospels, a book whose illumination follows Comnenianmodels rather closely. 78The general program of figural decoration in the Gettyvolume is also understandable within the context ofComnenian book production. In the subclass of illuminatedmanuscripts, one volume New Testaments are notcommon. By a wide margin illuminators and their patronspreferred the separate Gospel book over the lesscommonly illustrated Acts and Epistles, and in the eleventhand twelfth centuries they began to join the Gospelsand/or New Testament to the Psalter to form apersonal devotional text. However, in the period inwhich the Getty manuscript was created, two other illustratedNew Testaments were also produced in Constantinople,the often noted Codex Ebnerianus and ms.X.IV.17 in the library of the Escorial, both well publishedand convincingly attributed to the second quarterof the twelfth century. 79Perhaps because such manuscriptswere both uncommon and highly luxurious,their illustration was not standardized. In addition toEusebius and Carpianus, the famed Ebnerianus is repletewith ten author portraits joined with narrativescenes in the lunettes above. The Escorialensis containssimpler seated evangelists without narrative accompanimentand standing portraits of the Acts and Epistles,arranged in pairs over three consecutive pages.Neither decorative scheme is especially close to theGetty volume, so that to understand more fully thebackground of the latter's figural decoration, the iconographyand style of its miniatures require separatescrutiny. Perhaps the most unusual is the grid of apostlesthat formerly prefaced the Acts and Epistles (fig.21). As customary, the selection of apostles includesPaul and the four evangelists in a hierarchical arrangement,beginning with Peter and Paul at the top left.Traditionally the four evangelists follow thereafter andhere fill the next four positions, but tradition is contravenedby the placement of Luke. Mark and Luke, thejunior evangelists, normally defer to their senior colleagues,John and Matthew, and consequently onewould not expect to see Luke on the top row in thethird position. 80His elevated status must be a consequenceof the miniature's position before the Book ofActs, of which Luke is the author. The miniature, then,is more a frontispiece to the Acts of the Apostles than79. Buchthal, "Escorial," pp. 85—94. The Escorial manuscriptis illustrated here and the Ebnerianus in Hutter, Corpus, vol. 1,figs. 225-255.80. One might compare the Acts frontispiece in a late eleventhcenturyPsalter-New Testament in the Vatopedi monastery on MountAthos (cod. 762). The miniature, now in the Walters Art Gallery,

70 NelsonFigure 22. Portrait of Matthew. New Testament, fol.lOv. Constantinople, 1133. Tempera and goldon vellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm(7"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms.Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.Figure 23. Portrait of Mark. New Testament, fol. 45v.Constantinople, 1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms.Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.an introduction to the rest of the New Testament. Theformal origins of the composition are to be sought incertain earlier group author portraits, and as Andersonnoted, 81 the busts themselves with their rounded silhouettesare derived from medallion images.The iconography of the four evangelist portraits isless complex, and long ago Friend correctly associatedthem with evangelists from the ninth and tenth centuries.82The standing, as opposed to the seated evangelist,enjoyed its greatest popularity at this time but appearedrarely in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.Consequently it evolved so little that the Getty evangelistsfind close iconographic antecedents in manuscriptsproduced 150 years earlier. For example, a Gospel bookin Vienna (Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek cod.Theol. gr. 240) depicts Matthew standing (fig. 26),turning inward toward the binding, and holding a halfshowssix standing apostles in two registers. At the top from left toright are Paul, Peter, and John and on the bottom Luke, Matthew, andMark. Here the central position is the primary, so that Paul and Johnturn toward Peter, while Matthew occupies the center post below.The miniature is illustrated in G. Vikan, ed., Illuminated Greek Manu-open book in his hand, the stance assumed by the firstthree evangelists in the Getty manuscript (figs. 22—24).Each man s right arm is enveloped in a sling of drapery,and bunches of fabric fall from either side of him.Only John (fig. 25) deviates from the earlier model byturning back to the hand of God, which projects from aquadrant of heaven at the upper left. Friend took this tobe a "contamination" from the common scene of Johnlooking back to heaven for inspiration while dictatingto his disciple Prochoros, 83a composition that does appearin the Gospel books of the contemporary Kokkinobaphosgroup. 84 However, the word contamination,even if its context for Friend was probably philological,is pejorative, connoting a haphazard or even mistakenalteration. In a manuscript of the quality of the GettyNew Testament, nothing is accidental, and other explanationsfor the portrait should be sought. Indeed ascripts from American Collections (Princeton, 1973), fig. 37.81. Anderson, "Examination," pp. 67—68.82. Friend (supra, note 7), p. 125.83. Ibid.84. For example, Mount Athos, Panteleimon cod. 25: S. M.

Theoktistos and Associates 71Figure 24. Portrait of Luke. New Testament, fol. 69v.Constantinople, 1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8 5 /s"); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms.Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.Figure 25. Portrait of John. New Testament, fol. 106v.Constantinople, 1133. Tempera and gold onvellum. H: 220 mm (8W); W: 180 mm (7").Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum Ms.Ludwig II 4; 83.MB.68.better analogy is provided by a rare seated portrait ofJohn in a later eleventh-century lectionary in the VaticanLibrary (gr. 1156). There all four authors turn inwardtoward their texts on the facing rectos, but onlyJohn twists his head back toward the hand of God inthe upper left corner of the miniature. The type,as Buchthal has shown, derives from early sourcescommon to later Byzantine and Carolingian illuminationand is to be explained by the Early Christian notionthat only John among the four evangelists was divinelyinspired. 85 The Getty portrait may be interpretedas a possibly unique standing variation of the inspiredevangelist painted by an illuminator, who doubtlesslywas aware of the contemporary depictions of Johnand Prochoros.Formally the manuscript's four evangelists are importantwitnesses to the stylistic concerns of this particularartist and to general trends in Byzantine painting of theperiod. Like the fourteen canon tables and the missingfrontispiece at the beginning, the portraits are productsof a singular desire for uniformity. As noted above, theilluminator ruled the parchment especially for the evangelistsand the canon tables, so that all are approximatelyequal in height. With such an artist, it is notsurprising, if a bit disappointing, that the same figuretype was used for all four evangelists. Their dimensionsare so similar that he may have mechanically reproducedhis model in some manner. What he variedwere the outer drapery, and hence the breadth of thefigures; the head types; to some extent the position ofthe feet; and, of course, the coloring of the garments.Even John fits the pattern, except for his turned head,which again can hardly be a casual variation. Since thedraperies range widely in basic color and highlightingPelekanidis et al., The Treasures of Mount Athos (Athens, 1975), vol. 2,fig. 326.85. H. Buchthal, "A Byzantine Miniature of the Fourth Evangelistand Its Relatives," Art of the Mediterranean World A.D. 100 to 1400(Washington, D.C., 1983), pp. 131-133, fig. 283. The most recentstudy of the portraits in Vatican gr. 1156 is I. Spatharakis, "AnUnusual Iconographic Type of the Seated Evangelist," AeA/uovXpioriaviKT^ ÄpxaioÄ.oyiKf|s c ETaipeias ser. 4, 10 (1980—1981),pp. 137-146.

72 NelsonFigure 26. Portrait of Matthew. Gospel book, fol. 8v.Constantinople, tenth century. Tempera andgold on vellum. H: 215 mm (8 7 /i 6"); W: 154mm (6"). Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothekcod. Theol. gr. 240. Photo: CourtesyOsterreichische Nationalbibliothek.Figure 27. Portrait of John. Cathedral, Cefalu, Sicily,1148. Mosaic. Photo: Courtesy ErnstKitzinger.and because each figure is separated by many pages inthe manuscript, their common design is not readily perceived,nor is it particularly disconcerting in situ.The quality of execution equals the finest achievementsof Constantinopolitan miniaturists in what is amajor period in the history of Byzantine illumination.The dark, rich colors of figures, such as Mark, are hallmarksof the Kokkinobaphos style, and the lined foreheadsand worried expressions of the evangelists andof the apostles on the missing leaf (fig. 21) find parallelsin the Paris Kokkinobaphos volume and in the variousGospel books of the group. 86Whether the painterof the Getty miniatures was a member of the inner circleof artists of the Kokkinobaphos group or, as is morelikely, an independent talent is, of course, not easily86. Anderson ("Examination," p. 68) compared the faces of theapostles on the missing leaf (fig. 21) with some in the Paris manuscript(Bibliotheque Nationale gr. 1208, fol. lv) illustrated in H. A. Omont,"Miniatures des homelies sur la vierge du moine Jacques (Ms. Grec.1208 de Paris)," Bulletin de la societe francaise de reproductions demanuscrits ä peintures 11 (1927), p. 1. Some evangelists in the group haveresolved and certainly not within the context of thepresent study. The Getty illuminations, nevertheless, dohelp to define the achievements of Constantinopolitanilluminators during the second quarter of thetwelfth century.At first, the stylistic juxtaposition of the Getty Matthew(fig. 22) with the corresponding evangelist in thetenth-century Vienna codex (fig. 26) might seem to beto the detriment of the later miniature. The massive,statuesque figure of the Vienna Gospels is more convincinglyand subtly modeled in light and shadow, so that itappears to occupy physical space, but the illusion is immediatelydispelled by the surrounding gold groundonto which an architectural backdrop has been etched.Perhaps sensing these and other contradictions, later ilunfurrowedbrows (Oxford, Christ Church gr. 32; Rome, VaticanUrb. gr. 2; Patmos cod. 274); others have even more troubled expressionsthan the Getty evangelists and apostles (London, British LibraryBurney 19; Mount Athos, Lavra A 44, two of whose evangelists are inthe Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore).87. D. Mouriki, "Stylistic Trends in Monumental Painting of

Theoktistos and Associates 73Figure 28. Portrait of Bartholomew. Church of theMartorana, Palermo, circa 1150. Mosaic.Photo: Courtesy Alinari/Art Resource,New York.luminators discontinued the incised designs and abandoned,as well, the artificial classicism of the tenth century.Gradually line and surface pattern became theexpressive tools of the illuminator, and by the end ofthe twelfth century, monumental and miniature paintingachieve remarkably expressionistic and manneredeffects through exaggerated facial lines and boldly patternedhighlights.The Getty evangelists stand midway between the flat,dematerialized, passive figures of the eleventh centuryand the turbulent excesses of the late twelfth centuryand are valuable witnesses to the stylistic preoccupationsof Byzantine painters during the first half of thetwelfth century, a time when little survives in fresco ormosaic. 87A figure like the Getty John (fig. 25) helpsexplain the crucial transformation in Byzantine paintingbetween the soft modeling and gentle demeanor of thestanding prophets at the late eleventh-century church ofDaphni 88and the taut, charged linearism of the apostlesof 1148 at Cefalu. 89The large, expansive figure of John(fig. 27) in the Sicilian apse has his right arm in a draperysling like his earlier counterpart in the Getty NewTestament, but the formal differences between the twofigures separated by fifteen years are revealing. Now thesling has become an autonomous form, and the folds onthe right thigh have been organized into a long oval.The standing apostles at the church of the Martorana inPalermo, which are contemporary with those at Cefalu,represent a further stage of refinement. 90Here in theanalogous figure of Bartholomew (fig. 28), there is agreater disjunction between the sling and the folds onthe adjacent upper arm. Below, the lines on the thighhave coalesced into a single, tightly coiled spiral thatspills down the middle of the figure and unifies thelower body.Compared to the softer highlighting in earlier works,such as the Daphni prophets, the garments of Luke inthe Getty New Testament (fig. 24) are almost garishlyadorned with stark white lines. These no longer model,so as to give the illusion of the third dimension, as inthe tenth-century miniature in Vienna (fig. 26), but flitacross the surface as randomly as the patterns of shatteredglass and with such little regard for the body underneaththat the figure is thereby flattened. The techniqueis used elsewhere in the period, as, for example,in the figure of Solomon in an approximately contemporaryPsalter at the Dionysiou monastery on MountAthos (cod. 65) 91 or the mosaics of the Martorana. 92Through these and other abstractions, the drapery beginsto divorce itself from the underlying anatomy inorder to serve the expressive purposes of the artist. Thestage is thus set for the rapid evolution of what has beentermed the Dynamic style 93of later twelfth-centurypainting. That phase of monumental painting is principallypreserved in provincial monuments. Because solittle of twelfth-century monumental painting survivesin metropolitan centers, miniatures as well documentedas those of the Getty New Testament constitute importantevidence of the twelfth-century Constantinopolitantradition.Greece During the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," Dumbarton OaksPapers 34-35 (1980-1981), pp. 102-103.88. E. Diez and O. Demus, Byzantine Mosaics in Greece: HosiosLucas and Daphni (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), figs. 54—63.89. O. Demus, The Mosaics of Norman Sicily (New York, 1950),pis. 1, 4.90. Ibid., pis. 51-52.91. Pelekanidis (supra, note 84), vol. 1, fig. 124.92. Demus (supra, note 89), pi. 50 B.93. The term is that of E. Kitzinger, see, for example, "The ByzantineContribution to Western Art of the Twelfth and ThirteenthCenturies," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 20 (1966), p. 30.

74 NelsonThrough its explicit colophon and its script and illumination,Ms. Ludwig II 4 also serves to introducethe complex relationships that existed between the producersand patrons of deluxe books of the period; this isthe last context in which the manuscript should be considered.As the foregoing has shown, ever changingcombinations of scribes and illuminators collaboratedto produce manuscripts, a working method that wouldhave been facilitated by the large urban environment ofmedieval Constantinople, as it was in major westernEuropean centers of the later Middle Ages. 94Only thescribes are documented by colophons, the usual state ofaffairs for all periods of Byzantine manuscript illumination.The existence of separate illuminators may be deduced,however, when one encounters different paintingstyles in manuscripts by the same scribe or, theopposite, different writing styles in manuscripts withthe same illumination.Yet, while it seems noncontroversial to attribute thedecoration of the Codex Ebnerianus and the EscorialNew Testament to different individuals, the narrowerdifferences among members of the Kokkinobaphosgroup are more difficult to explain. Are these manuscriptsthe product of a single artist capable of varyinghis style, a single artist working with a number ofyounger assistants, an ongoing workshop of severalpainters, or a more amorphous "school" of illuminators?What is the relationship of the group to the similar,but not identical, style of the Getty New Testament?Moreover, what is the connection of the latter's decorationwith the Gospels in Melbourne, Venice, and NewYork? All four share the same scribe, but there is aconsiderable difference in style between the large, vigorousGetty evangelists and the thinner, more desiccatedfigures in the Venice manuscript. One can onlyconclude tentatively that three scribes and one to threeilluminators collaborated on the four books.While Theoktistos regrettably does not state whereand for whom he wrote his New Testament, more isbecoming known about the patrons of similar manuscriptsduring the second quarter of the twelfth century.In concluding this investigation into how such manu-scripts came into being, it is necessary to consider patronage.Scribes and painters form only the weft of thehistorical fabric; the warp is social context: the patrons,audience, and function of the books. 95Because such issueshave been insufficiently studied as they relateto Byzantine illumination, they are difficult to probein depth. It is possible, however, to reconsider recentstudies that have so far remained isolated and independentof each other, to include additional prosopographicaldetails, and thereby to specify some of the possiblepatronage models prevailing in Constantinople duringthe second quarter of the twelfth century.Monastic patronage is initially the most relevant toTheoktistos and the Getty New Testament for reasonsthat should now be clear. Theoktistos and Arseniosboth copied manuscripts for the Abbot Maximos of theProdromos-Petra monastery in Constantinople. Themonk Theophanes was, at minimum, the patron of theMelbourne Gospels and may also have been its scribeand illuminator, if the inscription on the frontispiece(fig. 20) is to be taken literally. 96Thus it may have beenTheophanes who collaborated with Theoktistos andwrote all or part of the Venice and Kraus Gospels. Inany event, the monastic context of the Melbourne Gospelsis assured, and Buchthal has shown how its decorationand that of the Venice manuscript were intendedfor a monastic audience. 97Although the Gospel book ofH. P. Kraus is presently undocumented, A. Weyl Carrhas noted that the ex libris of other such tiny manuscriptsrefer "almost exclusively to priests and monks,"not to lay people or women. 98Two other manuscripts with monastic affiliationsprovide further evidence concerning monastic patronsand audiences in this period. The first is the aforementionedPsalter at the Dionysiou monastery (cod. 65),which has now been correctly assigned to the secondquarter of the twelfth century. 99It contains a fascinatingseries of preliminary miniatures illustrating the deathand salvation of monks, followed by an image of amonk in proskynesis before Mary and the Christ child.At the end, a colophon states that the manuscript waswritten by the monk Sabas. On the next page, the five94. For example, compare the situation in thirteenth-centuryParis: R. Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of SaintLouis (Berkeley, 1977), pp. 1—11; or that in fifteenth-century Bruges:J. D. Farquhar and S. Hindman, Pen to Press (College Park, 1977),pp. 27-29.95. I have borrowed the metaphor of the loom from J. G.Williams, The Art of Gupta India (Princeton, 1982), pp. 5-6.96. Supra, note 59.97.. Supra, note 58.98. Weyl Carr (supra, note 25), p. 134. The Kraus manuscriptprobably once contained a colophon. See supra, note 70.99. I. Spatharakis, "The Date of the Illustrations of the PsalterDionysiu 65," AeA/riov XpiorioiPiKfjs Apxaio\o7iKfjs c ETaipeCa

Theoktistos and Associates 75letters of Sabas' name, a palindrome, are inscribed innine circles that fill a large full-page cross. According toI. Spatharakis, the uninscribed monk with the Virgin isthis Sabas. Although Sabas states that he wrote themanuscript, Spatharakis argues that he collaboratedwith other scribes. 100Like the Melbourne manuscript,then, the Dionysiou Psalter portrays its monastic patronand/or scribe before the Virgin and Child, but its decorativeprogram is more explicitly addressed to monks.With the second manuscript, documentation is moreinformative than decoration. Toward the middle of thetwelfth century, the Abbot Joseph Hagioglykerites ofthe Pantocrator monastery in Constantinople commissioneda handsome illustrated manuscript of the Homiliesof Gregory Nazianzenus at Mount Sinai (gr. 339). Animpressive calligraphic inscription at the beginning announcesthat Joseph dedicated the book to the monasteryof the Theotokos Pantanassa on the island of HagiaGlykeria near Constantinople. 101This Joseph, who iselsewhere attested as abbot of the monastery in 1149,probably died about 1154/55. 102 The book's ornamentconnects it with the Kokkinobaphos style, but its figuralminiatures point in other directions; exactly where isunclear. 103 The abbot might have commissioned thebook from his own scriptorium, but unlike the Prodromos-Petramonastery, there is no other evidenceabout the writing or the decorating of manuscripts atthis major Comnenian establishment. 104Thus, in viewof what has been learned about contemporary patternsof production, it would be unwise to associate thosewho wrote and decorated the manuscript too closelywith the Pantocrator monastery.Without a doubt, the patron and the intended audiencefor the book were monastic, but the extent towhich these circumstances governed the manuscript'simagery has scarcely been examined. Indeed, it has onlybeen noted in passing that Gregory is shown at thebeginning as a monk, not a bishop, a change describedas "unhistorical" and attributed to "the direct influenceof monasticism, which became very marked in thethought of Byzantium in the eleventh century and later."105Rather than resorting to a Zeitgeist, it is morereasonable to look to the donor and recipient of themanuscript. Pictorial genealogy, not motivation and intention,has been the central concern of previous scholarship.It has yet to be established to what elements ofsociety the illustrated copies of this text were addressedand if, for example, it makes a difference whether thepatron is a male aristocrat—as in the case of a manuscripton Mount Athos (Dionysiou cod. 61)—or the abbotof an imperial monastery.Although art historians have tended to distinguishbetween monastic and aristocratic manuscripts, the distancefrom the Pantocrator or the Prodromos-Petramonasteries to the imperial court was not far geographically,culturally, or socially. The association of EmperorManuel Comnenus with the Prodromos-Petra monasterywas noted previously. Manuel's parents, John II andIrene, the reigning monarchs at the time when Theoktistoswrote the Getty New Testament, founded thePantocrator monastery, and its charter, signed by Johnin 1136, regulated myriad details of daily life. A chapelat the monastery served as a dynastic burial place for theComneni, and various aristocrats and intellectuals wereassociated with the institution in one way or another. 106For example, to protect his throne during the 1140s,Manuel had sequestered at the Pantocrator monasteryhis sister-in-law, the Sebastokratorissa Irene, the wife ofhis deceased older brother, Andronicus. 107This Irene was a major patroness of arts and letters intwelfth-century Constantinople. Constantine Manassesdedicated to her his Chronicle of the History of the Worldfrom Adam to 1081 and prepared an astrological treatisefor her as well. John Tzetzes, who held a post at thePantocrator monastery and corresponded with its abbot,Joseph, dedicated his Theogony to her. "Manganeios"Prodromos wrote a number of poems for herand members of her family from 1138 until her death inthe early 1150s. Finally, Theodoros Prodromos dedicatedto her an astrological poem and a grammatical treatise,the original version of which may still exist. 108The manuscript in question, now at the GreekOrthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem (cod. Taphou 52), isdecorated with rich ornament in the style of the Kok-103. Anderson (supra, note 59), pp. 170—185.104. Little is known about the monastery's library. See Janin (supra,note 19), p. 521.105. G. Galavaris, The Illustrations of the Liturgical Homilies ofGregory Nazianzenus (Princeton, 1969), p. 25.106. Most recently on the Pantocrator monastery there is R.Cormack, Writing in Gold: Byzantine Society and Its Icons (NewYork, 1985), pp. 200—214. The charter is published by Gautier (supra,note 102), pp. 1-145.107. F. Chalandon, Les Comnene, etudes sur Vempire byzantin au Xleet au Xlle siecles: II. 1 Jean II Comnene et Manuel I Comnene (Paris,1912), reprint (New York, 1960), p. 213.108. That patronage is surveyed in ibid, and in C. Diehl, Figuresbyzantines ser. 2 (Paris, 1913), pp. 142—153, but has now received amore thorough treatment by E. M. Jeffreys: "The Comnenian Backgroundto the 'Romans d'antiquite," Byzantion 50 (1980), pp.473—474, 478—481; "The Sevastokratorissa Eirene as Literary Patroness:The Monk Iakovos," JOB 32/3 (1982), pp. 63-71; "Western Infiltrationof the Byzantine Aristocracy: Some Suggestions," The ByzantineAristocracy IX to XII Centuries, BAR International Series 221, ed.M. Angold (Oxford, 1984), pp. 204-207. The individual authors are

76 Nelsonkinobaphos school. 109The same ornament Andersonnoted in a deluxe copy of letters written by a monknamed Iakovos (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale gr.3039). 110 According to E. Jeffreys, the addressee of theseletters was the Sebastokratorissa Irene. 111Both manuscriptsmay be reasonably credited to the patronage ofIrene, who from other poems is known to have donatedhangings and liturgical vessels to churches. 112 It istempting, therefore, to take the next step and also toassociate with Irene the illustrated copies of the homiliesof the monk Iakovos Kokkinobaphos produced bythe "workshop" responsible for her manuscripts thatare now in Paris and Jerusalem and to equate theIakovos of the letters with the Iakovos of the homilies.Jeffreys, once hesitant, is now more amenable tothe idea. 113Irene, thus, provides an excellent model of aristocraticpatronage of deluxe manuscripts, in part because heractivities are so well documented. Among the few otherindividuals that emerge from the stark anonymity ofmost contemporary Byzantine illumination is theSebastokrator Isaac Comnenus, the renovator of themonastery of the Chora in Constantinople, near theBlachernae palace and the Prodromos-Petra monastery,and the founder of the Kosmosoteira monastery inThrace, whose frescoed church still survives. This Isaac,the uncle of Irene's husband, is the probable patron ofthe Seraglio Octateuch, a manuscript with extensivenarrative illustration painted in several styles, includingthat of the Kokkinobaphos group, as Andersonhas proposed. 114Finally, the name of yet another Isaac Comnenus appearsat the back of a Gospel book of this group (Oxford,Christ Church gr. 32). Heretofore unnoticed entriesrecord the births of children to the PansebastosSebastos Isaac in 1172 and 1174 and perhaps 1171. Theowner is probably to be identified as the Isaac Comnenuswho was the grandson and namesake of the precedingIsaac by his daughter Anna. The younger Isaac(circa 1140—circa 1190) received his title from his mother'sfirst cousin, the emperor Manuel I Comnenus. 115Although the manuscript itself was produced duringthe second quarter of the twelfth century, the addednotes, nevertheless, attest to the aristocratic connectionsof the Kokkinobaphos group and suggest that the bookfunctioned like a modern family Bible. Might the laterIsaac Comnenus have chosen to commemorate his children'sbirths in this particular manuscript because ithad been passed down through two generations ofhis family?Aristocratic associations may also be implied bythe famous portraits of John II Comnenus and his sonAlexius in the Vatican Gospel book (Urb. gr. 2). 116Exactly who might have been the patron of the manuscriptis nevertheless unclear, in spite of the frequentassumptions, explicit and implicit, that are made aboutthe matter. An imperial portrait need not necessarilysignal an imperial patron or owner, and indeed, TheodorasProdromos wrote a poem about a painting ofEmperor John II that his brother, the SebastokratorIsaac, commissioned for himself. 117 Unfortunately,nothing is known about the patronage of yet anotherGospel book of the Kokkinobaphos group, the aforementionedParis gr. 75, whose scribe is indirectly linkedwith Theoktistos and the Getty New Testament.The generalized illumination in the latter two manuscriptswould have been suitable for a monastic or aristocraticaudience in twelfth-century Constantinople,where complex associations among scribes, painters,and patrons were permitted and encouraged. In such asociety, the distinction between monastic and aristocratichas limited utility. Deluxe manuscripts were expensiveto produce. The materials used, gold, precious colors,and parchment, were costly, and the skills ofartisans as talented as Theoktistos and his associates hadto be honed over an extended period of time, necessitatinga high level of sustained patronage. In generalterms, that support was provided by the economic re-surveyed in H. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner(Munich, 1978), vol. 1, pp. 419-422; vol. 2, pp. 59, 113, 118, 243.109. Spatharakis, "Grammar," pp. 231—243.110. Anderson, "Examination," pp. 97—98.111. Jeffreys, "Sevastokratorissa" (supra, note 108). She gives theParis manuscript's signature as gr. 3909, a slip. Anderson ("Examination,"p. 97) reports it as gr. 3039, as does H. Omont, Inventairesommaire des manuscrits grecs de la Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris, 1888),vol. 3, p. 97. The latest study on the letters is M. J. Jeffreys, "IakovosMonachos, Letter 3," Maistor, Classical, Byzantine and Renaissance Studiesfor Robert Browning (Canberra, 1984), pp. 241—257.112. Jeffreys, "Sevastokratorissa" (supra, note 108), p. 69. To myknowledge, none of the other texts dedicated to Irene are preserved inilluminated manuscripts that are contemporaneous with the patron.However, the Slavonic translation of the Chronicle of Manasses is illus-trated in a mid-fourteenth-century Bulgarian manuscript, publishedby I. Dujcev, Die Miniaturen der Manasses-Chronik (Leipzig, 1965).Lazarev (supra, note 49, p. 395) thought that some of the miniatureswere based on a "metropolitan prototype" of the twelfth century,while others were created in the fourteenth century. A Greek copy ofthe Chronicle from the Palaeologan period (Vienna, ÖsterreichischeNationalbibliothek Phil. gr. 149), contains a drawing of the authorand patron at the beginning. See I. Spatharakis, The Portrait in ByzantineIlluminated Manuscripts (Leiden, 1976), pp. 158—159, fig. 100. Inview of Irene's literary and artistic interests, it might be worthwhile toidentify the Comnenian element in these manuscripts.113. E. Jeffreys expressed her reservations in a JOB article (supra,note 108), pp. 69—70. In a letter of January 1987, she was more willingto identify the Iakovos of the letters with the Iakovos of the homilies.A fuller treatment of the problem will have to await the important

Theoktistos and Associates 77surgence of the Comnenian period, but more specifically,it was the product of a complex social matrix. 118One part comprised the Constantinopolitan elite, whichat this time largely meant the extensive relations of theimperial family; and the other, the monasteries thatthey financed and in which they prayed, retired, andwere buried. Theoktistos either resided in a monastery,such as that of Prodromos-Petra, or else worked for it.Some of the other scribes and illuminators with whichhe collaborated were monks, while others mayhavebeen independent craftsmen. But each might at onemoment work for an aristocrat and at another for amonk or abbot of an aristocratic monastery.POSTSCRIPTUniversity of ChicagoSince completing the foregoing, two relevant referenceshave come to my attention. The first, not available tome, apparently bears on the fourteenth-century Theoktistos:G. A. Papademetriu, " CH 'KpdXaiva TCOV TpißaXcov'Kai 6 Koa8LKcr/pdc(x)s teoKTtaros (±1340),"MeaaiwpiKaKaiNea c E\\T]viKal (1984), pp. 419-451. Thearticle is cited in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 79 (1986), p.104. The second paper concerns the Lafskali (orLapskald) Gospels, mentioned supra, note 54. A.Saminski analyzes this and other Georgian manuscriptsin his important study, "Masterskaja gruzinskoj i greceskojknigi v Konstantinopole XII—nacala XIII v.,"which is to appear in Izvestija Akademii Nauk GruzinskojSSR in December 1987. I wish to thank Dr. Saminskifor sending me his paper and photographs of themanuscript.CODICOLOGY: Parchment.APPENDIXFolios 280. 220 X 180 mm (bothlength and width have been trimmed). 26 lines in 1 column(160 X 125 mm).Ruling: Leroy 42C1. 119 The canon tables, the liturgical tables,and the evangelist portraits are ruled differently to suittheir respective designs. All of quire I (fols. 1—7) shares thesame ruling except that folio 1 has lines added for the Eusebianletter.COLLATION: I 8 - 1 (fols. 1-7); IP (fols. 8-10); III-VI 8 (fols.11-42); VII 9 (fols. 43-51); VIII-IX 8 (fols. 52-67); X 9 (fols.68-76); XI-XIII 8 (fols. 77-100); XIV 9 (fols. 101-109); XV-XXXIII 8 (fols. 110-262); XXXIV 6 (fols. 263-268); XXXV 8(fols. 269-276); XXXVI 4(fols. 277-280). A few quire signaturesare visible (e.g., fols. 35r, 43r, 93r) in the lower innercorner of the first page of a quire; the others have been trimmedoff. As traditional, the numbering began with the firstpage of Matthew's Gospel, thus excluding the preliminarymatter. One folio of the canon tables between folios 1 and 2has been removed; an offset on folio lr indicates that at leastone folio is missing from the beginning of the manuscript;and folio 134 has also been excised. The four evangelist portraitsare tipped in on separate folios. The missing folio 134with the miniature of the twelve apostles was also insertedinto the regular quire structure and must have been attachedeither to XVII 8 (fols. 126-133) or to XVIII 8 (fols. 135-142).SCRIPT: Medium brown ink for the principal text; carmine inkfor the marginal notations and liturgical markings in the text;gold ink for the numbers of canon tables, the list of chaptersin Matthew, and parts of other chapter lists. The basic script isa typical twelfth-century religious hand with mixtures of uncialand minuscule forms. Distinctive to the scribe Theoktistosare the gracefully curving zeta; the occasional alpha witha long diagonal stroke; frequent epsilon- or alpha-rho ligatures;the large phi; the occasional minuscule delta withsweeping tail at the top; and the long, prominent abbreviationmarks above words. The letter of Eusebius (fols. lr—v)and the liturgical tables (fols. 269r—280r) are written by asecond scribe.CONTENTS: 1 2 0Folios lr—v letter of Eusebius; 2r—7v canon tables;8r—9r list of chapters for Matthew; 9v originally blank,now with text by a later hand; lOr blank; lOv portrait of Matthew;Ur—44v Gospel of Matthew; 44v subscription to Matthew;44v list of chapters to Mark, incomplete; 45r blank; 45vportrait of Mark; 46r continuation of list of chapters to Mark;46v—67v Gospel of Mark; 67v—68v list of chapters to Luke;studies that she and her husband are preparing.114. Anderson (supra, note 31), pp. 83—104. For Isaac and the twomonasteries see R A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami (New York,1966), vol. 1, pp. 10-13; and Mouriki (supra, note 87), pp. 103-106,with further references.115. See my paper, supra, note 31, and K. Barzos,CH TeveaXo^taTcav KOIJLVTJI'WV (Thessaloniki, 1984), vol. 2, pp. 507—511. At the endof the Codex Ebnerianus, a sixteenth-century owner recorded thebirths of five children. See A. Turyn, Dated Greek Manuscripts of theThirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries in the Libraries of Great Britain(Washington, D.C., 1980), p. 149.116. Stornajolo (supra, note 73), pi. 83.117. R Magdalino and R. Nelson, "The Emperor in ByzantineArt of the Twelfth Century," Byzantinische Forschungen 8 (1982),pp. 130-131.118. On the economic history of the twelfth century see M.Hendy, "Byzantium, 1081—1204: An Economic Reappraisal," Transactionsof the Royal Historical Society ser. 5, 20 (1970), pp. 31—52. Thereare important papers on contemporary social history in M. Angold,ed., The Byzantine Aristocracy IX to XII Centuries, BAR InternationalSeries 221 (Oxford, 1984). There, R. Cormack ("Aristocratic Patronageof the Arts in 11th- and 12th-century Byzantium," pp.158—172) also discusses "aristocratic" art.119. The system used is that of J. Leroy, Les types de regime desmanuscrits grecs (Paris, 1976).120. Those New Testament prefaces that are listed in H. F. vonSoden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments, 1,1 (Berlin, 1902) are denotedby the numbers given there.

78 Nelson69r blank; 69v portrait of Luke; 70r—105v Gospel of Luke, butnot complete on 105v; 106r originally blank, now the conclusionof Luke by a later hand; 106v portrait of John; 107r originalconclusion of Luke and list of chapters to John; 107v—133vGospel of John; 133v preface to Acts and, at the bottom of thepage, a later list of the apostles that was continued on themissing folio 134r, now in the Paul Canellopoulos collection,Athens; 134v (missing) busts of the twelve apostles; 135r—171rActs of the Apostles; 171r preface to Catholic Epistles;171 v—172r preface to James (Von Soden no. 134); 172r—175vJames; 175v preface to I Peter (Von Soden no. 135); 175v—179r IPeter; 179r—v preface to II Peter (Von Soden no. 137);179v-182r II Peter; 182r-v preface to I John (Von Soden no.137); 182v-186r I John; 186r preface to II John (Von Soden no.137); 186r-186v II John; 186v-187r preface to III John (VonSoden no. 138); 187r-v III John; 187v preface to Jude (VonSoden no. 139); 187v-188v Jude; 188v-189v preface to Romans(Von Soden no. 140); 190r-203r Romans; 203r-v preface to ICorinthians (Von Soden no. 140); 203v—216r I Corinthians;216v—217r preface to II Corinthians (Von Soden no. 140);217r—225v II Corinthians; 225v preface to Galatians (VonSoden no. 140); 226r-229v Galatians; 230r preface to Ephesians(Von Soden no. 140); 230r—234v Ephesians; 234v prefaceto Philippians (Von Soden no. 140); 234v—237v Philippians;237v—238r preface to Colossians (Von Soden no. 140);238r—241r Colossians; 241r—v preface to I Thessalonians (VonSoden no. 140); 241 v—244r I Thessalonians; 244r—v preface toII Thessalonians (Von Soden no. 140); 244v—246r II Thessalonians;246r—v preface to Hebrews (Von Soden no. 140);246v—247r preface to Hebrews (Von Soden no. 141);247r-257v Hebrews; 257v-258r preface to I Timothy (VonSoden no. 141); 258r-261v I Timothy; 262r-262v preface to IITimothy (Von Soden no. 141); 262v—265r II Timothy;265v—266r preface to Titus (Von Soden no. 141); 266r—267vTitus; 267v preface to Philemon (Von Soden no. 141);267v—268v Philemon; 268v colophon and later owner entry ofthe Dionysiou monastery; 269r—274v Synaxarium; 275r—280rEklogadion.DECORATION: Illuminated canon tables, folios 2r—7v; portraitsof Matthew (fol. lOv), Mark (fol. 45v), Luke (fol. 69v), andJohn (fol. 106v); illuminated headpieces on folios llr, 46v, 70r,107v, 135r, 190r.PROVENANCE: Dionysiou monastery, Mount Athos (cod. 8),perhaps from the sixteenth century (see von Euw and Plotzek,p. 160), removed from the monastery around 1960 (seeBuchthal, "Disiecta Membra"); Oscar Meyer collection, LosAngeles; Ludwig collection; acquired by the J. Paul Getty Museumin 1983.Bibliothekswesen, Beiheft 33 (Leipzig, 1909); C. R. Morey, EastChristian Paintings in the Freer Collection (Washington, D.C.,1914), pp. 28, 30; J. Bick, Die Schreiber der wiener griechischenHandschriften (Vienna, 1920), p. 66; A. M. Friend, Jr., "ThePortraits of the Evangelists in Greek and Latin Manuscripts,"Art Studies 5 (1927), pp. 125, 133, figs. 9-12; K. Lake and S.Lake, Dated Greek Manuscripts to the Year 1200 (Boston, 1935),fasc. 3, no. 116, pis. 197-198; F. Dölger, E. Weigand, and A.Deindl, Mönchsland Athos (Munich, 1942), pp. 194-197; E. W.Saunders, A Descriptive Checklist of Selected Manuscripts in theMonasteries of Mount Athos (Washington, D.C., 1957), p. 3;K. Aland, Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handschriften desNeuen Testaments (Berlin, 1963), p. 110; M. Richard, Repertoiredes bibliotheques et des catalogues de manuscrits grecs: Supplement I(1958-1963) (Paris, 1964), p. 12; V. Lazarev, Storia della pitturabizantina (Turin, 1967), p. 252; M. Restle, Byzantine WallPainting in Asia Minor (Greenwich, Conn., 1967), vol. 1,pp. 81, 244; E. D. Kakoulidi, " CH ßißA.ioÖTJKT) TTJS |xopf|Snpoöpöixoivüerpas aTTjv KcovaTavTLVOtm-oXri," Hellenika 21(1968), p. 19; H. Hunger, "Evangelisten," Reallexikon zur byzantinischenKunst 2 (1968), col. 458; K. Treu, "ByzantinischeKaiser in den Schreibernotizen griechischer Handschriften,"Byzantinische Zeitschrift 65 (1972), p. 17; S. Der Nersessian,"The Praxapostolos of the Walters Art Gallery," Gatherings inHonor of Dorothy E. Miner, ed. U. E. McCracken et al. (Baltimore,1974), p. 41; J. C. Anderson, "An Examination of TwoTwelfth-Century Centers of Byzantine Manuscript Production"(Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1975), pp. 2, 66-69,158—159; A. von Euw and J. M. Plotzek, Die Handschriften derSammlung Ludwig (Cologne, 1979), vol. 1, pp. 159—163, figs.56—63; H. Hunger and O. Kresten, "Archaisierende Minuskelund Hodegonstil im 14. Jahrhundert: Der Schreiber Theoktistosund die Kp&Xaipa TCOV TpißaXcop," JOB 29 (1980), pp.188-191, 211-212, 214, 217, 220; R. Nelson, "A Thirteenth-Century Byzantine Miniature in the Vatican Library," Gesta 20(1981), p. 221; P. Magdalino and R. Nelson, "The Emperor inByzantine Art of the Twelfth Century," Byzantinische Forschungen8 (1982), pp. 150-151; H. Buchthal, "Disiecta Membra,"The Burlington Magazine 124 (1982), p. 214, figs. 15-17;H. Buchthal, "A Greek New Testament Manuscript in theEscorial Library: Its Miniatures and Its Binding," Byzanz undder Westen: Studien zur Kunst des europäischen Mittelalters, ed. I.Hutter (Vienna, 1984), p. 90; I. Spatharakis, "An IlluminatedGreek Grammar Manuscript in Jerusalem: A Contribution tothe Study of Comnenian Illuminated Ornament," JOB 35(1985), p. 237.BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Brockhaus, Die Kunst in den Athos-Klöstern(Leipzig, 1891), pp. 183, 211, 231-233, pi. 21; S. P. Lambros,Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on Mount Athos (Cambridge,1895), vol. 1, p. 319; M. Vogel and V. Gardthausen, Diegriechischen Schreiber des Mittelalters und der Renaissance(Hildesheim, 1966), p. 143, reprinted from Zentralblatt für

A Celibate Marriage and Franciscan Poverty Reflectedin a Neapolitan Trecento DiptychCarl Brandon StrehlkeIn 1986 the J. Paul Getty Museum acquired a fourteenth-centurydiptych (figs, la—c) 1that came from theSabran, a prominent Provencal aristocratic family. Representedin the left-hand panel of the diptych is SaintFrancis receiving the stigmata; the right-hand panelportrays an angel suspended in flight who bestows floralcrowns on a man and woman kneeling in a bedchamber.Though the picture's provenance cannot be documentedbefore the twentieth century, in modernhagiographical writings the two kneeling figures havebeen identified as fourteenth-century members of theSabran family: Saint Elzear de Sabran (1286—1323) andhis wife, the Blessed Delphine de Signe (1284—1360),courtiers to King Robert and Queen Sancha of Naples. 2The scene in the bedroom has been thought to representan angel crowning the couple to honor their famousvow of chastity. Because they were probablymembers of the lay, or tertiary, order of the Franciscans,the stigmatization of Saint Francis represented in theleft-hand panel also seemed to confirm the diptych'sconnection to the Sabrans. However, the episode of anangelic coronation does not appear in any extant fourteenth-centurysource concerning Elzear and Delphine.In later biographies, which are perhaps based on nowlostdocuments, the only similar incident is one in whichan angel visits the couple in their bedchamber and lays hishands on their heads. Notably, the couple is described assleeping, and there is no mention of floral wreaths. 3Inaddition, the identification does not stand on chronologicalgrounds. Based upon its style and the costumesof the couple, which reflect fashions before the midfourteenthcentury (as will be discussed in detail later),the picture must date considerably before Delphine'sdeath in 1360 and Elzear's canonization, declared by hisown godson, Urban V de Grimoard (r. 1362—1370), in1369. Although Elzear and Delphine cannot possibly bethe subjects of the diptych, other convincing iconographicreasons exist for associating it with them, andthere is historical and stylistic evidence for concludingthat it was commissioned by Delphine or someone closeAbbreviationsActus:Bologna:Enquete:"Trois sermons":Paul Sabatier, ed., Actus beati Francisci et sociorumeius, Collection d'etudes et de documents no. 4(Paris, 1902).Ferdinando Bologna, / pittori alia corte angioma diNapoli, Saggi e studi di storia dell'arte no. 2(Rome, 1969).Jacques Cambell, ed., Enquete pour le proces decanonisation de Dauphine de Puimichel comtessedAriano (Turin, 1978).Willibord Lampen, ed., "Trois sermons de Francoisde Meyronnes sur la stigmatization deSaint Francois," La France franciscaine 10 (1927),pp. 371-397.Vies occitanes: Jacques Cambell, ed., Vies occitanes de SaintAuzias et de Sainte Dauphine, Bibliotheca PontificiiAthenei Antoniani no. 12 (Rome, 1978).1. 86.PB.490. Tempera and tooled gold on wood. Each panel—H: 31.2 cm (12 5 /i 6"); W: 22.9 cm (9"). Exhibited in Cent tableauxd'art religieux de XIV esiede ä nos jours, Galerie Charpentier, Paris,1952-1953, no. 38.2. The earliest published source for the provenance states that acopy of the diptych exists in the castle of Ansouis, ancestral seat of theSabran. Pierre Girard, Saint Elzear de Sabran et la Bienheureuse Delphinede Signe (Paris, 1912), p. 6. The copy is unknown to me.The identification of the saints as Delphine and Elzear is followedby Jacques Dupont, "Quelques exemples des rapports entre la Franceet l'ltalie au XIV e et au XV e siecles," Cahiers de VAssociation internationaledes etudes francaises 8 (1956), p. 8, and Michel Laclotte andDominique Thiebaut, L'ecole dAvignon (Paris, 1983), pp. 194—195. Theformer attributes the diptych to the Sienese school, and the latter callit simply Italian, circa 1340—1350. Enrico Castelnuovo has identifiedthe saints as Quiricus and Julietta and the artist as from the circle ofPaolo Veneziano, circa 1340; see "Ecole dAvignon," Art de France 1(1961), p. 284.3. Garsende Alphant, Elzear's nurse and the couple's companion,is said to have witnessed this, as was supposedly reported at Elzear'scanonization hearings, which took place over forty years afterAlphant's death. See Genevieve Duhamelet, Saint Elzear et la BienheureuseDelphine (Paris, 1944), p. 17. Alphant's testimony was enteredin the record but was obviously not first hand. See Jacques Cambell,"Le sommaire de l'enquete pour la canonisation de S. Elzear deSabran," Miscellanea Francescana 73 (1973), p. 445. The first text thatdescribes the couple's angelic coronation is J. Raphael, L'ensuit la vie demonseigneur Saint Aulzias de Sabran comte darian glorieux confesseur etvierge (Paris, circa 1523), first part, chap. 1, unpaginated: "et en regardantpar alcune petite vuee dedans la chambre du dit sainct GarsendeAlphant vit quilz les dormoient encores et aussi ladicte BenoisteDaulphine et vit une ange le quel tenoit chescune teste deux unemain. Si en remercia icelle a dieu et luy en rendait graces car eilecogneut bien que lange avoit specialle cure deulx."

80 StrehlkeFigure la. Neapolitan school. The Stigmatization of Saint Francis of Assisi and The Crowning of Saints Cecilia and Valerian of Rome,1330s. Tempera and tooled gold on wood. Each panel—H: 31.2 cm (12 5 /i6"); W: 22.9 cm (9"). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 86.PB.490.to her from an artist active in Naples in the 1330s.From the minutes of the canonization trials of Elzearand Delphine, held in 1351 and 1363 respectively, andfrom two early parallel biographies, the story of a remarkablemarriage emerges. 4The Sabran, lords of Ansouis(located southeast of Avignon), were loyal allies ofthe Angevins, a branch of the French royal family sincethe time of the conquest of southern Italy. The Angevinsmaintained their power base in Provence, an in-The most reliable secondary sources are Luke wadding, Annatesminorum seu trium ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum, 2nd ed. (Rome,1733), pp. 278—292, 378—382, and Constantin Suyskens in Acta sancheritanceof the mother of Charles II of Anjou, King ofNaples. Hence, Provencal families, like the Sabran,filled positions at the Neapolitan court, sat on thebench, and staffed the military. In reward for militaryservice, Charles II created Elzears father, Hermengaud,Count of Ariano, a title Elzear received in 1310, after hisfather's death, from King Robert, Charles' successor.Elzear served the Angevins well. He successfully ledtheir troops in defense of Rome, then under seige4. Elzear's proceedings survive in a summarium, compiled for thepapal archives between 1362 and 1364. See Cambell, "Le sommaire"(supra, note 3), pp. 438—473, for its dating. The other sources, Enqueteand Vies occitanes, are also edited by Cambell. The probable authors ofthe latter's Latin text are Aimar and Guillaume de La Voutre, twobrothers from Apt (the burial place of Elzear and Delphine), who haddistinguished and somewhat parallel church careers, both havingserved as bishops of Marseilles. Soon after its publication in Latin,Vies occitanes was translated into the Provencal langue d'oc.torum Septembris 7 (Antwerp, 1760), rev. ed. (Paris, 1867), pp. 494-555.5. For additional information on the Angevins, see Emile G.Leonard, Les Angevins de Naples (Paris, 1954); Romolo Caggese, RobertodAngid e i suoi tempi (Florence, 1922, 1930), 2 vols.; and the appropriateentires in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, I960—), 1 vol. todate. For Sabrän genealogy, see [Francois A. A.] de La Chesnaye-Desbois and [?] Badier, Dictionnaire de la noblesse, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1873),vol. 18, cols. 4-23.6. Andre Vauchez, La saintete en Occident aux derniers siecles dumoyen age d'apres les proces de canonisation et les documents hagiographiques,Bibliotheque des ecoles franchises dAthenes et de Rome no.241 (Rome, 1981), p. 419, no. 397.

A Celibate Marriage 81by the German emperor, Henry VII; he acted as a ministerto King Robert's heir, the Duke of Calabria; andhe arranged the latter's betrothal to a French princess.While on this last mission in Paris, he died on September27, 1323. 5The marriage of Elzear and Delphine was arrangedand mandated by Charles II. The king's concern for his vassal'sfamily clearly lent dynastic implications to the union.Despite this, Delphine, a headstrong twelve-year-oldorphan, objected to the proposed marriage because shehad sworn a vow of virginity. Only after the Franciscanmonk Guillaume de Saint-Martial—a companion ofthe recently deceased Louis of Toulouse, King Charles'son—convinced her of the propriety of obeying theking did Delphine concede. Following a three-year betrothal,she was married to Elzear in February of 1300.She did not, however, at any time renounce her vow.Elzear was a deeply religious youth, known to besusceptible to mystic trances, but he was apparently notprepared for a chaste marriage. 6During the first nightsof their life together, Delphine, employing the guile ofa Scheherazade, delayed consummation by regaling herhusband with stories of virgin saints until he noddedoff to sleep. According to biographical sources, sherecounted the legends of Cecilia and Valerian, Alexis,Catherine of Alexandria, Agnes, Lucy, and Agatha. 7Although all were virgins, only the first three listedpreserved this state within a marriage. Elzear andDelphine's own situation most closely paralleled thatof Cecilia and Valerian. Cecilia, like Delphine, hadconverted her husband to chastity, and they remainedtogether despite their vow. (By contrast, Alexis onhis wedding night inspired his young wife with a "loveof virginity," but after delivering a lecture on its virtues,he abandoned her.) 8In view of what Elzear andDelphine would suffer for their devotion to celibacy,it is understandable that the spiritual bond uniting Ceciliaand Valerian would come to have a special symbolicimport for them and serve as a model for theirown marriage.Lent, when abstension was an acceptable practice, oc-curred shortly after the Sabran wedding. Following this,Delphine suddenly fell ill and extracted a promise oftwo years continence from Elzear. By the close of thisperiod, the young groom had experienced divine enlightenment,and carnal temptations never againplagued him. Fearing family opposition, the couplekept their vow secret, but as time passed, the lack ofissue exposed them to ridicule.Thoughts of an heir had initially troubled Elzear, buthe nevertheless acceded to Delphine's wishes. Hisgrandfather, however, demanded that a doctor examinethem. Though the sources are scant, a separation mayhave been contemplated. Canonical law decreed thata divorce required proof of the impotence of one ofthe partners. In such situations, Pope Innocent III(r. 1198—1216) had legislated that matrons examine thewoman to determine physical capability for intercourse. 9A male doctor was, nonetheless, summoned to thiscase; the diagnosis was made public; and the processresembled a trial.The Catalan Arnald of Villanova, physician to theking of Aragon, served as medical examiner, and hecould not have been more understanding of the youngcouple's plight. 10A radical Franciscan given to prophetismand close to the Spiritual Franciscan party—a separatistgroup that felt that the order had strayed fromSaint Francis' ideals—Arnald escaped burning at thestake for unrecanted heretical writings only because ofshrewd political maneuvering and the acknowledgedvalue of his medical skills. His influence on Elzear andDelphine was considerable and has been cited as an explanationfor their subsequent religious leanings. 11Thebiographers make clear that being secretly informed oftheir vow, Arnald faked the inquest into their maritalhabits. 12Having prescribed a curative meat diet, he interrogatedthem publically on their sleeping habits butprivately spoke to them only of religious matters. 13Afterfifteen days of scrutiny, he presented the results toa physicians' gathering with such skill that no one contradictedhim. He contended that the couple wasphysically underdeveloped and could not conceive chil-7. Vies occitanes, pp. 147—149.8. Baudoin de Geffier, " 'Intactam sponsam relinquens' δ proposde la vie de S. Alexis," Analecta Bollandiana 65 (1947), pp. 157—197.9. On the legal foundations, see Gabriel le Bras, "Le marriagedans la theologie et le droit de l'eglise du XI e au XIII e siecle," Cahiersde civilisation medievale X e -XII esiecles 9 (1968), pp. 191-202, andVauchez (supra, note 6), p. 498, for bibliography and sources on virginalmarriages. On impotence as grounds for divorce, see BernardDavid, L'impuissance est-elle un empechement de droit naturel ou positiß,Analecta Gregoriana no. 220 (Rome, 1981), and Pierre Darmion, Letribunal de l'impuissance virilite et defaillances conjugates dans VancienneFrance (Paris, 1979), pp. 78-81, 89-93, 106-161.10. Raoul Manselli, Spirituali e beghini in Provenza, Studi storicinos. 31—34 (Rome, 1959), pp. 55—80, with earlier bibliography cited.11. See Carles Campos, "A perpaus de la perfection dAlzeas et deDelfina," Annales de l'institut d'etudes occitanes 4, no. 1 (1965),pp. 88-105.12. Vies occitanes, pp. 161—163.13. He may also have recommended crayfish, pinecones, chestnuts,nasturtiums, truffles, and onions, all of which encourage coitus, andadvised against lettuce and citrus-based wines, which discourage it,according to the Taciunum sanitatis, a health manual in circulation inthe late Middle Ages. Luisa Cogliati Arano, The Medieval HealthHandbook (New York, 1976).

82 StrehlkeFigure lb. The Stigmatization of Saint Francis of Assisi (detail of fig. la).

Figure lc. The Crowning of Saints Cecilia and Valerian of Rome (detail of fig. la).A Celibate Marriage 83

84 Strehlkedreri until their twenty-fifth year. Having establishedthat the condition was temporary (canonical law requiredthat impotence be proven perpetual), Arnaldcleverly avoided establishing grounds for divorce.Disappointed, Elzear's family resorted to othermeans, such as sending entertaining young girls intothe couple's bedroom at night to encourage conjugalrelations. 14In 1307 Elzear and Delphine finally liberatedthemselves from this pressure, retiring to a castle atPuy-Michel, a paternal inheritance of Delphine. Theyran their household along the lines of a monastery.Elzear, who functioned more like an abbot than a grandseigneur, wrote a rule, the first proviso of which enforcedthe strictest observance of chastity by all inhabitantsof the castle; furthermore, with the exception ofDelphine, all married women were excluded. 15This lifecontinued until Elzear's father died in 1310, and Elzearwent to Naples to be knighted.The vow of chastity did not decrease the couple'scloseness and devotion to each other. They seem tohave shared quarters and possibly a common bed. 16Accordingto all witnesses, Delphine went to bed dressedand Elzear slept in a hair garment except when gravelyill; this was considered unusual, as sleeping naked wasthe norm at the time. 17Four years after Elzear's death in 1323, a Libellus supplex,penned by the Provencal Franciscan monk Franqoisde Meyronnes, was presented to Pope John XXIId'Euse (r. 1316—1334) to promote the cause of his sanctity.18The Libellus attaches great importance to the celibatemarriage; in it Elzear is called another Joseph, Valerian,or Alexis. 19The analogy of the Sabran marriageto that of Cecilia and Valerian apparently originatedwith the stories that Delphine told on her weddingnight, but the tradition was kept well enough alive duringher long widowhood to be repeated in the proposedarticles for her own unsuccessful canonization, whichwere prepared in 1363. 20 Delphine and Elzear musttherefore have closely associated their early days togetherwith the story of the ancient Roman newly wedswho had similarly cherished their virginity and werepersecuted for their Christian beliefs.Significantly in this context, although the right-handpanel of the Getty diptych does not relate to any specific17. Vies occitanes, p. 83. Only a nightcap was customarily worn. Forexample, see the sculpture of the father of Saint Catherine of Alexincidentin the lives of Elzear and Delphine and ischronologically impossible to associate with them, itclearly follows the traditional representation of an episodefrom the lives of Saints Cecilia and Valerian. Thisis related in The Golden Legend, a late thirteenth-centurytext by Jacopo da Voragine. 21On her wedding dayCecilia wore a hair shirt concealed by a splendid goldgarment. Before the ceremony, she had entrusted hermaidenhood to God and that night informed her startledgroom that an angel, who guarded her body with"exceeding zeal," was her lover. The pagan Valerian wasalso told that he could meet this rival if he agreed tobaptism. As his bride instructed, he immediately soughtout the persecuted bishop of Rome, Urban I (r.222—230), who was then hiding from the imperial authorities,and he received baptism. Returning to themarriage chamber, he witnessed Cecilia and the angelin discourse, and "the angel held two crowns fashionedof roses and lilies, of which he gave one to Cecilia andthe other to Valerian, saying: Guard these crownswith spotless hearts and pure bodies, because I havebrought them from God's Paradise to you, norwillthey ever fade; and none can see them, save thosewho love chastity!" 22The origins of the composition of Cecilia and Valerianin the Getty picture—as well as most other fourteenth-and fifteenth-century representationsof thisrare subject—can be traced at least to the late eleventhcentury. 23Images predating the Getty diptych tend tobe more iconic and show the angel standing betweenthe couple who may be represented either standing orsitting. The scene was frequently conflated with a subsequentepisode, the crowning of Valerian's brother,Tiburius, also a convert. These images probably originatedwith the design of a lost cloth altar frontal commissionedby Paschal I (r. 817—821) for the church ofSanta Cecilia in Trastevere, where the saint's relics weretransferred in 821. Versions of the scene occur at leasttwice in thirteenth-century seals of the church's titularcardinals, where Valerian and his brother are shownflanking Cecilia while an angel swoops down crowningthe brothers. 24The diving angel was adopted by Arnolfodi Cambio in his ciborium for San Paolo fuori lemura and reappears transformed in the Getty diptych. 2514. Vies occitanes, p. 163.15. Ibid., p. 77.16. The evidence is conflicting. Article eleven of Delphine's hearingsays that they shared (cohabitant) quarters and bed. Article fourteensays that they lived together but did not sleep in the same bed. SeeEnquete, pp. 37—38, 40, and Vies occitanes, p. 159.andria dictating his will by Giovanni and Pacio da Firenze in SantaChiara, Naples, illustrated in John Pope-Hennessy, Italian GothicSculpture (London, 1972), pi. 37.18. It was prepared by Meyronnes and presented to the pope byRaymond Bot, Bishop of Apt. See text in Acta sanctorum (supra, note4), pp. 521-525.19. Ibid., p. 522.20. Enquete, p. 36.

A Celibate Marriage 85tfflftun nololQQ\tom

86 Strehlkecentury representations—a fresco in the Carmine inFlorence and a panel by the Master of the Pesaro Crucifixin the Philadelphia Museum of Art (fig. 3)—attestto the durability of the iconographic formula over timeand geography as well as to the paucity of possible waysof painting the scene as it is narrated in The GoldenLegend. 27Only rarely did an artist approach the themewith the originality of the Master of Santa Cecilia. Inhis altarpiece dating before 1307, now in the Uffizi, theangel crowns Valerian as he crosses the threshold of thebedroom to receive Cecilia's joyous embrace. 28The strong parallel that was perceived between themarriage of Cecilia and Valerian and that of Elzear andDelphine is not the sole link uniting the celibateProvencal couple with the Getty diptych. The stigmatizationof Saint Francis on the left-hand panel and itsmanner of depiction also support such an association.Though the earliest extant sources are silent, it is oftenstated that Elzear and Delphine were members of theThird Order of Saint Francis, as was King Robert ofNaples, who wears its habit in funeral effigy. 29On July13, 1317, Elzear wrote his will and specifically statedthat he was to be buried in the Franciscan habit. 30Moreover,Franciscans were the couple's confessors and companions,as well as the champions of their canonization.The order soon claimed Elzear as its own; in the churchof San Francesco in Lodi there is a late fourteenth-centuryfresco of him in the tunic of the Third Order. 31Being intimate members of the Neapolitan court, theSabrans undoubtedly shared the king and queen's sympathyfor the Spiritual Franciscans. This group, whichflourished in Provence and Naples, espoused the doctrineof evangelical poverty, or adherence to what theyperceived as the unmediated ideals of Francis andChrist. 32Fractious and uncompromising, the Spiritualsalienated the church hierarchy and the rest of the order,which they accused of laxity. Playing on the age'sprophetic mode of thinking, they heightened theirsense of mission in a world awaiting the Second Coming.By forcing the issue of Franciscan poverty, however,they invited violent reactions aimed at theirown destruction.The Angevins' support of the Spirituals originatedwith Robert's brother Louis. 33While incarcerated inAragon as hostages for their father's freedom, the twobrothers solicited consolation from the radical SpiritualPeter Olivi, whose writings had been condemned asheretical. It was during his stay in prison that Louisdecided to renounce his right to the throne and join theFranciscans. Though he was later named bishop ofToulouse, he only begrudgingly accepted official honors,and his devotion to the ideal of evangelical povertywas no secret. His canonization was celebrated on April7, 1317, by John XXII, but this occurred only after thepope had suppressed any mention of Louis' sympathyfor poverty and, therefore, for the Spirituals in the bull.To underscore this point, a few months later, John promulgatedthree bulls condemning the Spirituals ofProvence and launched an inquisition that in 1318culminated in the burning of four monks at the stakein Marseilles. The condemned had refused to abjurepaupertas evangelica.Burnings and papal posturing did not deter KingRobert. He succored Spiritual refugees and even wrote atract in support of their views on poverty. After theissue of the bull Cum inter nonnullos (1323), which declaredit heretical to assert that Christ and his apostlesowned no property, Robert repudiated the pope andsuppressed publication of papal edicts against the Spirituals.Queen Sancha and her brother Philip of Majorcaalso contributed to the Angevin court's inflammatorystance. Although the queen burdened the treasury withthe financing of Spiritual Franciscan communities, shewas admonished by John XXII for theologizing aboutholy poverty. 34Her brother, meanwhile, attempted toestablish his own order and publically preached againstthe pope in Naples. 35After John's death, Pope BenedictXII (r. 1334—1342) also tried to bring the Angevinsback in line.In 1316 at the start of the controversies, Robertgranted Elzear and Delphine permission to leave Naplesfor Ansouis in order to avow their celibacy publically(apparently this was also an unfulfilled desire of QueenSancha). 36With great rejoicing, the Sabrans celebratedtheir chastity on the feast day of Mary Magdalene, patronsaint of Provence. Between that time and July 1317,27. For the attribution of the Philadelphia panel, see the oral communicationof Miklφs Boskovits in Michel Laclotte and ElisabethMognetti, Avignon—Musee du Petit Palais: Peinture italienne (Paris,1976), no. 132. For the Carmine fresco, see George Kaftal, Iconographyof the Saints in Tuscan Painting (Florence, 1952), fig. 287.28. For the Master of Santa Cecilia, see Bernard Berenson, ItalianPictures of the Renaissance: Florentine School (London, 1963), vol. 1, fig. 88.29. For Robert's effigy, see Pope-Hennessy (supra, note 17), fig. 32.On the Sabran as tertiaries, see Girard (supra, note 2), pp. 61—64.30. See Vies occitanes, p. 33, and Forbin d'Oppede, La Bse Delphinede Sabran et les saints de Provence au XIV 6 siede (Paris, 1883),pp. 412—425. On entry into the order, tertiaries were required to writetheir final will.31. George Kaftal and Fabio Bisogni, Iconography of the Saints in thePainting of North West Italy (Florence, 1985), fig. 354.32. Literature on the Spirituals is vast. A clear summary of theissues is found in Michael Bihl, "Fraticelli," The Catholic Encyclopedia(New York), vol. 6, pp. 244—249. Also useful are: Decima L. Douie,The Nature and Effect of the Heresy of the Fraticelli (Manchester, 1932);Malcolm D. Lambert, Franciscan Poverty: The Doctrine of the Absolute

A Celibate Marriage 87when Elzear notarized his will at Toulon before againembarking for Naples, the couple probably entered theThird Order. If he was not already a tertiary, it is unlikelythat Elzear would have requested burial in Franciscanhabit. Their membership therefore coincidedwith their public avowal of virginity. It is certainlysignificant that the two themes are also linked inthe diptych.Delphine and Elzear joined the order during its mosttroubled period. The decision could not have been unaffectedby Louis' canonization in 1317; their own publicvow; and the intensified persecution of the Spiritualsin Provence. In the papal condemnation called Sanctaromana, much of the Third Order of Provence was indicted.37Many members, some loosely organized ingroups called Beguines, were suspected of heresy andcollusion with the Spirituals. Trials abounded and manyperished at the stake. The couple were intimates of thesecular authorities who supported the Spiritual cause,and their associates in the religious world were all fierceSpirituals—Arnald of Villanova, Guillaume de Saint-Martial, and Frangois de Meyronnes. It is, in fact,highly probable that John XXII put off Elzear's canonizationbecause he was so closely associated with theSpiritual movement.If there is any doubt where their sympathies lay duringElzear's lifetime, there can be none that Delphinebecame a radical Beguine in widowhood. 38She is evencalled such in her first biographies. To the family's consternationshe obtained permission from King Robertto divest herself of all property rightfully hers. And in1333 at the Angevin castle of Castellemare, she tookanother public vow, this time of poverty. 39In 1340 sheliquidated her estates in Provence. She passed most ofher long widowhood in Provence, except for a briefperiod after Robert's death in 1343, when she joinedSancha in the convent of Santa Croce in Naples, a Spiritualhouse founded by the queen.The stigmatization of Saint Francis in the Getty diptychcorresponds to a type favored in Neapolitan SpiritualFranciscan circles and includes several iconographicinnovations that originated in that milieu. It is closelyrelated to the most radical of all Neapolitan paintings ofFigure 4. Master of the Franciscan Temperas (Italian,active circa 1330—1355). The Stigmatization ofSaint Francis of Assisi, before 1336. Tempera oncanvas. Private collection. Photo: CourtesyUgo Bozzi Editore s.a.s., Rome.the stigmatization, part of a cycle of canvases likelymade for the Franciscan monastery of Santa Chiara before1336 as a royal commission from an artist who iscalled the Master of the Franciscan Temperas (fig. 4). 40The Spiritual Franciscan imprint in the Master of theFranciscan Temperas' painting is apparent in Francis'beard, his poor patched habit, and the detailed representationof nature. Bellosi has argued that the saint rarelyappears bearded in Italian art after 1296 except in Spiritual-infestedNaples or in commissions that are associatedwith the Angevins, such as Simone Martini's chapelat Assisi. 41His observations are less valid for the1330s when the bearded Francis returns elsewhere (asbeards themselves come back in style) and is not limitedto Spiritual contexts. Nonetheless, in Neapolitan painting,the beard remained a symbol of the Spirituals, whozealously conserved their identity by means of their appearance,especially their dress. Controversies about thedon, 1961); Manselli (supra, note 10); John R. H. Moorhead, A Historyof the Franciscan Order from Its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford, 1968),pp. 188-204, 307-338.33. Edith Pδsztor, Per la storia di San Luodovico dAngio (1274-1297),Studi storici no. 10 (Rome, 1955); Ferdinando Bologna, "Povertδ eumilitδ: II San Ludovico di Simone Martini," Studi storici 10, no. 2(1969), pp. 231-259, and Bologna, pp. 157-170.34. Caggese (supra, note 5), pp. 641-642, 651-652.35. On Philip, see J. M. Vidal, "Un ascete du sang royal: Philippede Majorque," Revue des questions historiques n.s. 44 (1910),pp. 361-403.36. Vies occitanes, pp. 171—173, and Enquete, p. 40. On Sancha's celibacy,see Caggese (supra, note 5).37. Moorhead (supra, note 32), pp. 417—428, and Manselli (supra,note 10), pp. 113-254.38. Vies occitanes, p. 197; Enquete, pp. 327, 395.39. Vies occitanes, pp. 97—99; Enquete, pp. 45—46.40. Bologna, pp. 235-245, pi. XVIII (color).41. Luciano Bellosi, "La barba di San Francesco—nuove proposteper il 'problema di Assisi'," Prospettiva 22 (1980), pp. 11—34, and idem,

88 StrehlkeSpirituals' ragged habits raged throughout this period.As Bologna has noted in the context of the Master ofthe Franciscan Temperas, in 1336 Benedict XII orderedRobert to evict errant Franciscans from Santa Chiarawho still wore "short habits without form or precisecolor." 42The Master of the Franciscan Temperas is theonly artist I know of who painted Francis in truly hereticaldress. In other Neapolitan depictions inspired bythe Spirituals, including the same artist's altarpiece inOttana (Sardinia), Francis' habit conforms to theregulations of the order and the long-establishedvisual tradition. 43Francis is bearded in the Getty picture, but his dressdoes not part from the norm except in two particulars,the undergarment that appears beneath his habit and hissandals. The former is clearly visible at the sleeves andin the tear on the saint's right side. Though not in art, inFranciscan literature the saint's undergarments figureprominently. In Francis' Testamentum, a document suppressedby the church but cherished by the Spirituals asthe saint's manifesto of poverty, the first friars are describedas wearing habits consisting of a single patchedtunic with a cord and a trouserlike undergarment, orbracis 44The undergarment is mentioned several times inaccounts of the stigmatization and the events leading upto it. According to the Actus beati Francisci et sociorumeius (hereafter, Actus), an early fourteenth-century Spiritualtext, while fasting and meditating on Mount Alverna,Francis in ecstasy saw God, who spoke to him ashe had to Moses. Francis replied "I am all yours. . . .You know that I possess nothing but the habit, the cord,and the undergarment and even these three things areyours." 45In the Legenda maior, the saint's official biography,Bonaventure describes a change in Francis' underwearafter the stigmatization. In order to conceal thepainful wound in his side Francis wore undergarmentsthat reached up to his armpits; these garments werecalled femoralia by Bonaventure. 46Though this undergarmentwas put on after the miracle, in the diptych theartist anticipates the change from the simple bracis to thefemoralia that was necessitated by the stigmata. Allsources mention that blood continually stained Francis'habit and femoralia, and though he never showed hiswounds, the friars who washed his bloodied clothessuspected what had transpired. 47The underwear then isliterally a proof of the stigmatization.The sandals can also be explained in terms of whathappened after the stigmatization. When Francis firstconverted, he cast off his shoes and went barefoot. 48Therefore, it would initially seem a gross misunderstandingof Franciscan iconography to show the lover ofpoverty in the central point of his mission wearing sandals.But they also bear witness to the miracle. Afterreceiving the wounds, Francis never uncovered hishands and feet, and the intense pain prevented himfrom setting his feet directly on the ground. The firstbiographer, Celano, describes the covering as woolensocks with a piece of skin placed directly over thewounds to ease the wool's roughness. 49Bonaventuresimply says his feet were calceatis, or covered. 50A reliquaryin Assisi conserves this gear. The sandals aretherefore also meant to remind the viewer of the sufferingFrancis endured for the gift of the stigmata.The attention to odd details such as underwear andsandals implies that the picture's iconography dependedon a close rereading of the available sources. In the latethirteenth and early fourteenth century the Spiritualswere actively reevaluating texts of Francis' life. AfterBonaventure's official biography was finished in 1266,all earlier versions were supposed to have been destroyed;many, however, still circulated, and these earlier,often eyewitness, accounts, including the works ofCelano, were cherished and reused in several new anthologies,all of which displayed overtly SpiritualistLa pecora di Giotto (Turin, 1985), pp. 3—14, 32—33, n. 17, for an answerto his critics. See Bologna's and Stubblebine's reservations about Bellosi'stheories: Ferdinando Bologna, "The Crowning Disc of a Duecento'Crucifixion and Other Points Relevant to Duccio's Relationshipto Cimabue," Burlington Magazine 125 (1983), pp. 330—340, andJames H. Stubblebine, Assisi and the Rise of Vernacular Art (New York,1985), pp. 69—70. Francis is bearded in Taddeo Gaddi's work of thelate 1320s and 1330s; Andrew Landis, Taddeo Gaddi Critical Reappraisaland Catalogue Raisonne (Columbus, Oh., and London, 1972), figs. 3—1,4j_l, 6c/3-13.42. Bologna, p. 237.43. Ibid., pis. V/10-2, VI/18, VI/68-70.44. "Tunica una, intus et foris repeciata, cum cingulo et bracis."See Kajetan Esser, ed., Die Opuscula des Hl Franzikus von Assisi: Neuetextkritische Edition (Grottaferrata, 1976), pp. 439-440.45. "Domine, ego sum totus tuus, et nihil habeo nisi tunicamet cordam et femoralia, et ista tua similer sunt." Actus, chap. 9,pp. 57-58.46. "Proinde portabat ex tunc femoralia ita factam usque ad ascellaepertingerent ad vulnus lateris contegendum." Bonaventure,Legenda maior 5. Francisci assisiensis et eiusdem legenda minor (Quaracchi,1941), chap. 8, p. 8. On the word femoralia, see Octavianus a Rieden,"De Sancti Francisci Assisiensis stigmatum susceptione: Disquistiohistorico-critica luce testimoniorum saeculi XIII," Collectana Franciscana34 (1964), pp. 259-260, n. 68.47. "Fratres quoque, qui ilia lavabant vel tunicam excutiebant protempore, quia inveniebant ea sanguine rubricata indubitanter per evidenssignum incognitionem sacri vulneris pervenerunt." Bonaventure,Legenda maior (supra, note 46), chap. 8, p. 8; and for other testimony,see Octavianus a Rieden (supra, note 46), pp. 259—262.48. "Solvit protinus calceamenta de pedibus [Actus, chap. 7, p. 33]baculum deponit e manibus et, tunica una contentus, pro corrigiafuniculum immutavit." Thomas de Celano, Vita prima S. FrancisciAssisiensis et eiusdem legenda ad usum chori (Quaracchi, 1926), chap. 9,p. 22.The stigmatization in Giuliano da Rimini's altarpiece, dated 1307, in

A Celibate Marriage 89veyed by the presence of a bear's den and two bearsclimbing about on the rocks. 54Like the wolf, birds,also frequent Franciscan stories.The sermon to the birds in Bevagna is perhaps the mostfamous episode, but two other incidents recounted bothby Bonaventure and in the Actus link birds to Alverna.When Francis first arrived on the mountain, birdsgreeted him in great numbers, and a female falcon,who built a nest near his cell, woke the saint for matinswith her singing. 55The falcon's diligence is praised,and in the diptych she is pictured nurturing heryoung, whereas the other birds gaze on Francis and thefalcon's nest near the cavernous hermitage. Bonaventureallegorized the bird as a presage of the seraphic visionto come. The Master of the Franciscan Temperas treatedthe subject similar to the handling of it in the diptych,though with a greater interest in the naturalistic depictionof species. 56The depiction of such a large numberof birds is unique to the Getty picture and the Master ofthe Franciscan Temperas' stigmatization; it represents adeparture from previous iconography.The Getty stigmatization departs from several otherpoints of traditional Franciscan iconography. In theGiottesque tradition—the fresco in Assisi, the relatedaltarpiece in the Louvre, and the fresco in the Bardichapel—as in most earlier representations, the craggymountainside is only sparsely vegetated and few signsof animal life appear. 57Francis communes alone withthe seraph. Even in the earliest representation of thescene by Berlinghieri, two buildings dominate the landscape,Francis' own cabin and the friary in the valebelow where Brother Leo and other companions sojourned.An element distinguishing the Getty stigmatizationis the dark grotto opening behind the saint,which silhouettes his form and lends it great relief. Thegrotto takes the place of Francis' cabin in Giotto's Bardichapel fresco of the mid to late 1320s, and is locatedleanings. 51They fulfilled a need for a narrative and anecdotalrendering of his life in contrast to Bonaventure'smajestic but sparsely detailed vision; thus, they functionedmuch in the same way that the Apocrypha andThe Golden Legend did for the lives of Christ and Mary.The most important of these anthologies was the Actus.Compiled from several sources at different times, it wasdefinitively put together circa 1327—1340, probably bythe Marchigian Spiritual Franciscan Ugolino di Montegiorgio,who is known to have been in Naples in1331. 52 The text was a popular success, and toward theend of the century it was rearranged and translated intoItalian as I fioretti and Le considerazioni delle sacre stimulate.The Actus gives a detailed description of Francis'forty-day fast on Alverna. It adds episodes, such as Godspeaking to Francis from a burning bush as he had doneto Moses, and conflates incidents that were separated inearlier works.The Actus pays particular attention to Francis' affinitywith nature, and though hardly an original concept, it isa vision of the saint that the Spirituals wished to appropriatefor themselves. For instance, the wolf of Gubbiofirst appears in the Actus, and the curious beast in theGetty painting's foreground, most likely a wolf, couldwell refer to this incident or one of the other wolf storiesrecounted by earlier biographers. While symbolizingFrancis' great rapport with the creatures of theearth, the presence of a wolf also testifies to the savage,isolated spot on the wild mountainside of Alvernawhere the stigmatization took place. The mountain wasdonated to Francis and his followers by a local noblemanas a spot for a hermitage. In the Actus it is relatedthat before going there himself, Francis sent some friarsto scout the territory, and they had to be accompaniedby fifty soldiers who cleared it of wild beasts. 53Similarly,in a much earlier representation by Guido da Siena,the untamed nature of the mountainside is contheIsabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston, also shows Saint Franciswearing sandals in a departure from the Giottesque fresco in theupper church of Assisi on which Giuliano's depiction depends. SeePhilip Hendy, European and American Paintings in the Isabella StewartGardner Museum (Boston, 1974), pp. 110-112, ill.49. "Pedes laneis peduciis vestit, ne videri possint, pelle supra vulneribusposita, quae asperitatem laneam mitigaret." Thomas de Celano,Vita secunda S. Francisci Assisiensis (Quaracchi, 1927), chap. 98,p. 136.50. "Et pedibus ex tunc inuderet calceatis." Bonaventure, Legendamaior (supra, note 46), chap. 8, p. 8. Also on the footwear, see Octavianusa Rieden (supra, note 46), pp. 225—226.51. On the sources, see John R. H. Moorhead, The sources forthe Life of S. Francis of Assisi (Manchester, 1940), and John V. Fleming,An Introduction to the Franciscan Literature of the Middle Ages(Chicago, 1977).52. For the bibliography on the Fioretti/Actus, see Marion A. Habig,ed., St. Francis of Assisi Writings and Early Biographies: English Omnibusof the Sources for the Life of St. Francis (Chicago, 1983), pp. 1691—1693.Stubblebine ([supra, note 41], pp. 80—87) claims that the text was notavailable until the 1330s. According to some Franciscan scholars, partsof it were circulating in the late dugento, and the pieces were integratedin either the early 1320s or 1330s. Moorhead (supra, note 51),pp. 165—169; Fleming (supra, note 51), pp. 58—59; and GiorgioPetrocchi, "Dagli 'Actus beati Francisci' al volgarizzamento deiFioretti," Convivium 22 (1954), pp. 534-555, 666-667.53. Actus, chap. 9, p. 19.54. James H. Stubblebine, Guido da Siena (Princeton, N.J., 1964),figs. 4, 101, as well as 35, 61, 100.55. Bonaventure, Legenda maior (supra, note 46), chap. 8, p. 10;Actus, chap. 9, pp. 24-26.56. On monastic bird symbolism, see John V. Fleming, From Bonaventureto Bellini: An Essay in Franciscan Exegesis (Princeton, N.J.,1982), pp. 41—44, and Gregorio Penco, "II simbolismo animalesconella letteratura monastica," Studia Monastica 6 (1964), pp. 7—38.57. Giancarlo Vigorelli and Edi Bacceschi, eds., Lopera completa di

90 Strehlkeabove the saint. It also appears in a few earlier, isolatedexamples that probably neither Giotto nor the Gettyartist knew. 58After almost a century of stigmatizationimages, the inclusion of a grotto on Mount Alverna canonly be explained in terms of a new way of envisioningthe narrative and its locale.In Celanos biography, rediscovered by the Spirituals,the saint's ability to meditate undisturbed is described inthe language of the Canticle of Canticles: "He nestshimself in the clefts of the rock, and inhabits the hollowplaces of the walls." 59Alverna itself is a rocky and precipitousplace with many natural grottos perfect for solitudeand, according to the Actus, was chosen for thatreason. Stubblebine recently observed that in severalpre-Actus, early fourteenth-century Spiritual texts, thelocus of the stigmatization is not directly outside ofFrancis' cell but in a more solitary and wild location. Inthe Speculum perfectionis of circa 1318 Francis is describedas not willing to have a well-built cell or house butwishing to be sheltered beneath the rocks. 60Giotto'srendition in the Bardi chapel is a good example of thisnew vision of the event. The prominent dark andempty cave above Francis adds to the emotional anddramatic impact. The Getty artist is considerably lesshistrionic. Despite the changes based on a new readingof the texts, he clings to older pictorial conventions;thus, even though Francis prays in front of a barrencave, the older tradition of including two hermitages isnot abandoned.The manner of depicting the saint emerging from thecave onto a narrow promontory, as if to greet theseraph, is unique to the Getty diptych. Although Francis'posture with his arms raised above his head hadbeen previously employed by the Master of Figline, 61the combination of the cave and pose can be traced toa specific literary source that would have been knownto Elzear and Delphine, a series of sermons on the stigmatizationby the Provenqal Spiritual Franqois deMeyronnes. Meyronnes was responsible for the Libellussupplex written in Elzear's honor and, according to biographers,was a long-time intimate; he also served asElzear's last confessor and admired Delphine's understandingof theology. 62The relevant passage is from hissecond sermon and concerns the four virtues imprintedon Francis by the seraph:Fourthly, he possessed the virtue of inflammatory inspiration;"wholly therefore" as in the Legenda, "as onemight say a coal is ignited by divine love" he to whomthe sign appeared was inflamed and set on fire. Whenthus it [the seraph] inflamed the abbot [Francis] as hehad prayed for, it set over him and coaxed that manwith upraised hand out of the cavern. And the blessedFrancis was not acting out of his own accord, but bydivine disposition; because his spirit was exalted toseraphic perfection; therefore, it is fitting the saying ofthe prophet (Aggeus 2:4): "I shall raise thee up, myservant, and I will make thee as a signet for I havechosen thee, saith the Lord of Hosts." 63The Getty Francis closely reproduces Franqois de Meyronnes'image of Francis drawn from the cave with raisedarms and suggests a dependence on the text itself. SinceFranqois was an intimate of the Angevin court and aSpiritual, his ideas most probably circulated in Naples.Meyronnes also linked the stigmatization to thetheme of triumph. Thus, as kings have their victoriespainted, he maintains the victory of Christ was sculptedon Francis during the stigmatization, and he comparesthe experience of Alverna to the establishment of thecelestial city of the militant church placed on a solidrock foundation. The saint is further likened to the lionthat symbolizes Christ's triumph over the cross. 64Thecave then might be associated with a lion's den in thefigurative and the literal sense.In the sermons, Meyronnes also develops the themeof alter Christus, or Francis' parallelism to Christ. 65 Thefissure in the rock is part of this allegory. The mountain'scrags are attributed to eruptions that occurred atthe time of Christ's Crucifixion, and Alverna is comparedto Tabur where Christ, like Francis, experienced atransfiguration. 66The story of Alverna's peculiar landscapebeing formed at the time of the Crucifixion becamea theme of Franciscan literature. It was later incor-Giotto (Milan, 1977), figs. 38, 46, 138.58. Examples dating from the dugento are found in Pistoia, MuseoCivico, and Orte, Cathedral: Pietro Scarpellini, "Iconografia francescananei secoli XIII e XIV," in San Francesco d'Assisi storia e arte(Milan, 1982), pp. 97, 104. See also the examples of Guido da Sienaand his school (supra, note 54).59. "In formainibus petrae nidificabat, et in caverna maceriae habitatioeius." Celano (supra, note 48), chap. 27, p. 71.60. Stubblebine, (supra, note 41), p. 83; Habig (supra, note 52),p. 1134.61. Luciano Bellosi, Un pittore del trecento il Maestro di Figline, ex.cat. (Florence, Comune di Figline Valdarno, 1980), pi. 2.62. See "Trois sermons." On his relationship to Elzear and Delphine:Enquete, pp. 54-55, 155, 159, 403, 540; Vies occitanes, pp. 15, 20,22, 29, 112, 120. On Meyronnes himself, see Bartholomaeus Roth,Franz von Meyronna, sein Leben, seine Werke, seine Lehre (Werl, 1936).63. "Quarto habuit virtutem inflammativam; 'totus enim,' uthabetur in Legenda, 'sicut quidam carbo ignitus divini amoris' eratinflammatus et succensus, cuius signum apparuit, quando sic inflammavitabbatem pro quo oravit, ut supra semtipsum poneret eum etquando manu protensa ilium hominem palpavit in antro, quia taliabeatus Franciscus non habuit a natura propria, sed a dispensationedivina; quia Spiritus eius fuit ad perfectionem seraphicam sublimatus,ideo convenit et illud prophetae Agg. 2, 24: 'Assumam te, serve meus,

A Celibate Marriage 91porated in the Fioretti (though it is absent from theActus) and Barth el my of Pisa's De conformitate vitae beatiFrancisci ad vitam Domini Iesu. 67Francis' similarity to Moses was another theme developedby Franciscan theologians. Franqois de Meyronnesemphasizes that Alverna is like Sinai, but insteadof stone tablets of the law, Francis received the law oflove from the hand of the living God. 68In the Actus it isrecounted that God spoke to Francis in his days of contemplationbefore the stigmatization, just as he had spokento Moses. The analogy to Moses' burning bushmight by symbolized in the curious solitary bowed treein the lower right-hand corner of the Getty picture.Fleming in his analysis of Bellini's Saint Francis in theWilderness interpreted the prominent swaying laurel treein the same terms. He cited a medieval Jewish illuminationof Moses and the "burning" bush in which noflames appear as an early precedent. 69A stigmatizationby a Duccio follower in Christ Church, Oxford, includesa similar emphatically bent tree. 70These arcaneanalogies were" part and parcel of late medieval theologyand undoubtedly affected visual symbolism, as theymay have in these instances.The investigation of iconography has demonstratedthat the diptych can be related to Elzear and Delphine,but how specific this connection may be depends onthe dating and attribution. Fortunately, Cecilia andValerian's costumes provide a valuable guide for dating.They record luxurious dress of the period beforethe middle of the century when fashion changed. Inthe forties the long, almost unisex, tunics the couplewear went out of fashion. Men started sporting closefittinghose, and women's wear became decidedly morerevealing. 71This is illustrated in the manuscript of theStatuti delVOrdine del Nodo, illuminated in 1354—1355by Cristoforo Orminia, in which Robert's successor,Joanna I, and her consort are depicted, as are manyscenes of courtly life (fig. 5). 72Two features distinguishthe cut of later trecento fashions: the manicotti, or thetrain on the sleeves, are long and attenuated, in somecases trailing to the ground, and the collars, particularlyof female dress, are wider and lower cut. Cecilia andValerian's costumes reflect earlier styles. In anotherAngevin manuscript, also illuminated by CristoforoOrminia, the Bible of Niccolφ d'Alife, which can bedated before January 20, 1343—because Robert is presentand Joanna is shown as the hereditary princess notthe queen—the dress is closer to the type pictured in thediptych (fig. 6). 73Both men and women wear loosetunics, the manicotti are shorter and wider, and the necklinesrestrained. If anything, Cecilia and Valerian aremore conservatively dressed; their collars are not asopen or their sleeves as elegantly cut. Though it wouldbe foolish to date a picture precisely on costume alone,and, in particular, this picture, where perceptions of theclothing are distorted by the figural poses, it is reasonableto suggest that the style of the costumes is that ofthe thirties. It closely parallels, for example, the contemporarydress depicted in triptychs by Bernardo Daddiand Taddeo Gaddi dating 1333 and 1334 respectively. 74Assigning the diptych a date in the mid-thirtiesmeans, of course, that Elzear and Delphine are not representedin it, not even in the guise of Cecilia andValerian, because the painting predates by about thirtyyears Delphine's death in 1360 and also predates Elzear'scanonization in 1369. However, it may mean thatDelphine was personally involved in its creation andmay have even commissioned it. It is, therefore, significantthat the diptych can be related stylistically toworks of art produced in Naples from the late twentiesto the early forties for the Angevin circle to whichDelphine belonged.The attribution of the Getty diptych has long puzzledart historians. Previously, Castelnuovo published it asVenetian circa 1340 and close to Paolo Veneziano; Laclotteand Thiebaut associated it with theProvencalAvignon school with the designation to an Italian artistcirca 1340-1350. 75The first attribution took into account the archaicelements of the composition, such as the gold striationson the angel's costume and the schematic rendering ofet ponam sicut signaculum, quia te elegi, dicit Dominus exercituum'."See "Trois sermons," p. 383.64. Ibid., pp. 386-387, 395.65. On the theme of alter Christus, see Stansilao da Campagnola,L'angelo del sesto sigillo et V "Alter Christus": Genesi e suiluppo di due temifrancescani nei secoli XIII-XIV (Rome, 1971), and Henk van Os, "St.Francis of Assisi as a Second Christ in Early Italian Painting," Simiolus1 (1974), pp. 115-132.66. "Trois sermons," p. 394.67. For the Fioretti reference, see Habig (supra, note 52), p. 1438. Deconformitate vitae beati Francisci ad vitam Domini Iesu appears in AnalectaFrancescana 5 (1912), p. 387.68. "Trois sermons," p. 385.69. Fleming (supra, note 56), pp. 51—57, fig. 11.70. James H. Stubblebine, Duccio di Buoninsegna and His School(Princeton, N.J., 1979), vol. 2, fig. 295.71. Luciano Bellosi, Buffatmacco e il trionfo della morte (Turin, 1974),pp. 41-54.72. Bologna, pp. 305-311, pis. VII/41-7.73. Ibid., pp. 276-278, pis. VI/62-7.74. Landis (supra, note 41), figs. 20, 1—7.75. See supra, note 2.

92 Strehlkethe foliage and mountainside, which recall the byzantinizingcharacter of early trecento Venetian art. Thesecharacteristics as they appear in the diptych, and specificallyin the stigmatization panel, are, however, more inkeeping with what seems to be an intentionally conservativethrowback to dugento Tuscan images of the stigmatizationby Berlinghiero Berlinghieri and Guido daSiena and his school. The choice of an older formuladating to the beginning of Franciscan imagery wasprobably motivated by the Spiritual Franciscans' obsessionwith the order's primitive, simple beginnings.Given its provenance from the Sabran family, the diptychwas probably in Provence from its earliest history.Whether it was actually executed there is another question;although few works survive for comparison, noother painting from the Avignon school can be identifiedas by the same hand. This fact in itself does nottotally discount a Provencal manufacture. Many, if notall, of the principal artists active in Provence, andlargely at Avignon for the papal court, came from outsidethe region. Their patronage was almost exclusivelyecclesiastical. Stylistically, before 1350 the school wasentirely Italian, and nearly totally Sienese, in orientation.Simone Martini, active in Avignon from 1340/41,was, of course, from Siena, and artists like MatteoGiovanetti worked in a recognizably Sienese style.The Getty diptych is somewhat dependent on Sieneseprototypes. Cecilia and Valerian, with their long, attenuatednoses, pursed lips, and oversize hands, reflectSimone Martini's types. They echo several figures fromhis early period: the Saint Martin being invested as aknight in Assisi, the youthful kneeling patron saints ofSiena in the frescoed Maestä, as well as some of thefigures in the altarpiece dedicated to Saint Louis ofToulouse, then in San Lorenzo Maggiore, Naples. Evenan archaic detail like the gold striations on the angel'srobe can be found in the panel of the angel Gabriel fromSimones Orsini polyptych in the museum at Antwerp. 76The Simonesque elements of the diptych are derivative,however, and do not constitute a total assimilation ofthe artist's style.The history of early trecento art in Naples is similarto that of Avignon, and indeed, as has been previouslydiscussed, the two cities enjoyed close ties, Avignonbeing, in fact, a feudal dependency of the Angevins. InNaples as in Avignon, artistic and cultural life wasorganized around the court. The former's school ofFigure 5. Cristoforo Orminia (Italian, active mid-fourteenthcentury). Knights Paying Homage toLodovico di Taranto from Statuti delVOrdine delNodo, 1354—1355. Illumination on vellum.Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale ms. 4274.painting and sculpture owed much to the enlightenedpolicy of King Robert, who commissioned outside artists,such as Cavallini, Giotto, Simone Martini,Tino di Camaino, for important projects.andFrom this period only a few names of purely localpainters are known, and even fewer artistic personalitiescan be constructed from the surviving works of art. Allthe local painters bear the stylistic imprint of the variousregional influences that abounded in the city: Roman,Florentine, and Sienese. The Neapolitan schooldid not produce a consistent and recognizable style inthe same way that, for example, Sienese art is undoubtedlySienese. Stylistically, Neapolitan painting was incohesiveand eclectic. What the artists shared was theirinvolvement in an Angevin-inspired cultural policy.76. Gianfranco Contini and Maria Cristina Gozzoli, eds., Lopera completadi Simone Martini (Milan, 1970), figs. I—III, V-VI, XXXII, LVI.77. For example, Saint Louis of Toulouse with King Robert and QueenSancha by the Neapolitan painter the Master of Giovanni Barrile wasmost likely sent to the convent of Sainte Claire in Aix as a gift fromthe queen between 1331 and 1332. See Bologna, pp. 211—212, fig.V—25. Other Neapolitan artists like the Master of the Franciscan Temperasworked for patrons from Sardinia and Prague. A tabernacle bythis artist, probably produced for Robert of Anjou, now in the MoravianGallery in Brno may have been in Czechoslovakia from its ear-

A Celibate Marriage 93Such conditions make attribution of any undocumentedwork of art to an eclectic school of painting like that ofNaples or Avignon problematic; this situation is furthercomplicated with an object as unique as the Getty diptych.Few private paintings, especially examples withsuch an identifiably personal iconography, survive. Althoughit might be argued that given the Sabran connection,the diptych could have been produced in eitherNaples or Avignon, the closest visual similarities are tobe found in Naples. It is important to bear in mind thefact that Neapolitan artists did work outside of Naples,and there is also evidence that paintings manufacturedin Naples were sent to Provence. 77A comparison with the cycle of canvases probablyexecuted before 1336 for the convent of Santa Chiara bythe Master of the Franciscan Temperas proves illustrative.The two painters are stylistically, as well as iconographically,closely approximate. 78In addition to obviouspoints of comparison, such as their interest indepicting nature, the physiognomy of the representationsof Saint Francis and the similarities of Cecilia andValerian in the diptych to Robert and Sancha, who appearas donors in the Crucifixion from the Master ofthe Franciscan Temperas' series (fig. 7), attest to the twoartists' common approach to conceiving the human figure.The Getty painter, however, affects a gentle courtlymanner that differentiates his work from the sharpexpressive quality of the oeuvre of the Master of theFranciscan Temperas.The architectural setting of the Cecilia and Valerianliest history. See Olga Pujmanovδ in Italske Goticke a Renesancni obrazyv ceskoslovenskych Sbirkdch, ex. cat (Prague, 1987), no. 53, pp. 116—118,pi. IV, fig. 53. Sienese, Florentine, and Ligurian masters active inNaples also worked in Provence making the artistic connections betweenthe two regions even closer.78. In a book that came out in late 1986, after the present articlewas prepared, Pierluigi Leone de Castris published the Getty diptychas by the Master of the Franciscan Temperas in an addendum, acknowledgingthe advice of Enrico Castelnuovo to whom I had alreadyin the summer of 1986 personally suggested the attribution. Leone

94 StrehlkeFigure 7. Master of the Franciscan Temperas (Italian,active circa 1330—1355). The Crucifixion withKing Robert and Queen Sancha of Naples as Donors,before 1336. Tempera on canvas. Privatecollection. Photo: Courtesy Ugo Bozzo Editores.a.s., Rome.scene and the landscape of the stigmatization recallother Neapolitan paintings. The landscape—archaizingelements of which have been noted—can be comparedto earlier examples created by Cavallini and documentedin Naples in 1308; these appear in the frescoes ofthe Noli me längere and Mary Magdalene Receiving Communionin San Domenico (fig. 8). The Getty artist hasadapted the jagged rock formations of these frescoes,although he makes them much more undulating, aswith the ridge that rises behind the grotto. He alsoimitates Cavallini's style of depicting foliage in whichbroad areas of dark vegetation are highlighted withlight-colored leaves. 79Like the Getty artist and the Masterof the Franciscan Temperas, Cavallini delighted inthe painting of naturalistic details such as foliage andbirds in his San Domenico frescoes.Architecturally, the small boxlike environment of theGetty Cecilia scene recalls the simple settings of thealtarpiece of circa 1340 by the Master of the FranciscanTemperas in Ottana. 80The secondary structures on theFigure 8. Pietro Cavallini (Italian, active 1273—1308).Noli me tangere (detail), circa 1308. Fresco. Naples,San Domenico. Photo: Courtesy UgoBozzi Editore s.a.s., Rome.roof and the attempt at depicting perspective seen frombelow, which works so well in accommodating the angel'sdescent, are closer, however, to the work of anotherunknown Neapolitan artist, the Master of theSaint Elizabeth Stories (figs. 9a—b). This painter, aclose, though slightly later, follower of Cavallini, experimentedwith architectural arrangements and narrativesettings in a fresco cycle in Santa Maria Donnaregina,which depicts the legends of saints Agnes andElisabeth of Hungary and is dated variously to the latetwenties or mid-thirties. 81An illumination depictingthe marriage of Maurizio and Constanza (fig. 10) fromthe second volume of the Speculum historiale of Vincentde Beauvais (commissioned in 1320 by Filippo de Haye,abbot of the abbey of Cava de Tirreni) is very close inde Castris, Arte di corte nella Napoli angioma (Florence, 1986), p. 459,fig. 10 on p. 428.79. On Cavallini, see Bologna, pp. 115—146, pi. XII (color),figs. III/20-9.80. Bologna, pis. VI/18-35, pis. XXI-III (color).81. Ibid., pp. 135-138, pis. 111/48-52, 54-55, and George Kaftal,Iconography of the Saints in Central and Southern Italy (Florence, 1965),figs. 22—26, 430—445. Recognizing its Cavallinesque characteristics,Leone de Castris dates this cycle in the twenties and proposes severalgroups of artists for the scenes' design, which I believe to be

A Celibate Marriage 95Figure 9b. Master of the Saint Elizabeth Stories (Italian,active second quarter of the fourteenth century).Scenes from the Life of Saint Elisabeth ofHungary, 1320s. Fresco. Naples, Santa MariaDonnaregina.Figure 9a. Master of the Saint Elisabeth Stories(Italian,active second quarter of the fourteenthcentury). Saint Agnes Led to a House of Prostitution,1320s. Fresco. Naples, Santa MariaDonnaregina. Photo: Courtesy Alinari/ArtResource, New York.style to the frescoes and may well be by the same artistor one who worked in Cavallini's Neapolitan cantiere. 82The same contained structure seen in the frescoes andGetty diptych, in which the side walls recede at incongruentangles, is also found here.Though the architecture of the frescoes far surpassesthat of the diptych in spatial complexity and decoration,there are definite similarities. Details like the constructionof the tiles on the roofs of the buildings in thestigmatization and in the frescoes are the same; the architecturaldetailing of the diptych is, however, muchsimpler and lacks Cosmati work or complicated moldings.Also, the varied, colored stone framing of thechapel door and rose window in the stigmatization isreminiscent of more north Italian, than Neapolitan, ar-Figure 10. Cavallinesque Miniature Painter. Marriage ofMaurizio and Constanza from Vincent deBeauvais, Speculum historiale, circa 1320. Illuminationon vellum. Cava dei Tirreni,Abbazia ms. 26, fol. 123r. Photo: CourtesyBiblioteca del Monumento Nazionale, Badiadi Cava.stylistically coherent and unified. Leone de Castris (supra, note 78),pp. 386-393.82. Mario Rotili, La miniatura nella badia di Cava. I: Lo scrittorioi corali miniati per Vabbazia (Cava dei Tirreni, 1976), pp. 57—68,pi. LXVIIa.

96 StrehlkeFigure 11. Master of the Saint Elisabeth Stories (Italian, active second quarter of thefourteenth century). The Apparition of Saint Agnes to Constance (detail), 1320s.Fresco. Naples, Santa Maria Donnaregina. Photo: Courtesy Alinari/ArtResource, New York.chitecture and attests to the many influences actingupon Neapolitan painters. The figure style in thefrescoes and the diptych is also close. Despite differencesin scale and the frescoes' damaged state, thehint of deep-shadowed modeling along the jawline offigures, the rounded facial type, and the tiny eyeballsare treated so alike in the Speculum historiale, the SantaMaria Donnaregina frescoes, and the diptych that theymay be presumed to have evolved from the same artisticmilieu. A comparison of the flying figure of the SaintAgnes in the scene of her apparition to Constance fromthe fresco cycle with the Getty's crowning angel is particularlytelling (fig. 11).Incidentally, the subject matter of the Santa MariaDonnaregina frescoes would have had great appeal atthe Angevin court. The saints were both aristocratic,and Elisabeth was an Angevin ancestor. The scenes celebratetheir devotion to poverty and virginity, themesobviously in vogue in Naples, not only with extraordinarycourtiers like Elzear and Delphine, but also withQueen Sancha and her circle.Investigation of the diptych therefore leads to theconclusion that it was made by a Neapolitan artist, closeto an artist like the Master of the Saint ElizabethStories, in the 1330s. It is also a highly personal work ofart. A new and careful reading of Franciscan texts inspiredthe depiction of the stigmatization, which in partdepends on a sermon by Franqois de Meyronnes, thefirst scholar to study and write about Elzear and oneclose to the Neapolitan court and Spiritual circles. As itreflects Delphine and Elzear's ideals of virginity andFranciscan poverty, and in the Cecilia and Valerianscene is identified with their own married life, Delphinemay have commissioned it herself It is difficult,however, to reconcile her vow of poverty, sale of familyproperty, and the description of her dress as "crude,dirty, uncared for rags" with the commissioning of sucha luxury item. 83Though slightly fanatical and certainlysincere in her renunciation of worldly wealth, Delphinewas closely associated with the court and an intimate ofSancha. The queen shared Delphine's views but alsoassiduously patronized the arts for the cause of holypoverty. Delphine may therefore have been able to justifyowning such a portable work of art. Since it can beso closely connected to Delphine's life, if it was notordered by her, it had to have been created at the behestof someone close to her and to Elzear, possibly hisbrother and heir, Guillaume. 84Certainly, it is rare inthe trecento that a small private work of art can be appreciatedboth for itself and for the remarkable couplewho inspired its manufacture.Philadelphia Museum of Art83. "Pannis grossis, vilibus et neglectis." Enquete, p. 45.84. De La Chesnaye-Desbois and Badier (supra, note 5), cols. 13—14.

The Noblest of LivestockPeter SuttonGerard ter Borch is best remembered as a portraitistin miniature and the preeminent high-life painter of hisage. His genre scenes depict a society at once elegantand exquisite—the confidences of highborn women,sidelong glances shared in courtship δ la mode, or thegallantries of officers. Occasionally, ter Borch also representedthe noisier recreations of the conscripted.Many too will recall his domestic scenes—still imagesof women absorbed in the preparation of a meal or thecare of children. Less well known are the artist's imagesof the working classes and rural life or his animal paintings.Two splendid examples of the latter are The HorseStall (fig. 1) and The Cow Shed (fig. 18), both recentlyacquired by the Getty Museum.In The Horse Stall, 1a dappled gray horse feeds at amanger in a stable with a hayrack overhead. Behind thehorse a man rubs the animal down, while at the right awoman appears at a door. The tack and horse blankethang from a post in the right foreground; a pitchfork,broom, pail, and other barnyard utensils complete thescene. With the horse arranged parallel to the pictureplane, the composition has an almost relieflike quality.Gentle daylight illumination and subtle effects of atmospherecomplement the scene's quiet mood. The paletteof warm browns and grays is enlivened by coloraccents—the red of the woman's skirt, the man's cap,and sections of brick on the left-hand wall. The authorof the most recent monograph on ter Borch, S. J. Gudlaugsson,has correctly observed the resemblance intechnique to the artist's so-called "Paternal Admonition,"datable not later than 1655 (fig. 2), a work which employsthe same male model in a different narrative context.2Thus the painting would seem to have been executedat the very beginning of ter Borch's maturecareer, a period from which he was to emerge as themost influential genre painter of the latter half of theseventeenth century.Ter Borch was primarily a figure painter but had depictedhorses in his earliest works. Born in Zwolle to awell-to-do family, he first studied with his father, whoencouraged him to draw even as a child. A painting of arider viewed from the rear (fig. 3) employs a themeand composition that ter Borch first addressed as anextraordinarily precocious seven-year-old in a drawingdated 1625 (Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet). Althoughtreated by earlier artists, the motif of a figure inlost profile, or seen from behind, was to become a virtualtrademark φfter Borch's art; "The Paternal Admonition"(fig. 2) is only the most famous of his severalimages employing this tantalizing device.In 1634 ter Borch left his native Zwolle to move toHaarlem, a far more important artistic center, where heIr Hil Bos, Anthony Dent, Walter Liedtke, Otto Naumann, Jan deVries, Franklin Loew, Clifford S. Ackley, and Myron Laskin aregratefully acknowledged for advising in the preparation of this article.AbbreviationsBartsch:Adam von Bartsch, The Illustrated Bartsch, ed.Walter L. Strauss (New York, 1978-).Gudlaugsson: S. J. Gudlaugsson, Gerard ter Borch (TheHague, 1959-1960), 2 vols.Hague/M٧nster: Mauritshuis, The Hague, and Landesmuseum,M٧nster, Gerard ter Borch, ex. cat. (The Hagueand M٧nster, 1974).Hofstede de Groot: C. Hofstede de Groot, A Catalogue Raisonne ofthe Works of the Most Eminent Dutch Painters ofthe Seventeenth Century: Based on the Work ofJohn Smith (London, 1913), vol. 5, no. 464.1. Oil on panel. H: 45.3 cm (17 13 /i 6"); W: 53.5 cm (21Vi6 w ). Signedon the reverse of the panel with the monogram GTB, ligated in theartist's usual fashion. Accession number 86.PB.631. The literature is asfollows: Francois Basan, Tableaux du cabinet de M. Poullain (Paris,1780), no. 103. John Smith, A Catalogue Raisonne of the Works of theMost Eminent Dutch, Flemish, and French Painters (London, 1833), vol.4, no. 21; G. Gφthe, Wänas Collection (1895), no. 69; Charles Blanc,Histoire des peintres de toutes les ecoles: Ecole hollandaise (Paris, 1863), vol.1, p. 16; W. Martin, "Aanwinsten van het Mauritshuis," Bulletin vanden Nederlandschen Oudheidkundigen Bond 1, ser. 2 (1909), p. 239; OlafGranberg, Inventaire general des tresors d'art en Suede (Stockholm, 1912),no. 2, ill.; Hofstede de Groot, vol. 5, no. 464; Eduard Plietzsch,Gerard ter Borch (Vienna, 1944), no. 33, ill.; Gudlaugsson, vol. 1, p. 96,ill. p. 266, vol. 2, no. 109, pp. 115-116; Hague/M٧nster, no. 31, ill.;Horst Gerson "Gerard ter Borch," Kunstchronik 27 (1974), p. 375; B.Haak, The Golden Age (New York, 1984), p. 398, pi. 859; PhiladelphiaMuseum of Art, Gemδldegalerie, Staatliche Museen PreussischerKulturbesitz, West Berlin, and Royal Academy, London, Masters ofSeventeenth-Century Dutch Genre Painting, ex. cat. (Philadelphia, 1984),p. 143, n. 1; Eric Young, "Old Master Paintings in the Collectionof the Fellowship of Friends at Renaissance, California," Apollo 121,no. 280 (June 1985), pp. 375-376, pi. XI (color).Exhibition: Gerard Ter Borch, Mauritshuis, The Hague, and Landesmuseum,M٧nster, 1974, no. 31.2. Gudlaugsson, vol. 2, no. 110.

98 SuttonFigure tGerard ter Borch (Dutch, 1617-1681). The Horse Stall, circa 1652-1654. Oil on panel. H: 45.3 cm (17 13 /i 6"); W: 53.5 cm(21Vi6"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 86.PB.631.

The Noblest of Livestock 99Figure 2. Gerard ter Borch (Dutch, 1617-1681). "ThePaternal Admonition," circa 1654—1655. Oil oncanvas. H: 70 cm (27 9 /i 6"); W: 60 cm (237s").West Berlin, Staatliche Museen PreussischerKulturbesitz no. 791.studied with one of the city's leading landscapists,Pieter de Molyn (1595—1661). The influence of deMolyn and other Haarlem circle artists, especially Isackvan Ostade (1621—1649), is detected in The PeasantHorse Cart (fig. 4), datable to the mid 1640s. While thiswork is still conceived entirely within the conventionof the local peasant painting tradition, The Horse Stallincorporates aspects of the new and elegantly simplifiedhigh-genre style that ter Borch developed aftercirca 1650.Ter Borch's career prospered during the latter half ofthe 1640s, and he was commissioned to paint equestrianportraits. His paintings of Duke Henri de Longueville ofcirca 1646/47 (fig. 5; formerly in the collection of theNew-York Historical Society) and of Archduke KarlLudwig von der Pfalz of 1649 (formerly in the Thyssen-Bornemisza collection, Lugano) closely conform to theFigure 3. Gerard ter Borch (Dutch, 1617-1681). RiderViewed from the Rear, circa 1634. Oil on panel.H: 54.8 cm (21 9 /i6"); W: 41.1 cm (16 3 /i6").Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, JulianaCheney Edwards Collection, acc. no. 61.660.Photo: Courtesy Museum of Fine Arts,Boston.international Baroque tradition of equestrian portraiture.3In both cases the noble subject is viewed on horsebackwith the steed turned in profile and rising on itshind legs in the levade. One of the most difficult positionsin the art of equitation, this pose was not only atest of the rider's skill in controlling his mount but wasalso considered to be an attribute of certain commandand leadership. Both paintings are notable for depictingforeign nobility. Although the tradition of the ruiterportretwas a long and venerable one in the Netherlands,4the modest court in The Hague, unlike its grandercounterparts elsewhere in absolutist Europe,3. See respectively Gudlaugsson, vol. 2, nos. 50, 65. On the Baroqueequestrian portrait, see D. J. Kok, Wahrheit und Dichtung in denReiter-und Pferdegemälden und Zeichnungen berühmter holländischer Maler(Ph.D. diss., Universitδt W٧rzburg, 1923); H. L٧tzeler, "AufIkonologie des Pferdes in der barocken Kunst," in Festschrift für KarlLohmeyer (Saarbr٧cken, 1954), pp. 118—124; U. Keller, Reitermonumenteabsotutischer Fürsten (Munich and Zurich, 1971); Museum of Fine Arts,Springfield, Mass., and J. B. Speed Art Museum, Louisville, Ky,Glorious Horsemen: Equestrian Art in Europe 1500-1800, (Springfield,Mass., 1981).4. For a good introduction to equestrian portraiture in theNetherlands, see Fries Museum, Leeuwarden, Noordbrabants Museum,'s-Hertogenbosch, and Provinciaal Museum van Drenthe,Assen, In het zadel: Het Nederlands ruiterportret van 1550 tot 1900('s-Hertogenbosch, 1980), with bibliography

100 Suttonincluded no elaborate riding school or extensive stables.While Chrispijn van de Passe might produce the engravedillustrations for Antoine de Pluvinel's Le maneigeroyal (Paris, 1623)—the most famous book on horsemanshipof its day—virtually all the early literatureon equitation and dressage was by Italian, French, orFigure 4. Gerard ter Borch (Dutch, 1617-1681). ThePeasant Horse Cart, circa 1645. Oil on panel.H: 28 cm (11"); W: 38 cm (14 15 /i 6"). FormerlyAmsterdam, with the dealer W. Paech.English authors. 5When ter Borch's Horse Stall (fig. 1) was sold inAmsterdam in 1771, it was said to portray the artist andhis wife but was wrongly attributed to the painterGabriel Metsu. 6Gudlaugsson noted the resemblance ofthe woman in the doorway to the sitter in an unidentifiedportrait of circa 1654 by ter Borch in the J. HageFoundation (Nivaa, Denmark); the same model wasalso evidently used in several of the artist's genre scenesfrom this period. 7 While Gudlaugsson left the possibilityopen that the woman could be ter Borch's wife,Geertruid Matthyss (1612—1672 or before), The HorseStall is clearly a genre scene, with the implicit anonymityof that painting type. Obviously, the painting is alsoto be distinguished from other genres of painting involvinghorses, such as depictions of equitation, battlescenes, and anatomy studies.Before turning to the work's precedents in the genrepainting tradition, however, we should note its relationshipto two other discrete equestrian pictorial types,namely the depiction of special breeds and types ofhorses and individual horse portraits. The forty engravingsexecuted circa 1576—1579 by Adriaen Collaert,Hendrick Goltzius, Philips Galle, and HieronymusWiericx after the Flemish artist Jan van der Straet(Johannes Stradanus; 1523—1605) for the Equile IoannisAustriaci Caroli V. Imp. F. (The royal stables of Don Juanof Austria) (fig. 6) depict horses of many types andregions—Spanish, Turkish, Danish, Tuscan, Campanian,and so forth (see fig. 7). 8Later printmakers perpetuatedthis tradition but in the seventeenth century'smore naturalistic idiom. A series of eight prints of commondraft horses by Pieter van Laer (1599 or later—1642)attests to the seventeenth century's spirit of inquiry andFigure 5. Gerard ter Borch (Dutch, 1617-1681). Portraitof Duke Henri de Longueville, circa 1646/47. Oilon canvas. H: 49 cm (19 5 /i 6") ;W: 41 cm (16V 8").Formerly New York, New-York Historical Societyno. B-104 (cat. 1915).5. In addition to the writings of the classical author Xenophon,which were published in Italian (Ii modo del cavalcare, 1580), see LeonBattista Alberti, De equo animanto (Basel, 1556); Federigo Grisone, Gliordini di cavalcare (Naples, 1550); Cesare Fiaschi, Trattato dell'imbrigliare,manggiare et ferrare cavalli (Bologna, 1556); Alessandro Massari, Compendiodell'heroica arte di cavallieria (1600); Solomon La Broue, Preceptesprincipaux que les bons cavalerises doivent exactement observer en leurs ecoles(1593); J. Tacquet, Philippica, ou haras de chevaux (Antwerp, 1614); G. deLa Bistrate, Le par fait cavalier (Paris, 1616); Delcampe, Lart de monter acheval, 2nd ed. (Paris 1633/34); T. Blundeville, A New Booke Containingthe Art of Rydinge and Breakinge Greate Horses (London, 1560); andW. Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle, La methode nouvelle et inventionextraordinaire de dresser les chevaux (Antwerp, 1658).

The Noblest of Livestock 101Figure 6. Adriaen Colbert (Dutch, circa 1560-1618). Ti-Figure 7. Philips Galle (Dutch, 1537-1612), after Jotlepage for Equile loannis Austriaci Caroli V. hannes Stradanus (Jan van der Straet). Turcus,Imp. E, circa 1576-1579. Engraving. H: 20 cm circa 1578. Engraving. H: 20.4 cm (87i6"); W:(7 Vs"); W: 25.7 cm (lOVs"). 26.2 cm (10 5 /i 6").factual observation; of no special breed or distinction,these animals are simply depicted in all their naturalaspects and activities—standing, drinking, grazing, running,pissing, even dying (fig. 8). 9 However, still anotherseries of five etchings of breeds of horses dated1652 by the famous animal painter Paulus Potter(1625—1654) suggests that even the most factually exactof these works might carry an allegorical dimension. 10A recent interpretation of the series has proposed thatthey embody the five progressive "Ages" of life. 11A painting dated 1603 in the Rijksmuseum (fig. 9) byJacques de Gheyn II portrays a specific Spanish stallioncaptured from Mendoza by Lodewijk Gunther ofNassau and offered to Prins Maurits after the Battle ofFlanders. 12Led by a groom into a stable, the horse isdepicted nearly life size. Paulus Potter's DappledGrayHorse dated 1653 (fig. 10) is also depicted on a very largescale and is probably a horse portrait. Both of thesepaintings are vastly larger than the ter Borch, yet allFigure 8. Pieter van Laer (Dutch, 1599 or later—1642).Dead Horses, before 1642. Etching. H: 8.4 cm(3 5 /i 6"); W: 9.9 cm (3 7 /s").6. Sale (as Metsu), Amsterdam, August 14, 1771, lot 3, to Nyman,for Fl 300; Prince de Conti, Paris (sale, Paris, April 8-June 6, 1777, lot832, to Lannoy, for Fr 400; M. Poullain, Receveur general des domainesdu roi, Paris (sale, Paris, March 15—21, 1780, lot 41 (with anengraved reproduction by Mme Marguerite Ponce), to [Langlier], forFr 2,400; Count G. A. Sparre, Sweden; by descent to Count G.Wachtmeister, Wanas, Sweden, 1980; [Edward Speelman, London,1981]; Fellowship of Friends, Renaissance, California, 1981-1986.7. Gudlaugsson, vol. 2, no. 108; cf. also the Reading Lesson, Paris,Louvre no. M.L 1006; Galant Conversation, Schwerin, Gemδldegalerie,Staatliches Museum no. 242; Lady at Her Toilette, Dresden,Gemδldegalerie, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen no. 1830 (respectively,Gudlaugsson, vol. 2, nos. 98, 112, 113).8. See Bartsch, vol. 3, nos. 290-293, pp. 312-325.9. Bartsch, vol. 1, nos. 9-14, pp. 9-11.10. Bartsch, vol 1, pp. 42-46.11. J. Verbeek, "Paulus Potter (1625—1654), paarden: Ets," Openbaarkunstbezit 6 (1962), pp. 8a—b. However, Clifford S. Ackley (Printmakingin the Age of Rembrandt, ex. cat. [Boston, Museum of Fine Arts,1980], p. 211) rightly questions Verbeek's further assertion that thelandscapes in these prints allude to the cycle of the seasons. Amy L.Walsh, "Imagery and Style in the Paintings of Paulus Potter," (Ph.D.Diss., Columbia University, 1985), p. 168, n. 34, also doubts Verbeek'stheory12. I. Q. van Regteren Altena, Jacques de Gheyn: Three Generations(The Hague, 1983), no. 15, pi. 2.

102 SuttonFigure 9. Jacques de Gheyn II (Dutch, 1565—1629).Spanish Stallion, 1603. Oil on canvas. H: 228cm (89 3 //); W: 269 cm (105 15 /i 6"). Amsterdam,Rijksmuseum no. A4255. Photo: CourtesyRijksmuseum, Asterdam.Figure 10. Paulus Potter (Dutch, 1625-1654). DappledGray Horse, 1653. Oil on canvas. H: 155 cm(61"); W: 199 cm (78W). Hamburger Kunsthalleno. 331. Photo: Courtesy HamburgerKunsthalle.three works, as well as the majority of prints illustratinghorse types, share the practice of depicting the horse inprofile. This ancient convention enabled the artist togive the fullest possible pictorial account of the animalin a single image. 13Thus it was favored not only forhorse portraits and generic illustrations of horses butalso for genre scenes, such as Hendrick Avercamp'searly seventeenth-century pen drawing of a simplepeasant standing behind his draft animal (fig. 11) or apainting, probably from the 1640s, by Pieter Cornelisz.Verbeeck (circa 1610—1654) depicting a more elegant ridinghorse (fig. 12). Unburdened of its saddle, whichappears lying on the ground at the right, the latter horseis tethered before a darkened wall that enhances itslight-colored coat. The Verbeeck is preserved in theButot collection, which owns an analogous, thoughsomewhat later, painting by Dirck Stoop (circa1610—1686) of another gray horse standing silhouettedin a dark grotto (fig. 13). 14Aelbert Cuyp, his close followerAbraham van Calraet (see fig. 14), and Adriaenvan de Velde (see The Shoeing-Forge, 1658; oil on panel;H: 28 cm [11"], W: 38 cm [14 15 /i 6"]; Rotterdam, MuseumBoymans-van Beuningen no. 1889) also painted stablescenes with dappled grays in these and following years.In depicting an iron-gray, dappled horse, known as aschimmel or appelschimmel in Dutch, ter Borch stoodwithin a popular tradition. Although Dutch hippologyis still a limited field, 15 the native Gelderland breedtoday often appears with this color coat and traditionallyhas been used both for riding and light farmwork. The modern Friesian breed, on the other hand, isalways black, but it too appeared in lighter colors informer times. In the shape of its croup and head, terBorch's horse also shares features with horses of orientalblood. 16Systematic breeding of horses was not yet anestablished practice when this work was painted. TheStettens of Friesland, for example, only defined by lawthe minimum height of a stud in 1663. 17It seems likely,therefore, that ter Borch's horse is of mixed blood. Itsstature is difficult to ascertain since the man behind itbends over slightly, but its withers are perhaps 1.5 metershigh; thus, it is closer in size to a pony—what atthis time the English, for riding purposes, called apad—thana full-size horse. The height of the rack and13. The profile motif, which also appears in sixteenth-century Germanmodel books for animals (see infra, note 44), had appeared inprints at least as early as Albrecht D٧rer's The Small Horse engravingof 1505 (Hollstein, vol. 7, no. 93, p. 85). However, the suggestionunder no. 35a in the Hague/M٧nster exhibition catalogue that D٧rersprint was a direct source for the ter Borch ignores many intermediaryimages.14. See Laurens K. Bol and George S. Keyes, Netherlandish Paintingsand Drawings from the Collection ofF.C. Butot (London, 1983), nos. 14and 13, respectively15. See W. G. A. van Leeuwen, Geschiedenis van de Nederlandsepaardenfokkerij (Ph.D. diss., University of Utrecht, 1922).16. I am grateful to Ir Hil Bos of the Zootechnical Department ofthe University of Utrecht for these observations.17. See Jan de Vries, The Dutch Rural Economy in the Golden Age(New Haven and London, 1974), p. 143.

The Noblest of Livestock 103Figure 11. Hendrick Avercamp (Dutch, 1585-1634).Peasant beside a Horse, circa 1605—1610. Pen andwash drawing. H: 8.1 cm (37i 6"); W: 10 cm(4"). Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlunginv. no. 1359.Figure 12. Pieter Cornelisz. Verbeeck (Dutch, circa1610-1654). A Gray Horse, circa 1640s. Oil onpanel. H: 38.5 cm (15 3 /i 6"); W: 31 cm (12 3 /i 6").F. C. Butot collection no. 14. Photo: CourtesyF. C. Butot.Figure 13. Dirck Stoop (Dutch, circa 1610-1686). AGray Horse in a Grotto, circa 1650—1660. Oilon panel. H: 52.5 cm (20 11 /i 6"); W: 44 cm(177i6"). F. C. Butot collection no. 13. Photo:Courtesy F. C. Butot.Figure 14. Abraham van Calraet (Dutch, 1642-1722).Stable Interior with Two Dapple Grays, circa1675-1700. Oil on panel. H: 31.4 cm (12W);W: 40 cm (15 3 A"). Rotterdam, Museum Boymans-vanBeuningen inv. no. 1395. Photo:Courtesy Museum Boymans-van Beuningen,Rotterdam.

104 Suttonthe hairs have been pulled out to a desired length), itscoat brushed, and its hooves well trimmed and shod.The man who curries the horse in ter Borch's paintinghas been assumed to be a groom or ostler. He hasbeen called a palfrenier in the Poullain sale (1780), agroom by Smith (1833) and by Hofstede de Groot(1913), and a Stallknecht by Gudlaugsson (1960). Whilethe livery worn by servants in ter Borch's genre scenesis often, at least in part, imaginary, 18no professionalequerry would wear footgear as unsuitable as backlessslippers in a stable. To judge from other genre paintingsof the period, the short-brimmed red cap and threequarter-lengthtrousers that the man wears could in factbe worn by middle-class gentlemen or even scholars. 19The woman's pearl earring and gold chain also point toa higher social station than the servant class. The wellbuiltstall and the fact that the stable apparently opensdirectly onto the house (note the woman's entrance)suggest a moderately well-to-do household, possiblysimilar to the enlarged farmhouse that appears in thebackground of the Potter (fig. 10). For those burgherswho, though prosperous, could not afford the fashionableindulgence of a full-scale villa on the Vecht orAmstel, a converted farmhouse might serve as a verycomfortable country home.Figure 15. Attributed to Lambert Doomer (Dutch,1624-1700). Horse Stall, circa 1645-1650. Oilon panel. H: 27 cm (lOW); W: 21.5 cm(8V2"). The Hague, Museum Bredius inv. no.212-1946.manger also suggest that the stable might have beenbuilt for heavier, larger horses. Although in apparentgood health, ter Borch's horse is smaller and slighter inbuild than the big troop horses encountered in battlescenes depicted by Philips Wouwermans. At this timethe size of an army's chargers was still a crucial logisticalfactor in warfare. Big horses were bred, imported, andreserved for the cavalry, while smaller animals wereturned over for civil use in transportation or in draft andpack on the farm. Obviously, ter Borch's little horse iswell cared for—its mane and tail have been pulled (i.e.,The ownership of a horse in the Dutch maritimeprovinces in the mid-seventeenth century was somethingof a privilege. Many farms had only one horse,and in the cities, coach ownership, which was taxed,was less common than elsewhere in Europe. The relativelyminor role that arable agriculture requiring draftanimals played in the Netherlands, coupled with theextensive use of canals for transportation, made thehorse a less than central player in the workaday world ofHolland. Moreover, keeping even a common horse wasexpensive. Estimates for the eighteenth century suggest,for example, that the feeding and maintenance of ahorse of the type used to pull barges (trekschuiten) costnearly 300 guilders per year, an amount roughly equalto the annual earnings of a skilled worker. 20The abundanthayrack and tidy stable enjoyed by ter Borch'swell-fed steed clearly contrast with the surroundings ofLambert Doomer's working-class nag (fig. 15).18. See, for example, the page's attire in Lady at Her Toilet, DetroitInstitute of Arts no. 65.10; Gudlauggson, vol. 2, no. 165.19. Compare, for example, the costumes in Cornelis de Man'sGeographers (Hamburg, Kunsthalle no. 239) and The Goldweigher(Montreal, private collection; see Masters of Seventeenth-Century DutchGenre Painting [supra, note 1], no. 69).20. Private communication from Professor Jan de Vries, Universityof California, Berkeley.21. See Hofstede de Groot, no. 464.22. Hague/M٧nster, no. 31, p. 124.23. See Nicolaus Taurellus, Emblemata/Physico-ZEthica (Nuremberg,1602), no. 6, "UT LENIS CICURAT MANUS"; and Diego de SoavedraFajardo, Idea/de un Principe Politico/Christiano (Munich, 1640), no. 38,"CON HALAGO I CON RIGOR"; see A. Henkel and A. Schφne, Emblemata(Stuttgart, 1967), cols. 503-504.24. See R. Hindringer, "Der Schimmel als Heiligenattribuut,"Oberdeutsches Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 5 (1931), pp. 9ff.25. Oil on panel. H: 47.7 cm (18 3 A"); W: 50.2 cm (19 3 //). Signedwith a monogram. Accession number 83.PB.232. The literature is asfollows: W. Martin, "Aanwinsten van het Mauritshuis," Bulletin van

The Noblest of Livestock 105Figure 16. Philips Wouwermans (Dutch, 1619-1668).Horse Stable, circa 1645—1650. Oil on panel.H: 37 cm (14 9 /i 6"); W: 49.5 cm (19 1 //). Frankfurtam Main, Stδdelsches Kunstinstitutno. 313.Figure 17. Cornelis Visscher (Dutch, 1619—1662), afterPieter van Laer. Horse Stable, circa 1640. Engraving.H: 29.5 cm (UVs"); W: 39 cm (15W).Thus, while Hofstede de Groot might distinguishter Borch's painting and his approximately contemporarydepiction of a modest Stonegrinder's Family in aCourtyard (West Berlin, Gemδldegalerie, Staatliche MuseenPreussischer Kulturbesitz no. 793) 21from the master'smore socially elevated, high-life subjects, The HorseStall also differs from the guardroom and peasant paintingtraditions of depicting stables and barns. Earlierpractitioners of the peasant painting type—Herman andCornelis Saftleven, the Ostades, Govert Camphuysen,Pieter de Bloot, and Egbert van der Poel—all placedmore emphasis on interior space and underscored thefigures' connections with the rural peasantry. Gudlaugssonrightly noted more compositional analogies withthe contemporaneous stable scenes of Philips Wouwermans(fig. 16). Cornelis Visscher's earlier prints aftervan Laer's stable scenes also reveal formal parallels andsimilar motifs (fig. 17).In interpreting The Horse Stall, the authors of thecatalogue of the 1974 ter Borch exhibition citedHeinrich Hovel's bestiary, Neuwer wunderbarlicher Thiergarten(Frankfurt, 1601), p. 134, which quotes Seneca:"Non faciunt meliorem equum aurei freni." This phraseexpresses the notion that a golden harness cannot makea horse nobler than he is by nature. The catalogue thusconcluded that ter Borch's horse, whose natural sheen isenhanced by brushing, is "a sign of nobility and beauty,[and] an exhortation to modesty." 22This interpretationignores obvious discrepancies between the image andthe symbol; to name but one, the harness hanging fromthe post is steel not gold. Some emblems from thisperiod liken the stroking or grooming of a horse to themitigated control required in the exercise of power. 23Itseems unlikely, however, that ter Borch's lovely scene ofequine domesticity encodes a hectoring moral lesson orsome recondite allegory of good government. We alsoprobably need not delve into the schimmeVs historic rolein hagiography to discover ter Borch's purpose. 24The Horse Stall is more profitably considered in thelarger context of ter Borch's art and specifically in relationto The Cow Shed (fig. 18), also recently acquired bythe J. Paul Getty Museum. 25Eduard Plietzsch was thefirst to hypothesize that these two paintings were companionpieces. His theory won Gudlaugsson's supportden Nederlandschen Oudheidkundigen Bond 1, ser. 2 (1909), p. 239;Hofstede de Groot, vol. 5, no. 463; Plietzsch (supra, note 1), no. 32,pp. 13-14, 52, fig. 32; Gudlaugsson, vol. 1, pp. 75-76, vol. 2, no. 74, p.94; The J. Paul Getty Museum, "Acquisitions/1983," The J Paul GettyMuseum Journal 12 (1984), p. 311; Burton B. Fredericksen, "RecentAcquisitions of Paintings: The J. Paul Getty Museum," BurlingtonMagazine 127, no. 985 (1985), p. 265.Provenance: Samuel van H٧ls, The Hague (sale, The Hague, September3, 1737, lot 87, to W. Lormier, The Hague); W. Lormier (sale,The Hague, November 10, 1756, lot 298, to Prince "Galensin"[Galitzin], Saint Petersburg); Dr. Paul van Delaroff, Saint Petersburg,1908; [Dr. A. K. K. W. Erasmus, Aerdenhout]; Frau Bertha Kruppvon Bohlen und Halbach, Essen, by 1953; Dr. A. Krupp von Bohlenund Halbach, Essen; Waldtraut Thomas (ne von Bohlen und Halbach);sale, Christie's, London, December 11, 1981, lot 119 (property of twosisters), withdrawn; [Edward Speelman, Ltd., London, 1983].Exhibitions: Mauritshuis, The Hague, 1908-1912 (on loan); VillaH٧gel, Essen, 1953, no. 14; Aus der Gemäldesammlung der FamilieKrupp, Villa H٧gel, Essen, 1965, no. 7; Gerard Ter Borch, Mauritshuis,The Hague, and Landesmuseum M٧nster, 1974, no. 18.

106 SuttonFigure 18. Gerard ter Borch (Dutch, 1617-1681). The Co, Sheä, area 1652-1654. O٢ on panel. H: 47.7 cm (183//);W : 50.2 cm(19 3 //). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 83.PB.232.

The Noblest of Livestock 107despite the fact that the works have different provenancesand seem to have been painted at different times;Gudlaugsson believed that The Cow Shed, on stylisticgrounds, should predate The Horse Stall by severalyears, dating "shortly after 1650." The fact, however,that the two panel supports are complete (the originalbeveling on the reverse is intact) but differ in their dimensionsby approximately three centimeters, as well asin make up (the grain runs vertically in The Cow Shed,horizontally in The Horse Stall), virtually eliminates thepossibility that they were designed as pendants. Thoughnot properly speaking companion pieces, they nonethelesscomplement one another in theme and design. Inboth paintings an animal in profile is tended by a figurein a shadowed interior. In The Cow Shed the milkmaidsquats to milk one cow as a second stands stolidly toone side. Barnyard utensils again complete the scene—atrough, watering tub, milking cushion, fodder sieve,chamber pot, wooden bucket, ax, and chopping block.The Horse Stall might evoke a more socially elevatedsetting, but its tone is the same. A still and subduedmood prevails in The Cow Shed, "no other sound thanthe spattering of the milk and the heavy breathing ofthe beasts." 26Ter Borch's healthy cows remind us of the advancesthat were made in animal husbandry at this time in theNetherlands. The Dutch control of the Baltic graintrade freed the country's farmers from the burden offeeding their cities' burgeoning populations, enablingthem to turn to more profitable pursuits, such as industrialand horticultural crops, cattle breeding, and dairyfarming. Improved drainage and systematic fertilizationof pasturage, as well as better fodder, such as oil cakes(pressed pulp of rape and cole seed), contributed to theincreased weight and size of Dutch cattle. The milkproduction of cows in the provinces of Holland andFriesland was renowned, easily exceeding the yield ofEnglish and German cows. 27Like many foreigners beforehim, Czar Peter the Great purchased Dutch cattlefor breeding purposes in 1725. The Dutch themselvesdid not hesitate to boast about the commercial value ofFigure 19. Hendrick Hondius (Dutch, 1573-1650). AllegoricalPrint on Dutch Prosperity, 1644. Etching.H: 20.6 cm (87s"); W: 15.7 cm (6 3 /i 6").Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum A14229. Photo:Courtesy Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.their cattle. 28Quite naturally, they associated cows with prosperity.In the visual arts as well as in literature, this lowlyanimal became a symbol of fecundity, indeed of Hol-26. Gudlaugsson, vol. 1, p. 75.27. On livestock husbandry and the milk production of Dutchcows, see G. J. Hengeveld, Het rundvee (Haarlem, 1865—1870), 2 vols.,and de Vries (supra, note 17), pp. 143—144, with additional literature.28. See, for example, Kaerle Stevens and Jan Libaut, De veltbouw(Amsterdam, 1622), and Wouter van Gouthoeven, D'oude chronijckeend Historien van Holland (The Hague, 1636).Figure 20. English school. The Milk Cow: Satire on theExploitation of the Netherlands by the Prince ofOrange, circa 1585. Oil oh panel. H: 52 cm(207i6"); W: 67 cm (26W). Amsterdam,Rijksmuseum no. A2684.

108 SuttonFigure 21. Jan van de Velde (Dutch, circa 1593-1641). Figure 22. Cornelis Bloemaert (Dutch, 1603-1684), af-The White Cow, 1622. Etching and engraving.ter Abraham Bloemaert. Terra (Earth). Etch-H: 17.1 cm (6 3 //); W: 22.7 cm (8 15 /i 6"). ing. H: 9.5 cm (3W); W: 14.9 cm (5 7 / 8").Amsterdam Rijksmuseum FK409.Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. Photo: CourtesyRijksmuseum, Amsterdam.31. The Rijksmuseum's painting is inscribed "Not longe time sinceI sawe a cowe/ did Flaunders represente/ upon whose backe KingePhillip rode/ as being malecontnt./ The Queene of England givinghay/ wheareon the cow did feede/ as one that was her greatest helpe/in her distresse and neede. / The Prince of Orange milkt the cow andmade his purse the payle. / The cow did shyt in monsieurs hand/ whilehie did hold her tayle." See also Jan Tengnagel's, Allegory of the Netherlands(Delft, Stedelijk Museum "Het Prinsenhof" ). For further dispoetand playwright Samuel Coster presented a play onlands welvaren, the well being of the Dutch nation itself.29So thoroughly had these associations entered thethe peace treaty in which, as he described the action, thepopular imagination that one of a series of five politicalprints of 1644by Hendrick Hondius, which depicts a"Ruling States of Holland, like the hundred eyed Argus"watching over the cow Io, must sleep no more butpair of large, sturdy cows grazing beside a river before aforever play the watchful guardian of "thecow (that islush landscape (fig. 19), carries the inscription in Dutch:Ghy Heeren wachters wel neerstelyck toesiet, Dat Ons geroofther own agreeable Fatherland)." 30 Even outside thecountry, the political association of the cow with thewerd' de Hollandsekoe niet (watchmen be vigilant that theDutch nations prosperity was codified as early as theDutch cowis not stolen) as an admonition against alate sixteenth century. An anonymous English paintinghasty and unprofitable peace treaty with Spain. Whenof circa 1585 satirized the country's exploitation bythethis treaty was finally concluded at M٧nster in 1648,theprince of Orange with a brutalized milk cow (fig. 20). 3129. The first to discuss the political symbolism of the Dutch cowwas H. van de Waal, Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding1500-1800 (The Hague, 1952), vol. 1, pp. 21-22. For a whole range ofdifferent meanings and associations for the cow, see Alison Kettering"The Batavian Arcadia: Pastoral Themes in 17th Century Dutch Art"(Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1979); Joneath Spicer," 'De koe voor d'aerde statt': The Origins of the Dutch Cattle Piece,"in Essays in Northern European Art Presented to Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann on His Sixtieth Birthday (Doornspijk, 1983); A. Walsh (supra,note 11); and Alan Chong in Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, Mastersof Seventeenth Century Dutch Landscape Painting (Amsterdam, 1987),no. 21.30. See van de Waal (supra, note 29), vol. 1, p. 22, n. 2: "SamuelCoster, Verklaringh van de ses eerste vertoningen, gedaen binnenAmsterdam . . . 5 Junij 1648."cussion of the cow's political associations, see A. Walsh (supra, note11), p. 343ff, and Chong (supra, note 29), no. 21, n. 9.32. Van der Kellen, no. 409, dedicated to Jodocus (Joos) Vergraft.The Latin verses (as translated by Irene de Groot in Landscape Etchingsby the Dutch Masters of the Seventeenth Century [Amsterdam, 1979],p. 69) read: "The night is hardly gone before this industrious countrymanleaves for town with goats and a cow. . . . The heavy work islight for him as long as he comes home later loaded down with themoney he has earned." The group of animals and peasant couple arebased on a drawing by Willem Buytewech (Cambridge, FitzwilliamMuseum).33. See Spicer (supra, note 29), pp. 251—256; and A. Walsh (supra,note 11), p. 249ff34. Het schilder-boeck (Haarlem, 1604), fig. 125.35. A. Walsh (supra, note 11), p. 239. In her excellent study ofPotter's art as it relates to Dutch attitudes toward country life, Walshrelates these notions to neo-stoicism and seventeenth-century Dutchliterature, including arcadian poetry and the tradition of hofdichten(country house poems).36. Bartsch, vol. 7, no. 158. This work has been interpreted eroticallyby Leo Wuyt ("Lucas van Leyden's Melkmeid, een proeve totikonologische interpretatie," De gulden passer 52—53 [1974—1975],pp. 441-453), and J. P. Filedt Kok (in Lucas van Leyden [1489 of

The Noblest of Livestock 109By virtue of its associations with fertility and in recognitionof the cattle drives that were held in thespring, the cow was also a vernal symbol in a series oflandscape etchings of the seasons by Jan van de Velde orGillis van Scheyndel after Willem Buytewech (see Ver:Franken-van der Kellen, no. 518). As an emblem ofrural bounty (see fig. 21), 32the cow also embodiedEarth in print series by among others CornelisBloemaert, after Abraham Bloemaert (fig. 22), on theFour Elements. 33Affirming these ideas, van Manderstated in his Wtbeeldinghen der figueren: "De Koe voord'aerde [statt]" (the cow represents the earth). 34Moregeneral was the Dutchmen's sense of the contented cowas a metaphor of freedom, security, and the tranquilityof living life in accord with nature. 35The ample history of bovine imagery can be traced atleast as far back as Lucas van Leyden's engraving of 1510called The Milkmaid. 36Another milestone in this traditionis Rubens' Dairy Farm at Laeken (London, BuckinghamPalace, H. M. The Queen's Collection) of circa1620, which again alludes to the earth's fertility with ascene of cattle and milkmaids. 37Immediately precedingter Borch's painting in date and anticipating aspects ofits composition is Aelbert Cuyp's early Cow Shed ofcirca 1645—1650 (fig. 23). 38Still another predecessor isPaulus Potter's famous Young Bull of 1647 (The Hague,Mauritshuis inv. no. 136). Though very different inconception, Potter's huge canvas, the related "portraits"of prize steers and bulls, 39and Cuyp's many landscapeswith fat cows grazing placidly in the sun expressthe Dutchman's pride in his animal husbandry no lessclearly than ter Borch's Cow Shed. By the same token,The Horse Stall offers a comforting image of DutchFigure 23. Aelbert Cuyp (Dutch, 1620-1692). Cow Shed,circa 1645—1650. Oil on panel. H: 77 cm(30 5 /i6"); W: 107 cm (42V 8"). Stockholm, Nationalmuseumno. NM 4441.livestock, no less positive in its fashion, than Salomonvan Ruysdael's several paintings of the excited spectacleof the famous Valkenburg horse fair. 40The fact, however, that ter Borch selected these subjectsfor his two most exceptional and ambitious animalpaintings is probably not fortuitous. 41Beyond acknowledgingthe creatures' natural barnyard complementarity,the paintings may tell us something about ter Borch'sconcept of the artist. The ninth chapter of Karel vanMander's Den grondt der edel vry schilder-const (The foundationof the noble art of painting) in Het schilder-boeck(Haarlem, 1604) is titled "Van beesten/dieren/en voghels"(Of beasts/animals/and birds). 42 He begins this1494-1533]—grafiek, ex. cat. [Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, 1978],pp. 31—32, fig. 21). The basis of these erotic interpretations are theconnotations of the verb melken (to milk) which in the sixteenthcentury could also mean "to lure" (lokken). In the absence, however,of Lucas' hulking farm boy or any other companion for ter Borch'searnest and purposeful milkmaid, there scarcely seems reason to assignsexual connotations to her work.37. See Spicer's interpretation of the work as an "allegory ofEarth's fecundity" (supra, note 29, p. 254).38. See Stephen Reiss, Aelbert Cuyp (Boston, 1975), no. 65, p. 100,ill., and compare also no. 66. The stable scenes of Cornelis Beelt (circa1630—1702) also resemble these works.39. See the anonymous Portrait of a Prize Steer, 1564, AmsterdamsHistorisch Museum inv. no. A3016, and Portrait of a White Bull, by afollower of Paulus Potter, Dublin, National Gallery of Ireland (HomanPotterton, Dutch Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Paintingsin the National Gallery of Ireland [Dublin, 1986], no. 56, pp. 116-118,fig. 127). For a discussion of the tradition, see the entry on Potter'sYoung Bull by Ben Broos in the catalogue of an exhibition held at theGrand Palais, Paris, De Rembrandt ä Vermeer: Les peintres hollandaisau Mauritshuis de La Haye, ex. cat. (The Hague, 1986).40. See Wolfgang Stechow, Salomon van Ruysdael, 2nd ed. (Berlin,1975), nos. 136A (dated 1626), 137 (Leiden, Stedelijk Museum deLakenhal no. 823, dated 1633), 138A (Prague, Nδrodni Galeri no. 494,dated 1643), and 136 (dated 1643). See also Adriaen van de VennesPrince Maurits and Frederik Hendrik Visiting the Horse Fair at Valkenburg,dated 1618, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum no. A674. On the horse marketat Valkenburg, see E. Pelinck, "De paardenmaarkt te Valkenburg."Leids jaarboekje 50 (1958), p. 83ff; and Annette Hoogendoorn, inKunsthistorische mededelingen (1947), vol. 2, pp. 38—40. Pieter Wouwermans'depiction of the horse market in Delft, circa 1670, is in theStedelijk Museum "Het Prinsenhof," Delft.41. Analogous images of cows and horses often appear together inprint series by, among others, Pieter van Laer and Paulus Potter, butpendant paintings are only known from sales references and are henceunverified. See, for example, sale, Gaillard de Gagney, Paris, May 29,1762, lots 20 and 21 (Hofstede de Groot [Potter], nos. 29 and 317).Smith's claim ([supra, note 1], vol. 5 [Potter], under no. 87) that theHorse Stable of 1647 by Potter in the Philadelphia Museum of Art(no. E'24-3-17) is the pendant of the painting of Cattle and Sheep ina Stormy Landscape, London, National Gallery no. 2583, has no basis;the works differ in design and early history. A. Walsh concluded thatPotter never painted pendants (supra, note 11), p. 276.42. See, for a translation into modern Dutch and for commentary,Hessel Miedema, Karel van Mander: Den grondt der edel vry schilderconst(Utrecht, 1973) vol. 1, pp. 218-235; vol. 2, pp. 558-569.

110 Suttonsection of his didactic poem for artists by assuring hisreaders that a great "all around" (universael) paintermust master animal subjects, as well as (and here weinfer from the larger context of the leerdicht) the paintingof landscape, discussed in the previous chapter, anddrapery, which is taken up in the following section. Forvan Mander, animal painting is a discrete painting typeand discipline, albeit one at the service of the paintingof the human figure, traditionally the artist's noblestcalling. The two animals that he recommends for artisticstudy, and to which he devotes virtually his entirechapter, are not exotic or iconographically charged creatures,such as the lion or the elephant, but the preeminenttamme heesten (domestic animals), the horse and thecow. 43With his customary appeal to classical precedents,van Mander refers to famous horses of antiquityto praise the animal's nobility, bravery, and loyalty(chap. 9, 4—5). He alludes to systems for drawing horsesfrom a series of circles and to artists who make carefulmeasurements of animals, but he has little sympathy forthose who rely too much on the caliper and measuringstick (chap. 9, 8—9). 44Rejecting any rules for idealequestrian proportions, van Mander exhorts young artiststo study the outward physical appearance of horses,their movements, types, coloration (including schoon appelgrau),and the way in which the light plays on theircoats (chap. 9, 10—17). In stressing the need to observeeven such details as a horse's lather and spit, van Manderdigresses on the possibility of profiting from accidentaleffects in art (chap. 9, 17—23). To illustrate how effectiveclassical painters were in achieving the goal of the illusionof reality, he recounts Pliny's tale of Apelles, thegreatest painter of antiquity, turning the judgment ofhis painting of a horse and the work of a jealous rivalover to the animals themselves (chap. 9, 24—25). Whenbrought before actual horses, the rival's work elicited noresponse, but Apelles' painting made the live steedssnort and whinny. According to van Mander, the classicalartist's success was based on exhaustive research,even to the point of using horse cadavers (chap. 9, 28).Turning to cattle, the author again stresses the needfor careful observation, enumerating physical attributes(bearing, expression, coloring, and details like thelength of horns and shape of ears) that serve to distinguisha cow from a bull or ox. Once more, classicalprecedents are cited, including Pausias' ability to paintcattle not only in profile but also foreshortened (chap. 9,37—38); the celebrated Farnese bull; and the case of thegreat Myron's masterpiece, a statue of a cow in the marketplaceat Athens. Van Mander even offers his owntranslation of a dozen of the thirty-six epigrams famouslydevoted to this statue and preserved in theAnthologia Graeca. But his ultimate purpose in all thisdisplay of erudition is simply to confirm "datter nietbeter en is, als alle dinghen nae t'leven te schilderen"(that there is nothing better than to paint all thingsfrom life [chap. 9, 47]).Still the most important and influential art treatise inDutch during ter Borch's lifetime, van Mander's Schilder-boeckcould scarcely have escaped the painter's attention.Though not van Mander's ideal history painter, terBorch was a devoted painter of the human figure. Bypainting a pair of domestic animals, he departed fromhis customary genre themes and portraits, but in sodoing, he fulfilled van Mander's prescriptions for the"all around" artist by painting precisely those subjectsin the very naturalistic style recommended by the theorist.However, the real triumph of ter Borch's paintingsis the complete absence of any appearance of theoreticalor methodological illustration. As in the greatest of thepainter's domestic genre scenes, his animal companionsare subjects at once common and monumental, momentaryand timeless, conceived with a compelling simplicityand truth to life.Museum of Fine ArtsBoston43. Van Mander, Grondt, chapter 9, verse 3: "Aen tamme Beestenmoghen wy aenveerden/ Onderwysich begin te desen Stonden/ Eerstaen t'edelste der Vee/ groot van weerden/ Dats aen de behulpsaemmoedighe Peerden" (We begin this instruction with domestic animals.First, the noblest of livestock, highly valued [animals], the obliging,brave horses).44. Miedema (supra, note 42), vol. 2, p. 561, suggests that thetraditional formulae for designing the forms of horses from circlesdescends from German model books by Heinrich Lautensack (1564)and Sebald Beham (1582).

The Blessed Bernard Tolomei Interceding for the Cessationof the Plague in Siena: A Rediscovered Painting byGiuseppe Maria CrespiJohn T. SpikeDuring the plague of 1348, known to history as theBlack Death, the Blessed Bernard Tolomei, who hadfounded a congregation of Benedictine monks at MonteOliveto, forsook the sanctuary of his monastery andreturned to his native Siena to offer whatever relief hecould. At first it seemed that the courageous Olivetansin their white habits would be miraculously sparedfrom the pestilence that raged all about them. Soonenough, however, this hope of immunity was provedto be vain; one of the first monks to give up his lifewas their venerated abbot, Bernard Tolomei, who waslater beatified. 1The heroic, if tragic, last days in Bernard Tolomei'slifetime of good works are the subject of a paintingrecently acquired by the J. Paul Getty Museum, TheBlessed Bernard Tolomei Interceding for the Cessation of thePlague in Siena by Giuseppe Maria Crespi (fig. I). 2Nicknamed77 Spagnuolo because of his sober "Spanish" styleof dress, the Bolognese Crespi (1665—1747) was oneof the most independent and creative personalities ineighteenth-century Italian painting. 3Alone among hiscontemporaries, Crespi could interpret the pathos in astory such as that of Bernard Tolomei with a depth andgravity of expression unequaled in eighteenth-centuryart prior to Goya.The Getty Museum's recent acquisition exemplifiesthe drama, immediacy, and technical bravura of Crespi'sart. The work is a major rediscovery for his oeuvre aswell. I propose to identify this Blessed Bernard Tolomeiwith a painting that, notwithstanding its small dimensions,was repeatedly singled out for praise by Crespi'seighteenth-century biographers but remained untracedfor two centuries.The combined testimonies of Crespi's contemporariesinform us that in about 1735 the artist executed acommission for an Olivetan abbot in Florence. The assignmentwas for a pair of Olivetan subjects: The BlessedBernard Tolomei Interceding for the Cessation of the Plaguein Siena and a pendant of Saint Francesca Romana Placingthe Infant Christ in the Arms of Her Confessor. Prior to thereappearance of the Getty Museum's Blessed BernardTolomei on copper, its composition had already beenknown through the existence of several workshop canvases,none of which could claim to be autographworks from Crespi's own brush (fig. 2). 4The most interestingof these workshop variants is a canvas in the1. Born Giovanni di Mino Tolomei in Siena in 1272, BernardTolomei (his monastic name) and two other Sienese nobles, PatrizioPatrizi and Ambrogio Piccolomini (one of whom may be indicated asTolomei's companion in Crespi's painting), founded a monastery atMonte Oliveto under the rule of Saint Benedict. As the Benedictinerule does not prescribe the color of the monastic dress, the Olivetansand the Camaldolesi wear white habits; the all-black habits of theVallombrosiani Benedictines are perhaps the most familiar. The bestavailable biography of Bernard Tolomei is in the Bibliotheca sanctorum(Rome, 1969), vol. 12, s.v.Bernard is frequently styled as Saint Bernard Tolomei, which isinaccurate as he has not been canonized by the Roman Catholicchurch. His recognition as beato, or blessed, was already well establishedby tradition when in 1644 his cult was formally recognized bypapal decree. In 1680 Rome established his feast day as August 21 andapproved the texts for the Office and Mass for this observance.2. Oil on copper. H: 42.7 cm (16 13 /i 6"); W: 66.6 cm (26 V/).86.PC.463.PROVENANCE: Abbot Corsi, Florence (original commission), circa 1735;Marchese Gino Capponi, Florence, 1767; sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris,February 7, 1945, lot 383; private collection, Switzerland; [PieroCorsini, New York, 1985-1986].EXHIBITIONS: Esposizione de' quadri, cloister of the SS. Annunziata,July 1767, no. 5; Giuseppe Maria Crespi and the Emergence of GenrePainting in Italy, Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth, September-December, 1986.3. The two principal works on Crespi are: Mira Pajes Merriman,Giuseppe Maria Crespi (Milan, 1980), a catalogue raisonne of the paintings,and John T. Spike, Giuseppe Maria Crespi and the Emergence ofGenre Painting in Italy, ex. cat. (Fort Worth, Kimbell Art Museum,1986). The present picture was exhibited at Forth Worth hors catalogue,but was first published and illustrated in this catalogue (p. 37, n. 89,p. 162, fig. 26.2).4. For these workshop canvases see Merriman (supra, note 3),nos. 138—141. Merriman leaves open the possibility of Crespi's participationin some or all of these works, contrary to my own view.Pierre Rosenberg ("La Femme δ la puce de G. M. Crespi," La revue duLouvre, 1971, p. 14, n. 3) has written that the version in the Musee des

112 SpikeFigure 1. Giuseppe Maria Crespi (Italian, 1665—1747). The Blessed Bernard Tolomei Interceding for the Cessation of the Plague in Siena,circa 1735. Oil on copper. H: 42.7 cm (16 ,3 /iO; W: 66.6 cm (26V4"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 86.PC.463.Akademie der bildenden Kunste, Vienna (about which Ishall have more to say) (fig. 3). Similarly, studio versionsof his composition of Saint France sea Romana areknown (fig. 4), and one hopes that the missing original—separatedfrom its pendant at an unknown date—will come to light some day. 5Four references, dating between 1739 and 1775, makemention of Crespi's painting of The Blessed BernardTolomei. (The Saint Francesca Romana is cited in only thetwo Bolognese publications, the 1739 and 1769 biographiesof Crespi written by Giampietro Zanotti andLuigi Crespi, respectively.) From these contemporaryaccounts, there emerges a detailed description of thesubject, size, and copper support of The Blessed BernardTolomei that Crespi painted for the Olivetan abbot inFlorence. The Getty Museum's picture accords in everyrespect with these particulars and, no less important forthis identification, exhibits the master's hand in fullmeasure. In reviewing the literary evidence, however,an interesting point arises apart from the issue of identification.The sources tend to give subtly different readingsof Crespi's picture while underscoring both therarity of the subject and the originality with whichCrespi has interpreted it.Beaux-Arts, Nimes, is only workshop quality. Merriman in discussingthe Nimes painting (no. 138) notes the references by Zanotti andLuigi Crespi to a work commissioned by "the Olivetan fathers inFlorence." Regarding its subject, she comments, "What probably isrepresented is the bringing of the Eucharist to both the plague victimsand St. Bernard Tolomei, who is prominently placed at their side in akneeling position." A different view is proposed in the present article.5. Merriman (supra, note 3), no. 115, publishes the photograph ofan untraced painting, reportedly on copper, which in her opinion isthe Saint Francesca Romana pendant cited by Zanotti. To judge fromthe photograph, this identification merits some consideration, althoughthe painting is apparently handled with considerably smoothertouch than that evinced in the Getty Museum Blessed Bernard Tolomei.A studio version of the Saint Francesca Romana, attributed by Merrimanto Luigi Crespi, appeared at Christie's, London, February 20,1986, lot 62.For the life of Saint Francesca Romana, see the article in the BibliothecaSanctorum (Rome, 1964), vol. 5, s.v. This source cites DonatoCreti's altarpiece, now in the Santuario del Crocefisso dei Bianchi inLucca but painted circa 1732 for the Olivetan church of S. Ponziano in

The Blessed Bernard Tolomei 113Figure 2. Attributed to the Workshop of GiuseppeMaria Crespi. Bernard Tolomei Visiting Victimsof the Plague, circa 1735. Oil on canvas. H:44.2 cm (17W); W: 67.7 cm (26 5 /s"). Nimes,Musee des Beaux-Arts. Photo: Courtesy MuseesdArt et d'Histoire de Nimes.Figure 3. Attributed to the Workshop of Giuseppe MariaCrespi. Bernard Tolomei Visiting Victims of thePlague, circa 1735. Oil on canvas. H: 77.5 cm(30V 2"); W: 96.5 cm (37 15 /i 6"). Vienna, Gemaldegalerieder Akademie der bildenden Kiinste.Inv. Nr. 1375. Photo: Courtesy Akademie derbildenden kiinste, Vienna.The most authoritative account of Crespi's life andcareer is that published in 1739 by Giampietro Zanotti, apainter and the perennial secretary of the AccademiaClementina in Bologna. A lifelong friend of Crespi,Zanotti was able to draw upon the artist's active assistancein compiling his biography. Zanotti was the firstwriter to refer to a small painting of the Blessed BernardTolomei, which he specifies as a recent work. Thedate of the picture can be fixed between 1732 and 1736since it is similarly cited as a recent work in a late draftof^anbtti's manuscript, which was completed sometimebetween those years. 6Zanotti provides careful descriptionsof the unusual subjects of The Blessed BernardTolomei and of Saint Francesca Romana.He recently painted a small picture with many figures:it is the liberation of Siena from the plague throughthe intercession of the Blessed Bernard Tolomei; then[he made] another work as a companion to this one,in which there is Saint Francesca Romana who atFigure 4. Attributed to Giuseppe Maria Crespi (Italian,1665—1747). Saint Francesca Romana Placing theInfant Christ in the Arms of Her Confessor, circa1735. Oil on copper. Present location unknown.Photo: Courtesy Mira Pajes Merriman.the same city, as the only known representation of Saint FrancescaRomana Placing the Infant Christ in the Arms of Her Confessor. Crespi'ssubsequent treatment of this rare subject is not formally indebted toCreti's, but Crespi undoubtedly knew his colleague's painting, sincehe himself contributed two altarpieces to the same Lucchese church atthis very time (see Merriman [supra, note 3], no. 66). As a pair,Crespi's Saint Francesca Romana and Blessed Bernard Tolomei representiconographic solutions that were essentially unprecedented,and the choice presumably reflected the interests of his patron,the Abbot Corsi.6. This information was kindly provided me by Professor Merriman.About Zanotti's late draft for his Storia delVAccademia Clementina(Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale MS. B 285), Merriman (supra,note 3), p. 255, has written, "[It] is dated after 1732 and is probablycloser to 1735." Zanotti (Storia delVAccademia Clementina [Bologna,1739], vol. 2, pp. 61, 64) is quite clear on the point that Crespi'scommissions for the Olivetans in Florence postdate his works forthe Olivetan church in Lucca, which can be dated from 1732 orshortly thereafter.

114 Spikenighttime places the infant Jesus in the arms of herconfessor. These two pictures were commissioned bythe Olivetan fathers in Florence, to whom they weregreatly pleasing. 7Thirty years later, Crespi's son and pupil Luigi undertookto expand upon Zanotti's biography. AlthoughLuigi Crespi (1708—1779) was less informed on hisfather's early career, it is worth bearing in mind thathe and his brothers, Ferdinando (b. 1709) and Antonio(b. 1712), were his father's principal assistants duringthe 1730s, the time that this commission was executed.Presumably some of the studio versions of these twoOlivetan subjects were painted by one or other ofCrespi's three sons. Luigi Crespi had no dispute withZanotti's descriptions of these two paintings, sayingonly: "The Padre Abate Corsi, Olivetan in Florence,owned two small pictures [quadretti] by him." 8As scantas this notice seems, it helps to clarify the circumstancesof the commission and its subsequent history. LuigiCrespi informs us that the assignment for these paintingsof the Blessed Bernard Tolomei and of SaintFrancesca Romana was not received from an Olivetanchurch or monastery, as one might have construed fromZanotti, but rather from an Olivetan abbot of the nobleCorsi family of Florence. Indeed, the intimate scale ofthese pictures, their horizontal format, and their executionon copper suggest that these works were intendedfor private contemplation and not for public display.Luigi Crespi was evidently aware, moreover, that by1769 the works were no longer in the possession of theAbate Corsi.Luigi Crespi's accuracy on these points can be verifiedfrom two Florentine sources. In 1767, two yearsbefore the publication of Crespi's biography, a quadrettoby Crespi ("lo Spagnolo di Bologna") representing TheBlessed Bernard Tolomei Assisting the Victims of the Plaguewas one of fifty-nine paintings and sculptures that theMarchese Gino Capponi lent from his private collectionto a public exhibition organized in the cloister of SS.Annunziata in Florence. 9That the Crespi lent by theMarchese Capponi was the same as that executed somethirty years before for the Abbot Corsi is confirmed inthe last known reference to this Blessed BernardTolomei.This is a helpful footnote inserted in the otherwise secondhandbiography of Crespi included in a Florentinedictionary of painters, Serie degli uomini i piu illustrinellapittura, scultura, e architettura...,completed in 1775. Thisreference supplies all the missing connectives in theprovenance and is the only early source that specifies thecopper support of the painting and its size (a braccio, orarm length, roughly two feet long). It also provides stilla third suggestion for the painting's subject matter.Not of less excellence than every one of his perfectworks was a painting on copper of about a braccio inbreadth, that he made for a Padre Olivetan Abbot, representingthe Blessed Bernard Tolomei administeringthe Eucharist to the plague stricken. This beautifulwork of his can be seen at present in Florence in thepalace of Marchese Capponi on the via Larga. 10Three of the four early sources give a title for Crespi'spicture describing Bernard Tolomei among the victimsof the plague but cannot quite agree as to the event thatis actually depicted. The primary source, of course, isthe painting itself. The central action is the confrontationbetween a procession that enters from the left ofthe picture and, at right, two monks in white Olivetanhabits who are seen in the midst of a crowd of grieving,dying people. At center, in the distance, an angelis seen ascending to Heaven. The procession is ledby an acolyte who carries a bell and a long candle. Heis followed by a man who has wrapped his cloakaround himself, covering his arms. Behind this figure,a round canopy is held aloft. This canopy has the appearanceof a baldachin, which might have been used tocover the Host or perhaps a sacred relic in an open-airprocession. It is notable, though, that Crespi has notincluded in his picture any image of a monstrance containingthe Host, but the question remains open as towhether such is carried by the man whose hands arehidden by his cloak.One of the two Olivetans kneels in prayer before thissolemn procession; the more prominent monk is BernardTolomei, who holds one of his attributes, a crucifix,11in his right hand, and gestures toward the populacewith his left. Contrary to the report of 1775, thepainting clearly does not represent the Olivetan abbotadministering Communion to the plague stricken. ThatBernard Tolomei is "assisting" the people of Siena (asdescribed in the 1767 Capponi exhibition catalogue) isundeniable, but this is too general a description for theevent represented in Crespi's painting.The remaining possibility, which was originally sug-7. Zanotti (supra, note 6), vol. 2, p. 64.8. Luigi Crespi, Vite de' pittori bolognesi non descritte nella «Felsinapittrice» (Rome, 1769), p. 216.9. F. Borroni Salvadori, "Le esposizioni d'arte a Firenze dal 1674 al1767," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 18 (1974),pp. 78, 141.10. "Non di minor eccellenza riesci di qualunque piu perfetta suaun quadro in rame di larghezza circa un braccio, che egli fece per un P.Abate Olivetano, rappresentante il Beato Bernardo Tolomei, che comunicagli appestati. Questo suo bel lavoro vedesi al presente in Firenzenel palazzo del Marchese Capponi di via Larga." This passage isquoted from the Serie degli uomini i piu illustri nella pittura, scultura, e

The Blessed Bernard Tolomei 115Figure 5. Domenico Maria Canuti (1626—1684). BernardTolomei Assisting the Plague Stricken, circa1660s. Oil on canvas. H: 266 cm (1047/); W:174 cm (68 1 //). Padua, Museo Civico. Photo:Courtesy Museo Civico, Padua.Figure 6. Carlo Cignani (Italian, 1628—1719). Pope SaintGregory the Great Interceding for the Cessationof the Plague in Rome, circa 1660s. Fresco.Bologna, monastery of S. Michele in Bosco.Photo: Courtesy Ministero per i Beni Culturalie Ambientali di Bologna.gested by Zanotti, is that Crespi has portrayed theBlessed Bernard Tolomei in the act of interceding forthe cessation of the plague. A preliminary search, by nomeans exhaustive, has failed to uncover any other paintingsof this subject. One should note at this juncturethat the iconography of Bernard Tolomei is not extensive,appearing almost exclusively in altarpieces anddecorations executed for Olivetan churches and institutions.It is of course consistent with this pattern of patronagethat the Getty Museum painting was commissionedby an Olivetan abbot, and it is not surprisingthat early commentators were unsure of Crespi's exactsubject. In the 1660s Domenico Maria Canuti (1626—1684),who was Crespi's master twenty years later, painted alarge altarpiece of Bernard Tolomei bringing some suppliesto the plague stricken (in other words, "assisting"them) for an Olivetan church in Padua, but Canuti'sinterpretation was entirely different from that in Crespi'slittle picture (fig. 5). 12I believe that Zanotti's interpretation of Crespi's picturewas correct, and that I have located the source forCrespi's imagery in a work well known to him and,indeed, very close to home. I refer to one of the celebratedmedallions that Carlo Cignani painted in frescoduring the 1660s in the Olivetan monastery of S.Michele in Bosco, Bologna. 13The leading painter inarchitettura... (Florence, 1775), vol. 12, p. 143, n. 1.11. Domenico Maria Canuti portrayed him with a crucifix in analtarpiece, The Blessed Bernard Tolomei in Prayer, of the 1670s forthe Roman church of S. Francesca Romana. In Crespi's picture, theladder seen against the city wall in the distance is another attributeof Bernard Tolomei, alluding to the abbot's famous vision ofOlivetan monks ascending a ladder to heaven.12. See R. Roli, Pittura bolognese 1650-1800: Dal Cignani ai Gandolfi(Bologna, 1977), s.v. "Canuti."13. For photographs of all four frescoes, see C. C. Malvasia, Lepitture di Bologna (1686), reprint, ed. A. Emiliani (Bologna, 1969), figs.327/11. For Cignani, see Roli (supra, note 12), s.v.

116 SpikeBologna during the latter half of the century, Cignani(1628—1719) was called upon to paint four apparitions ofthe Archangel Michael in circular compositions surroundedby elaborate cartouches. One of these frescoesdepicts Bernard Tolomei's famous vision of the ArchangelMichael, but this subject was not pertinent toCrespi's plague scene. Directly to the point, however,was Cignani's fresco of Pope Saint Gregory the Great Intercedingfor the Cessation of the Plague in Rome (fig. 6).This composition contains, in mirror image, the essentialelements of Crespi's picture. The foreground isfilled with plague victims; at left, Pope Gregory (circa540—604) addresses a taper-bearing procession of penitents,which enters from the right-hand side. In thecenter, the Archangel Michael, the object of Gregory'sintercession, replaces his retributive sword of pestilenceand ascends to Heaven, his deadly work completed.Since it is known that Gregory the Great tirelesslyorganized penitential processions as part of his efforts torelieve a sixth-century plague in Rome, 14we can assumethat this is the kind of procession that Cignani andCrespi, following the former's example seventy yearslater, have represented. In the studio version of Crespi'scomposition in Vienna (fig. 3), the bell-tolling acolyteis replaced by a fearsome skeleton—an emblem of deaththat could not seemingly be substituted in a processionif its purpose were to bring the Eucharist to the plaguestricken.A correlation to the iconography of Saint CharlesBorromeo is perhaps illustrative here. Following hiscanonization in 1610, the role of Saint Charles Borromeoas intercessor for the relief of the plague of1575—1576 very soon came to the fore of his devotionaliconography. In an altarpiece of circa 1615 (Verona, S.Carlo), Pietro Bernardi represented the saint directinghis prayers to an angel who holds out a skull, emblemof the plague's devastation.Crespi's painting of the Blessed Bernard Tolomeithus introduced a novel theme into the iconography ofthe Blessed Bernard Tolomei, that of divine intercessor.At the center of Crespi's composition, the Archangeldeparts, signaling that through Bernard Tolomei's intervention,the plague will now recede. Thus, Crespi (andpresumably the Abbot Corsi, his patron) has deliberatelydrawn a parallel to one of the most saintly actionsof Saint Charles Borromeo, who exposed himself toterrible dangers during the plague of 1575—1576.Crespi's interpretation thereby constitutes an emphaticclaim for the sanctity of the Olivetan founder, whosecandidacy for canonization was debated at various timesduring the mid-eighteenth century.New York14. J. N. D. Kelly, The Oxford Dictionary of Popes (Oxford, 1986),p. 66.

A Roman Masterpiece by Hubert Robert: A HermitPraying in the Ruins of a Roman TempleVictor CarlsonThe J. Paul Getty Museum has recently acquired amasterful painting by Hubert Robert (1733—1808),which constitutes a significant addition to the Museum'sgrowing collection of works of art from the latterhalf of the eighteenth century (fig. 1). The canvas is afully characteristic example of Robert's fascination withthe ruins of ancient Rome—a subject matter that hasalways been synonymous with the artist's reputation.The Museum's oil shows a hermit at prayer in the ruinsof a Roman temple, kneeling at the foot of a stone altarupon which are placed a crucifix, books, an open Bible,an hourglass, a skull, and a rosary. Absorbed in hisdevotions, he is oblivious to three young girls enteringthe temple at the far right. One of them is about tomake off with some flowers from a vase that is placedon a fragment of antique sculpture used as an altar.Above this improvised altar hangs a picture of theMadonna and Child. In the midground a fourth girl ona ladder leans over a low wall and, using a long reed,attempts to distract the hermit from his prayers andalert him to the trio stealing the floral offering. Thelofty barrel vault of the abandoned temple whereinthese actions occur spans a very deep space. Doublerows of columns with Corinthian capitals support thevault, but the monument's neglected condition belies itsoriginal grandeur and importance. 1Robert disposed his lighting effects with unaccustomedthoughtfulness to enhance the impact of thisscene. A shaft of sunlight penetrates the dim interior ofthe temple, streaming through the columns and theopen door at the right to illuminate the figure of thekneeling hermit; at the same time, a small oil lampburning in front of the image of the Virgin directs attentionto the impending theft. Behind the fragment ofstone wall in the midground, a faint illumination suggestslight coming through the far end of the temple,reinforcing the impression of the monument's vast andlofty dimensions. To convey these lighting effects in aconvincing manner, Robert worked with a fluid, rapidapplication of paint, creating a rich and lively pictorialsurface executed with consummate assurance. A varietyof brushstrokes and densities of paint define the gamutof atmospheric effects, from the dusky recesses of thetemple to the brightly lit sky outside. Highlights wereadded with flicks or tiny dabs of the brush producingthe scintillating play of light over forms, which is oneof the work's most attractive features.On one level Robert painted a charming, if somewhatfrivolous, drama in which the intensity of the hermit'sreligious absorption is contrasted with the violation ofhis sanctuary by the young girls attempting to steal theVirgin's floral tribute. To the eighteenth-century viewer,however, the dilapidated condition of the temple surelywould have conveyed a moralizing lesson as well, recallingthe transience of the power and vanity that originallycaused such an imposing structure to be built.This interpretation is reinforced by the hourglass andskull on the altar, conventional allusions to the temporalityof man and his endeavors. To understand morefully the significance of Robert's work, the paintingmust be placed in the larger context of his art and hiscontribution to the development of French paintingduring the latter half of the eighteenth century.Because the figures in Robert's canvas act out a dra-1. Oil on canvas. H: 58 cm (22 13 /i 6"); W: 70.5 cm (27 3 A"). Signed:ROBERT'/FECIT7FIO...NT'/PORT...176-.Malibu, TheJ. Paul GettyMuseum 86. PA.605.PROVENANCE: Louis Francois de Bourbon, prince de Conti, 1777 (sale,Paris, April 8—June 6, 1777, lot 752); Desmarets; Prince PyotrIvanovitch Tufialkin, Paris, 1845 (sale, Paris, May 2—3, 1845, lot 65);private collection, Paris, 1892 (sale, Galerie Sedelmeyer, Paris, March25, 1892, lot 53); Georges Berger, Paris; Georges Wildenstein, Paris,by 1933.EXHIBITIONS: Exposition Hubert Robert, Musee de l'Orangerie, Paris,1933, no. 2 (catalogue by C. Sterling).BIBLIOGRAPHY: Pierre de Nolhac, Hubert Robert 1733-1808 (Paris, 1910),p. 98; G. Isarlo, "Hubert Robert," Connaissance des arts, no. 18 (August15, 1953), p. 28; H. Burda, Die Ruine in den Bildern Hubert Roberts(Munich, 1967), p. 80, n. 359, fig. 94; M. Beau, La collection des dessinsd'Hubert Robert au Musee de Valence (Lyons, 1968), no. 76, n.p.; AndreCorboz, Peinture militante et architecture revolutionnaire: A propos dutheme du tunnel chez Hubert Robert (Basel and Stuttgart, 1978), p. 16,fig. 13; J. de Cayeux [Cailleux], Les Hubert Robert de la collectionVeyrenc au Musee de Valence (Valence, 1985), no. 44, p. 186.

118 CarlsonFigure 1. Hubert Robert (French, 1733—1808). A Hermit Praying in the Ruins of a Roman Temple, circa 1760. Oil on canvas. H:58 cm (22 3 //); W: 70.5 cm (27 3 / 4"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum 86.PA.605.matic situation, it is tempting to look for a literarysource to explain their actions. Although it has not beenpossible to determine that the artist intended to illustratethe work of a specific author, the situation representedrecalls in a general way the Contes et nouvelles envers (1664—1674) of Jean de La Fontaine, whose storiesoften involved the clergy in ridiculous or salacioussituations. The Contes et nouvelles en vers were stillfrequently read at this time, as evidenced by the numerousre-editions that appeared during the middle of the3. The figures of the Getty painting occur in other canvases ordrawings by or attributed to Robert; all works cited are vertical informat. The five personages are found in a pen and watercolor draweighteenthcentury. On occasion these stories didprovide subject matter for paintings by artists such asFrancois Boucher. 2Whether or not Robert based the Getty painting on aspecific literary work, he arranged the figures to createan allegory contrasting virtue with vice or duty withpleasure, a moral theme that recurs in each of the artistsvariants of this composition. Robert's lighthearted treatmentof the scene is not necessarily a reflection of hislack of religious faith; our knowledge of the painter's2. See the artist's Frere Luce, 1742 (Moscow, Pushkin Museum2765); The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, The DetroitInstitute of Arts, and Reunion des Musees Nationaux, Paris, FrangoisBoucher, 1703-1770, ex. cat. (New York, 1986), no. 45, ill.ing, done over a highly finished chalk drawing, recently on the Parisart market. The watercolor is probably a later addition, just as thevery mechanical, uninflected chalk study suggests that the entire workis likely a copy by another hand (H: 41 cm [16 3 /i 6"]; W: 30 cm [U 1 3 /i 6"];sale, Nouveau Drouot, Paris, June 18, 1986, lot 221, ill.). Closelyrelated to this drawing is another watercolor of identical composition,but in reverse and of larger dimensions, dated 1786 (H: 53 cm [20 7 /s"];

A Roman Masterpiece 119Figure 2. Hubert Robert (French, 1733-1808). The Hermitin the Colosseum, 1790. Oil on canvas. H: 57cm (22 7 /i6") ;W:49 cm (19 1 //). FormerlyLucerne, Galerie Fischer; present locationunknown.Figure 3. Hubert Robert (French, 1733-1808). TheTemptation of the Hermit, circa 1787. Oil oncanvas. H: 59.7 cm (23V 2") ;W: 50.2 cm (19W).Present location unknown. Photo: CourtesyFondation Wildenstein, Paris.private thoughts is too slight to support such an assumption.In this connection, it may be noted,however, that the glowing reports to Paris of Robert'sprogress as a student in Rome—where the Getty canvaswas painted—would surely have been modified had hebeen derelict in observing religious obligations. Suchinfractions were considered serious matters, whichcould compromise a student's standing at the academy;on the other hand, the mere observance of such formscannot be considered evidence of personal beliefs.There are no preparatory drawings known for theGetty painting. It is very probable, however, that theartist had studies for the figures at hand, as they arepainted with an uncharacteristic attention to detail andgesture. Robert was never a confident figure draughts-man, consequently he must have studied in advance themost effective disposition of the figures to relate thedramatic incident. Technical examination by the Museum'sconservation staff has lent further credence tothis assumption by establishing that no significantchanges were made during the execution of the work.These figures occur in several other drawings and paintingsby or attributed to Robert and an aquatint by J. B.Morret (figs. 2—4). Each of the related works, however,differs substantially from the present canvas either inthe setting or the number of figures employed. Chronologicallythe Getty painting is the earliest use of thissubject matter, which Robert referred to occasionallyuntil 1790, the date of the last known representation. 3The present canvas is signed and dated, although theW: 37 cm [14 9 /i6"]; sale Galerie Charpentier, Paris, December 2, 1958,lot 114, illus.). This watercolor is very similar to an oil signed anddated 1790, the major difference being that the background of thepainting is loosely based on the interior of the Colosseum (H: 57 cm[22 7 /i6"]; W: 49 cm [1974"]; sale, Galerie Fischer, Lucerne, August18—20, 1931, lot 295, ill.). Another painting is known, the compositionin reverse to the 1790 version, with only three figures and manychanges in the background details, which are also derived from theinterior of the Colosseum (Collection of Count Leonardo Vitetti; seeMarguerite Beau, La collection des dessins d'Hubert Robert au Musee deValence [Lyon, 1968], no. 12, fig. 12b).Also related in a general way to the subject of the Getty work is anundated color aquatint by J. B. Morret (active circa 1790—1820), inscribedTandis que cet Hermite est en priere, deux jeunes files viennent lui

120 Carlsonon either side by a long range of columns. A deviceplaced in the center of the midground—the crumblingstone wall behind the hermit in the Getty painting,some laundry stretched out to dry in the drawing—arrests the movement of the viewer's eye, directing attentionto the figure groups. At the left in both works, acolumn runs nearly the full height of the composition.This device seems to suggest that Robert was not entirelycomfortable with the horizontal format andneeded some element to compress the space and therebyemphasize the importance of the figure group. Despitethis, the figures remain dominated by the dramaticarchitectural setting with its exaggeratedly deep,tunnel-like space. These parallels are so essential tothe organization of the painting and the drawing thatthey cannot be explained satisfactorily as simply unrelatedcoincidences.Figure 4. J. B. Morret (French, active circa 1790-1820).Tandis que cet Hermite est en priere deux jeunesfilles viennent lui derober les fleurs qui sont devantsa Madone, circa 1790. Aquatint. H: 36.7 cm(147i 6"); W: 29.8 cm (UW). New York, PaulMcCarron. Photo: Courtesy Paul McCarron.last digit of the date, 176—, is now illegible. Nonetheless,it can be proposed that this work was executed inRome about 1760, by comparison to a drawing in theLouvre signed and dated from that year (fig. 5). 4TheParis red chalk drawing shows a group of laundresses atwork amid the ruins of an antique Roman temple. Thegeneral arrangement of the architectural setting is strikinglysimilar to the Getty canvas. Both compositionsare dominated by a steeply raked barrel vault, supportedThere is no precise source for the ruined Romantemple seen in the Getty painting. Such examples ofimperial Roman architecture as were known in the mideighteenthcentury could not in themselves account forthe structure shown here. At this time even the most assiduousstudent of Rome's past would have had onlya fragmentary sense of ancient architectural styles andconstruction practices. Excavations on a sufficient scaleto reveal fully this accomplishment were yet to be undertaken,although monuments such as the Colosseumand the Pantheon were then, as they still are, imposingexamples of Rome's architectural heritage. Robert's contemporariesoften created their own evocations ofRome's lost grandeur, at times based more on imaginationthan archaeology. For example, it is entirely possiblethat Robert knew Piranesi's 1743 engraving Vestibolod } antico tempio, a fanciful evocation of an immense andimpressive barrel-vaulted structure with an exaggeratedperspective leading the eye far back into space (fig. 6). 5Consequently, Robert's vision of imperial Rome as seenin works such as the Getty painting is perhaps bestexplained as an amalgam of such archaeological data aswas then available, filtered through the impressionderober les fleurs qui sont devant sa Madone (H: 36.7 cm [14 7 /i6 w ]; W: 29.8cm [11 3 A"]; Roger Portalis and Henri Beraldi, Les Graveurs du dixhuitiemesiede [Paris, 1881], vol. 1, s.v. "Descourtis," no. 7, p. 747). Theprint is based on a painting at one time with Cailleux, Paris (H: 46 cm[18Vs"]; W: 49 cm [lW]; Galerie Cailleux, Paris, Autour de neoclassicisme,ex. cat. [Paris, 1973], no. 44, p. 45). The same gallery alsohad a Robert red chalk drawing with only three figures, showing twogirls making off with something taken from a cupboard (H: 27.3 cm[10 3 //]; W: 19.2 cm [77i6 w ]; ibid., no. 44, p. 45, ill.). The figure groupin the undated drawing occurs with only minor changes in a paintingThe Temptation of the Hermit, circa 1787 (H: 59.7 cm [23V/]; W: 50.2 cm[1974"]; present location unknown, formerly with Wildenstein, Paris).Three other paintings are mentioned in the literature, some of whichmay be identical to the works cited above: Pierre de Nolhac, HubertRobert, 1733-1808 (Paris, 1910), pp. 95-96, 121; Claude Gabillot, HubertRobert et son temps (Paris, 1895), no. 243, p. 251.4. Red chalk over black chalk. H: 52 cm (207/'); W: 63.8 cm(25 Vs"). Signed: H ROBERT I/1760/D. ROMAE. Paris, Musee duLouvre, Cabinet des Dessins R.F. 14791; see Marie-Catherine Sahut,Les dossiers du Departement des Peintures: Le Louvre d'Hubert Robert, ex.cat. (Musee du Louvre, Paris, 1979), p. 23, fig. 48.5. Andrew Robison, Piranesi, Early Architectural Fantasies: A CatalogueRaisonne of the Etchings (Washington, D.C., National Gallery ofArt and Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press,1986), no. 11, ill.

A Roman Masterpiece 121Figure 5. Hubert Robert (French, 1733-1808). Galerie, 1760. Red chalk over black chalk.H: 52 cm (207 2"); W: 63.8 cm (25V 8"). Paris, Musee du Louvre, Cabinet desDessins R.F. 14791.Figure 6. Giambattista Piranesi (Italian, 1720—1778). Vestibolo d'antico tempio from Prima parte diarchitetture..., 1743. Engraving. H: 25.7 cm (107s"); W: 35.6 cm (14"). Santa Monica, TheGetty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, Library 401R MUZ.

122 Carlsonmade on the artist by the imposing monuments ofRome's more recent past. 6Also influential were thewholly fanciful conceits of contemporary artists such asPiranesi or Robert's compatriots Clerisseau and Challe,each of whom used the vestiges of Rome's imperialheritage to evoke the magnificence of that vanished civilization,then known only through some scant butpowerfully moving remains.The decade of the 1760s was the crucial, formativephase of the artist's early career, a period divided betweenRome and later Paris. Like many French artists,Robert received much of his training at the Academiede France δ Rome, then housed in the Palazzo Mancinion the Corso rather than its present location in the VillaMedici. Normally admission to the Academie was limitedto Prix de Rome winners, who before leaving forRome first spent some time perfecting their skills at theEcole Royale des Eleves Proteges. In their 1777 essay onthe Academie, Denis Diderot and Jean d'Alembertdiscuss the importance of study in Rome for theyoung artist.Young Frenchmen who intended to study the fine artshad to go to Rome and remain there for a fairly longtime. This is where the works of artists likeMichelangelo, Vignola, Domenichino, Raphael, andthose of the ancient Greeks give silent lessons muchsuperior to those that could be given by our greatestmodern masters. . . . For artists, Italy is truly a classicalworld. Everything there attracts the painter's eye, everythingteaches him, everything arouses his attention.Aside from modern statues, what a great number ofancient ones are contained within the walls of magnificentRome; these ancient statues by the exact proportionand the elegant variety of their forms served asmodels for the artists of recent periods and must serveas models for those of all centuries! 7It is possible that before leaving for Italy in 1754Robert had some knowledge of and enthusiasm for theclassical past. In France at the time a reaction had begunto what some critics described as the overwrought ornamentationand fantasy of the rocaille. Two articles byCharles-Nicolas Cochin, written 1754—1755, togetherwith his description of the Marquis de Marigny's voyageto Italy (1749—1751)—undertaken with the author inattendance—are often considered turning points for theintroduction of Neoclassicism as an alternative to theRococo style. They are not, however, the earliest expressionsof dissatisfaction with current taste. 8At Paristhe designers of decorative arts, rather than the painters,led the vanguard of those inspired by classical sources.Although no works by Robert from his early years ofstudy in the French capital have been identified, it isconceivable that he was aware of this opposition to thepopularity of the Rococo; his first recorded teacher,Rene-Michel Slodtz, called Michel-Ange Slodtz, was asculptor whose works at times evidence a knowledge ofclassical models.Robert's entry into the Academie de France did notfollow the usual course, as he never competed for thePrix de Rome. Instead, his place at the Academie wassecured at the request of a collector and patron,Etienne-Francois de Choiseul, comte de Stainville andlater the due de Choiseul. Through adroitly appliedpressure, in 1754 Robert was allowed to live at the Academieas an independent student whose expenses werepaid initially by Choiseul. Such circumventions of normalprocedure were most exceptional, and CharlesNatoire, then director of the school, was insistent thatthe artist conform to the same regulations and coursesof study as the other students. Choiseul's confidence inhis protege was confirmed by Robert's studious behavior,his rapid progress, and the impressive quality ofhis work. Thus when a place became vacant as a regularmember, or pensionnaire, at the Academie, it wasawarded to him on Natoire's strong recommendation.The French student remained at the Palazzo Manciniuntil the end of October 1763, when his term expired.However, other means of support enabled Robert tostay in Rome until July 24, 1765, when he left to returnto France. 9During these years two Italian artists playeddominant roles in the formation of Robert's style.Among fellow artists, the single most decisive contactRobert made in Rome was his friendship with GiovanniPaolo Panini, who gave lessons in perspective at theAcademie. The Italian's decoratively arranged compositionsof antique and modern Roman monumentsprovided a model that Robert adopted and modified ashis own, using it for the rest of his life. Perhaps themost telling evidence of Robert's admiration for histeacher is the collection of more than twenty-five Panini6. The Getty's painting is reproduced by Andre Corboz in Peinturemilitante et architecture revolutionnaire: A propos du theme du tunnel chezHubert Robert (Basel and Stuttgart, 1978), p. 16, fig. 13. This importantstudy traces many parallels between the architectural backgrounds ofRobert's paintings and current advanced architectural theory and practicein France, which advocated a severe columnar architecture basedon antique prototypes for use in public buildings. Corboz's argumentsare certainly illuminating for Robert's work from the 1770s onward;however, there is no clear evidence that as a student in Rome the artistwas aware of such trends. I am indebted to Christopher Riopelle,Assistant Curator of Paintings, The J. Paul Getty Museum, for bringingthe Corboz article to my attention.7. Denis Diderot and Jean d'Alembert, Encyclopedie (Paris, 1777),pp. 238—239 (my translation).

A Roman Masterpiece 123oils that were part of the French artist's estate. Robertalso knew Piranesi, whose printmaking workshop onthe Corso was directly across from the Academie. Theimprint made on Robert by Piranesi's grandiloquentand megalomanic visions of Rome is more difficult toassess because Robert never worked in an overtly Piranesianmanner, although certain drawings may wellowe something to the Italian artist's wonderfully evocativeand rapidly executed ink studies. To be sure,Robert's contacts at Rome extended beyond these twoartists, but their example was pervasive and inescapable.The archaeological climate at Rome during the 1750sand 1760s was particularly stimulating, not least becauseexcavations undertaken at Pompeii in 1738 and Herculaneumin 1748 brought to light startling traces of anunsuspected civilization of great accomplishment. Asknowledge of these discoveries spread across Europe,Rome became more than ever an antiquarians mecca.Among the notable archaeological publications issuedduring Robert's student years in Rome was Piranesi'sDelia magnificenza ed architettura de' Romani (1762), a diatribechampioning the superiority of Etruscan and Romanarchitecture over that of Greece. Robert must havebeen aware of this treatise since he is known to havebeen in contact with its author at this time. The Germanphilosopher and archaeologist Johann JoachimWinckelmann was also in Rome writing his Anmerkungenüber die Baukunst der Alten (1762) with its descriptionof the temples at Paestum and his more famousaccount of Greek art Geschichte der Kunst desAltertums (1764). Even though there is no evidence thatRobert ever read the German treatises, their publicationsignals the climate of inquiry and speculation that wasoccurring throughout Rome.It remains unclear to what extent the students at theAcademie de France knew the flood of internationalvisitors to the city, although it is hard to believe that thesociable Frenchman would have remained aloof fromthem. Certainly Robert saw at first hand the recovery ofRome's classical past, not only the monuments in thecity and the surrounding countryside, but remains asfar afield as Naples (with side trips to Pompeii, Herculaneum,and Pozzuoli) and Florence; the latter voyagewas made quite likely in the company of Piranesi. 10These brief remarks do not fully describe the artist'sknown activities and contacts among the antiquarians atRome, but they do serve to indicate some of the attractionsthat impelled him to remain there after his term atthe Academie expired.Within a year after his arrival in Paris, Robert wasreceived as a member of the Academie Royale de Peintureet de Sculpture on July 26, 1766. His receptionpiece, an imaginary view of the Porto di Ripetta atRome, was warmly praised by Diderot when it wasexhibited at the Paris salon the following year (althoughnot without some reservations, particularly concerningthe artist's figures). Notwithstanding these minor cavils,Robert's painting inspired Diderot's often cited analysisof his own fascination with ruins, an enthusiasticoutpouring that vividly captures the period's delight inthis subject matter.The ideas aroused within me by ruins are lofty. Everythingvanishes, everything perishes, everything passesaway, the world alone remains, time alone continues.How old this world is! I walk between two eternities.Wherever I turn my eyes, the objects that surround meforetell an end and help me resign myself to the onethat awaits me. What is my ephemeral existence comparedto that of this rock eroding away, of this valegrowing deeper, of this forest staggering with age, ofthese masses hanging above my head and shaking? I seethe marble of tombs crumbling into dust, and I do notwant to die! And I am reluctant to give a mere tissue offibres and flesh to a general law that affects even bronze!A torrent sweeps nations pell-mell down into the sameabyss, and I, I alone claim to be able to stop on the edgeand to withstand the current gushing by me! 11The generally favorable support of this most influentialcritic effectively set the stage for Robert's succeedingdecades of success and favorable acclaim, even if fromtime to time Diderot was sharply critical of the artist'stendency to be overly facile and careless in the executionof his paintings.When Robert left Rome in 1765, he was in full commandof a subject matter and style that he would usewithout radical modification for the remainder of hiscareer. The attraction of his views of Rome's past wasnever dryly archaeological; Diderot noted this in hisreview of the Paris Salon of 1767, praising the verve andspirit with which the artist painted or drew his scenes8. For a discussion of this subject, see Svend Eriksen, Early Neo-Classicism in France (London, 1974), pp. 29—51. See pp. 34—36 for adiscussion of Cochin's texts.9. For a summary of Robert's years in Rome, see Gabillot (supra,note 3), pp. 70—91, and Victor Carlson, Hubert Robert: Drawings andWatercolors, ex. cat. (Washington, D.C., National Gallery of Art,1978), pp. 20-21.10. Villa Medici Rome, Palais des Etats de Bourgogne Dijon, andHotel de Sully Paris, Piranese et les Francais (Rome, 1976), p. 305.11. Denis Diderot, "Le Salon de 1767," in Diderot: Salons, ed. JeanSeznec and Jean Adhemar (Oxford, 1975), vol. 3, pp. 228—229 (mytranslation).

124 Carlsonof Roman ruins, qualities that the critic admired becausethey left room for the play of the viewer's imagination.The grandeur and magnificence of the artist'sconception of ruins (to borrow Diderot's adjectives),expressed through a vivid and assured technique, werefor the critic particularly appealing facets of the artist'sgenius. These are precisely the outstanding characteristicsof the Getty painting, which Diderot surelywould have described as one of Robert's most attractivecanvases.Los Angeles County Museum of Art

What the Greeks were, was a reality, not a promise.—ShelleyTrue Illusions: Early Photographs of AthensAndrew Szegedy-MaszakOne of the most important features of the intellectuallife of the mid-nineteenth century was an upsurge ofinterest in ancient Greece. Although there have recentlybeen two very good books on the influence of Greekculture on Victorian life, 1neither of them so much asmentions photography, and this omission inspired thepresent essay. Thetitle originates in a review byWilliam Hazlitt of some watercolors by Hugh William"Grecian" Williams: "Somesplenetic travellers havepretended that Attica was dry, flat and barren. But it isnot so in Mr. Williams's authentic draughts . . . and wethank him for restoring to us our old, and as it appears,true illusions." 2The phrase "true illusions" could serveas a capsule description of the whole of photography,and it is particularly apt when we come to considerearly photographs of Greek antiquities. Athens providesan excellent case study; it has a relatively small numberof important monuments, with the Acropolis obviouslyprime among them, yet the photographers who workedthere brought to their views diverse themes,approaches,and interpretations.Extensive traditions, both pictorial and literary, underlaythe nineteenth-century photographs of classicalsites. This essay will first examine the cultural contextfor the photographic enterprise: what did the people ofthe time want to see in their images of the ancientworld? The last part of the essay will concentrate ontwo artists who are particularly well represented in theGetty's rich assortment of nineteenth-century views ofGreek antiquities: the French-born commercial photographerFelix Bonfils 3and the American diplomat,author, and photographer William James Stillman. 4Both men were photographing in Athens in the late1860s and early 1870s, yet even a cursory glance at theirrespective treatments of the same subject (e.g., the Parthenon,figs. 4, 13) reveals how different their approachescould be. In brief, Bonfils was an accomplishedcommercial photographer, who made beautiful,if conventional, images to satisfy a broad audience.Stillman was an inspired amateur with a complex privatevision of the Greeks and their relationship to hisown times. The work of these two men illustrates theextraordinary range of true illusions made available bythe photographers to their audience.Despite the precision of renderings made by artistslike Jacques Carrey in 1674 5and James "Athenian"Stuart and Nicholas Revett (whose first volume ofdrawings was published in 1762), 6most of the pre-Victoriandrawings and paintings of Athenian sites weredistorted by literary concerns. As Fani-Maria Tsigakouhas noted, "Characteristically, written descriptionsoften seem to have been more accurate than pictorialrepresentations ... it was the formalized, literary past,not the present, that was the attraction of Greece." 7This article was begun in the summer of 1985 during my tenure asguest scholar in the Department of Photographs of the J. Paul GettyMuseum. I owe a great debt of gratitude to Weston J. Naef and theother members of the department, as well as to the staff of the Getty'sDepartment of Education and Academic Affairs, Photo Archive, Archivesof the History of Art, and Library. My thanks also to MargueriteWaller and Ben Lifson for invaluable editorial advice.1. Richard Jenkyns, The Victorians and Ancient Greece (Cambridge,Mass., 1980); Frank Turner, The Greek Heritage in Victorian Britain(New Haven, 1981).2. W. Hazlitt, Essays on the Fine Arts (London, 1873), p. 144.3. Felix Bonfils published two albums, five years apart, that includedviews of Athens. Architecture Antique (Paris, 1872) containseight photographs of Athens, and Souvenirs d'Orient—Album pittoresquedes Sites, Villes et Ruines les plus remarquables de la TerreSainte (Alais, 1877) has ten. Each set also includes pictures made in theNear East and Turkey. Souvenirs d'Orient was republished in 1878 in asmaller—hence presumably cheaper—edition; in this latter version,oddly enough, Bonfils adds two pictures of Constantinople and labelsthem as belonging to "Grece."4. William James Stillman, The Acropolis of Athens: Illustrated Picturesquelyand Architecturally in Photography (London, 1870), with onesmall photograph on the title page and twenty-five full-size plates.5. Carrey traveled to Athens with the French ambassador to theTurkish court and produced a set of drawings, now in the BibliothequeNationale, Paris. They are the best documentation of theParthenon before 1687, when it was being used as a powder magazineand suffered a direct hit from a Venetian shell.6. Stuart and Revett's travels and the publication of their Antiquitiesof Athens, Measured and Delineated were sponsored by the Societyof Dilettanti, a group of British artistocrats dedicated to the study ofclassical culture. See Jenkyns (supra, note 1), pp. 1—12, also JamesOsborn, "Travel Literature and the Rise of Neo-Hellenism in England,"Bulletin of the New York Public Library 67 (1963), pp. 279-300.7. Fani-Maria Tsigakou, The Rediscovery of Greece (New Rochelle,NY, 1981), pp. 26, 28-29.

126 Szegedy-MaszakPainters also loved to exploit whatever exotica theycould find or confect. James Stuart produced a portraitof himself, clad in turban and robes, sketching theErechtheion, in front of which passes a small processionconsisting of a Turkish pasha, his son-in-law, the sonin-law'ssmall daughter, and the girl's black slave. 8Other painters and draughtsmen often enlivened theirdepictions with similar imaginative additions. With theinvention of photography, however, the visual recordacquired a new primacy, and a new set of standardsdeveloped for documentary precision.Where we have evidence for a photographer's intention,we generally find that he claimed accuracy as hischief contribution. Indeed, on January 7, 1839, whenFrancois Arago announced the invention of photographyin the Academie des Sciences in Paris, he said thatone of its most promising applications was the precisecopying of antiquities, specifically the hieroglyphicsof Egypt. 9It was thought that photography could remainunaffected by the prejudices and preferences ofthe artist. William Henry Fox Talbot, the inventor ofthe paper negative process, wrote of the camera that"the instrument chronicles whatever it sees, and certainlywould delineate a chimney-pot or a chimneysweeperwith the same impartiality as it would theApollo of Belvedere." 10 Thirty years later, when WilliamJames Stillman composed the introductory note tohis album, little had changed. Stillman states that hisviews "have been left . . . untouched ... so that nothingshould diminish their accuracy." 11Only relatively recently have we come to admit thatphotography is controlled by pictorial conventions likeany other visual medium; 12for most nineteenth-centuryviewers the photograph was conceived of as a transparentwindow onto an objective reality. Although thecamera, to use Talbot's word, was impartial, the pho-tographers were not, and to appreciate their work fully,it is necessary to sort out the influences that shapedtheir picture making. We must first, therefore, understandthe location of Greece in the mid-nineteenthcenturyimagination.The rediscovery of Greece was already well underway in 1839 when photography was invented. Withinthe same year an entrepreneur named N.-M. P. Lerebourssent daguerreotypists to Athens. He then haddraughtsmen convert their pictures into aquatints and in1842 published the latter in a collection whose title,Excursions daguerriennes: Vues des monuments les plusremarquables du globe, promised "views of the mostremarkable monuments on earth." 13Thirty-five yearslater, the photographic representation of the "mostremarkable" was still a major concern, as is shown bythe title of one of Bonfils' great collections, Souvenirsd'Orient—Album pittoresque des Sites, Villes et Ruines lesplus remarquables de la Terre Sainte. From the age ofOdysseus on, the prospect of seeing the world's wondershas been one of the most powerful stimuli for travelers,and the early photographers and their audience werenot immune to its appeal. The lure of the marvelous,leavened with religious and cultural piety, was an originaland enduring motive for the photographic explorationof ancient lands.Set apart by its location, language, customs, andpolitical circumstances, Greece seemed to belong bothto Europe and to the Near East. 14We have already notedthe Orientalism in Stuart's painting, but to repeat, the"Orientals" are Turks, not Greeks. 15It was this ambiguitythat allowed for the inclusion of Greece in photographicdocumentation of the Holy Land. For theBritish travel photographer Francis Frith the fact that8. Ibid., p. 32, fig. II.9. See Aaron Scharf, Art and Photography (New York, 1974), pp.25—26; see also Louis Vaczek and Gail Buckland, Travelers in AncientLands: A Portrait of the Middle East 1839-1919 (Boston, 1981), p. 34, andmore generally on photography and archaeology in the Middle East,pp. 76—77. The French calotypist Eugene Piot is credited with beingthe first actually to use photography to provide precise documentationof antiquities; he worked in Italy in the late 1840s (publishing aselection entitled Lltalie Monumentale in 1851) and then in Greece afew years later. On Piot, see Andre Jammes and Eugenia Parry Janis,The Art of Trench Calotype (Princeton, 1983), pp. 46-48, 234-235.10. The remark is made in Talbot's introduction to his Pencil ofNature (London, 1844—1846), a collection of twenty-four calotypes(salt prints from paper negatives).11. In the case of Stillman s album, as with many nineteenth-centuryalbums, lack of pagination makes an exact reference impossible.Unless otherwise indicated, this is also the case with excerptsfrom additional photographic albums quoted throughout the presentarticle.12. On this subject in general, the indispensable discussion is byErnst Gombrich, Art and Illusion, 3rd ed. (London, 1968).13. N.—M. P. Lerebours, ed., Excursions daguerriennes: Vues desmonuments les plus remarquables du globe (Paris, 1840—1842). In additionto Athens, Lerebours dispatched his artists to Egypt, Nubia, the HolyLand, and most countries in Europe.14. As Jenkyns observes, Greece "was near enough to be accessible,remote enough to be exotic, with a soupcon of danger to addspice to the adventure" (supra, note 1), p. 4.15. A similar phenomenon appears a century later in the Shawalbum, which was compiled in the late 1860s or early 1870s by awealthy and knowledgeable traveler, whose name is all that is knownof him. It includes photos taken in Greece and the Near East. Itcontains many ethnographic portraits of Turks—warriors, dervishes,members of the royal harem—but none of Greeks, who presumablywere not sufficiently "exotic" to warrant that kind of attention on thepart of a collector. Moreover, the Shaw album is not unique in thisregard. The Getty owns an anonymous travel album (see infra, note39) that has exactly the same balance, or rather imbalance, between

True Illusions 127Paul preached on the Areopagus (Acts 17:22) was reasonenough to put views of Athens into a collection entitledPhoto-Pictures from the Lands of the Bible. 16 In the sameway, as noted above, Greece forms part of Felix Bonfils'Terre Sainte. The paradox is that Greece is neither assimilatedinto Christian Europe nor portrayed in itsOrthodox reality. Instead it is liminal, identified as ahybrid that combines the best of paganism with earlyChristianity.Greece was unusual in other ways as well. Dr. Johnsonhad declared "a man who has not been in Italy is alwaysconscious of an inferiority, from his not having seenwhat it is expected a man should see." 17Unlike Italy,however, Greece had never become a requisite stop onthe Grand Tour. A small but telling sign of the initialdominance of Rome over Greece in the Western Europeanperception of the ancient world is the fact that, atleast for the British and the French, the names of theOlympian gods were always Latinized: Athena's Parthenonis the temple of Minerva, Zeus Olympios isJupiter, Ares is Mars, Demeter is Ceres, and so on.More importantly, much of Western Europe's contactwith classical antiquity had sprung from the use of classicalcanons in buildings like Palladian villas or the greatpublic edifices in major cities. Students of architecture,such as the winners of the Prix de Rome, went to Italyfor their classical models. Greece was too far away andtoo wild. 1 8It is true enough that in the early part of thenineteenth century, travel in the Aegean was more hazardousthan in other parts of Europe. In 1812, WilliamGell, a member of the Society of Dilettanti, wrote tothe secretary of the society that he and his companionwished to make the voyage from Athens to Turkey butwere forced to postpone their trip because of the threatfrom pirates and privateers. 19Even after such dangershad abated, some uncertainty lingered on. Althoughthe Prix de Rome had been in existence since beforethe French Revolution, it was not until 1845 that a winnerwas permitted to go to Greece. The Ecole Franchised'Athenes was founded in 1846, yet it was almostthirty years before its students were allowed to investigateany sites outside the city itself. Gradually, though,from the 1820s on Greece did overtake Rome, and itsattraction was made manifest by the large number ofpainters, architects, and photographers who chose towork there. 20Henry Cook, a painter and writer, traveled throughGreece in 1849/50 recording his impressions in a seriesof short articles. 21He reports that seeing the monumentsinspired two feelings of almost equal power, "thefirst, an overwhelming impression of beauty and grandeur,the other (succeeding immediately), a sense ofutter and irrepressible sadness." 22The monuments thusbecame part of the sublime, inspiring philosophical orsentimental reflection on the depredations of time.Here, in the direct tradition of Romantic philhellenism,we find the sense of the ruins as evocative survivals ofthe "classical." Byron had expressed the same feelingsin "The Giaour" (1813): "Such is the aspect of this shore;/'Tis Greece, but living Greece no more!.../ Shrine of themighty! can it be,/ That this is all remains of thee?" 23ethnographic studies from Turkey and unpopulated views of theGreek monuments. This is not to say that there were no genre scenesmade in Greece—many are reproduced in a recent catalogue from theBenaki Museum, Athens 1839-1900—A Photographic Record (Athens,1985)—but they do not seem to have interested the typical westerntraveler. The Shaw album is in the collection of Daniel Wolf, and I amgrateful to him for having given me the opportunity to examine it.16. This is a portfolio of views selected from the larger series calledFriths Europe and the East: Photo Pictures (Reigate, n.d.); in the portfolioeach picture is captioned with a biblical verse.17. James Boswell, Life of Samuel Johnson LL.D, ed. C. Shorter(New York, 1922), vol. 5, pp. 63-64.18. It was thought of as "an exotic Oriental country, which presentedphysical danger and sensual seduction better avoided by theserious student"; see The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, Ecole NationaleSuperieure des Beaux-Arts, Paris, et al., Paris-Rome-Athens:Travels in Greece by French Architects in the Nineteenth and TwentiethCenturies, ex. cat. (Houston, 1982), p. xviii. I owe to this publicationall my information about the French studies in Greece. See also theMost of the photographs from Athens are generalviews rather than fragments, whole buildings ratherthan architectural or sculptural details, possibly becausethey were meant for the armchair traveler rather thanthe specialist. 24While photographers could emphasizeeither the archaeological or the picturesque, all thosewho made architectural views in Greece were aware thatthey were dealing with the scantiest remnants of whathad actually existed. The comparison was drawn bereviewby Bernard Knox, "Visions of the Grand Prize," New YorkReview of Books 31, no. 14 (1984), pp. 21-28.19. The letter is in the Archives of the History of Art of the GettyCenter for the History of Art and the Humanities (#840199).20. Turner (supra, note 1) discusses the reasons behind the shift ininterest from Rome to Greece and ascribes it to the combination of asearch for new cultural patterns, the influence of the new Germanphilology—which revolutionized the understanding of the ancientworld—and "the stirring of liberal democracy that began with theAmerican Revolution" (p. 3).21. "The Present State of the Monuments of Greece," The ArtJournal 13 (1851), pp. 130-132, 187-188, 228-229.22. Ibid., p. 131.23. "The Giaour: A Fragment of a Turkish Tale," The Works of LordByron, ed. E. H. Coleridge (New York, 1904), vol. 3, pp. 90-91, lines90—91, 106—107. Tsigakou (supra, note 7), p. 41, reproduces a watercolorof 1822 by Turner, which uses Byron's lines as an epigraph.24. A very different approach is exemplified by the work of AugusteSalzmann, who photographed in Jerusalem in the early 1850s

128 Szegedy-MaszakFigure 1. The Parthenon in Athens, 1842. Aquatint byFrederic Martens from a daguerreotype.H: 15 cm (5 7 / 8") ;W: 20.3 cm (7 15 /i 6"). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum 84.XB.U87.24.Figure 2. The Acropolis in Athens, 1842. Aquatint byA. Appert from a daguerreotype. H: 14.1 cm(5 9 /i 6") ;W: 19.2 cm (7 9 A 6"). Malibu, TheJ. Paul Getty Museum 84.XB.U87.23.tween the physical ruins and the fact that we have only afraction of ancient literary production. 25The pictures,therefore, serve both to preserve the treasures that surviveand to elegize vanished glories. In the note accompanyingthe view of the Parthenon in Excursions daguerriennes(fig. 1), Joly de Lotbiniere gives voice to thepride and excitement aroused by the new invention:"This view was made in the autumn of 1839; I mentionthis fact because it was the first time the image of theParthenon was fixed on a plate by Daguerre's brilliantinvention, and because each year can bring new changesin the appearance of these famous ruins." De Lotbinierementions the damages the building had sustained, modernefforts to restore it, and then significantly links thearchaeologists (and by implication, the photographers)to the ancient Greeks: "What glory, what pleasure, forthe one who can bring back this work, the masterpieceof Pheidias, of Pericles; his name would thus be joinedto theirs." From this perspective, even overall views of,for example, the Acropolis, can themselves be seen assynecdochic fragments of some larger entity, the "Antique."26Like their literary counterparts, both the ruinsand the photographs reflect the entire social and artisticcomplex within which they were created.Another powerful impetus behind this kind of photographywas the medium's struggle to establish itselfas a legitimate expression of high culture. It had to escapethe stigma of being, in Peter Galassi's memorablephrase, "a bastard left by science on the doorstep ofart." 27 By photographing the acknowledged masterpiecesof the western tradition, photographers stakeda claim for themselves within that tradition and confirmedthe seriousness of their own activity.In spite of, or perhaps because of, their ostensiblesuperiority as literal documents, the photographs—likethe drawings and paintings that preceded them—weremade under the spell of the ancient texts. Photographsoffered a new opportunity to gratify the desire for firsthandexperience of the places that had been immortalizedin the masterpieces of classical literature. 28Likeand shortly afterward published two large selections of architecturalstudies. As noted in the study by Jammes and Janis, "Salzmannsphotographs of details are selectively arranged like collages of masonry,architectural ornament and shadow which defy reference to alarger context" (supra, note 9), pp. 246—248. See also Richard Bretellet al., Paper and Light: The Calotype in France and Great Britain1839-1870 (Boston, 1984), pp. 168-172.25. Commenting on the views of antiquities made by Eugene Piot,the critic Philippe Burty wrote that they were "Comme ces lambeauxde manuscrit dont nous retrouvons par hasard une scene, un monologue,un choeur interrompu au vers le plus pathetique." (Like thosescraps of manuscript in which we chance to find a scene, a monologue,a chorus, cut off at the most touching verse.) "Exposition de laSociete franchise de Photographie," Gazette des beaux arts 1, no. 2(1859), p. 217.26. Peter Galassi has commented that "the sense of a picture as adetail, carved from a greater, more complex whole, is a characteristic,original feature of nineteenth-century art. Perhaps most symptomaticis the phenomenon of close variant views of the same site." See PeterGalassi, Before Photography: Painting and the Invention of Photography(New York, 1981), p. 26.27. Ibid., p. 12.28. Tsigakou comments, "European artists and their clients sharedthe belief that certain places which had been dignified by past glorypossessed such powers of suggestion that their successful depictioncould stimulate the imagination and make more vivid the impressionof what had happened there" (supra, note 7), p. 27. See also TimothyWebb, English Romantic Hellenism 1720-1824 (Manchester, 1982), es-

True Illusions 129de Lotbiniere, Paul de La Garenne wrote an essay forExcursions daguerriennes, in conjunction with the longview of the Acropolis (fig. 2): "When I open the historyof Athens in the time of Pericles, the most brilliantspectacle unfolds before my eyes: the whole city is fullor orators, artists, renowned warriors." Likewise, it wasbelieved that one could not, for example, thoroughlyunderstand Homer until one had stood on the plainoutside Troy, for, in the words of Robert Wood, "theIliad has new beauty on the banks of the Scamander." 29In their absorption in all things Greek, the photographersand their audience seem to have been little troubledby the difference between history and mythologyThe locations made famous in epic and tragedy sharedan appeal equal to those of ancient military campaignsor political debates as subjects of photographs. Delphi,Mycenae, Corinth, Argos, and, of course, Athens wereall depicted by numerous photographers both foreignand domestic. 30Indeed an allusion to the greatness oftimes past occasionally compensates for some mediocreimagery. In the world of Victorian photography, andeven for us today, an undistinguished seascape takes onnew resonance with the information that it is Salamis,and a dull picture of an empty field is transformed intoa telling cultural and historical document with the simplecaption "Marathon." 31Included in the Getty collection is a splendid copy ofLerebours' Excursions daguerriennes. The daguerreotypists'original plates have long since disappeared, yetone gets a sense of "photographic seeing," particularlyin the view of the Parthenon, which includes a decidedlynon-classical shed directly in front of the temple(fig. 1). In many of the other pictures in the book,Lerebours' craftsmen added figures when copying thedaguerreotypes and translating them into engravings,yet there are no such additions in any of the picturesfrom Athens.In fact, the whole issue of the inclusion of peoplein nineteenth-century landscape photographs deservesmore attention. The standard explanations that they aremeant to recall the conventions of painting or to indicatescale seem true but insufficient. A more expansiveinterpretation has to take into account the rhetoric ofphotography itself and its peculiar relation to the objectsit depicts. Although paintings by an artist likeGerφme, for example, contain a stunning amount ofdetail, the viewer is always aware that the scene depictedis a product of the imagination and the hand of theartist. There did not have to be an actual event thatcorresponded to the painted image. In the presence ofmost photographs, on the other hand, the viewer believesin the literal veracity of the rendering, or at leastin the existence "out there" of the objects recorded.Paintings and drawings, no matter how accurate, alwayshave the character of illustration, but photographs serveboth as illustration and as evidence. Although we havebecome less credulous about the factual status of thephotographic image, the nineteenth-century viewer didnot share such skepticism. 32All this has a particular point when photographs havebeen taken in a land as little known as Greece. When thefigures in a photograph were identifiably western andmiddle class (hence able to afford the expense of thetrip), their presence created a sense of identification onthe part of would-be travelers and promoted theacquisition of first-hand acquaintance with classicalculture. Figures in local costume were participating inanother kind of historical romance, one that bothemphasized cultural difference and privileged the mystiqueof continuity within change. In either case, thesites become stage sets, and the presence of actors issimultaneously provocative and reassuring. Withoutrobbing the land of its unusual qualities, photographsnonetheless domesticated it and conveyed the messagethat it was a safe place to go.In general the nineteenth-century photographs fromGreece tend to have fewer figures in them than viewsfrom Rome, the Holy Land, or elsewhere in the Mediterranean.Part of the reason, as discussed above, is thatcontemporary Greeks were not thought to be as exoticpecially pp. 1—6.29. The Ruins of Palmyra (London, 1753), preface, unpaginated. Theremark is quoted by Jenkyns (supra, note 1), p. 7. Jenkyns' silence onthe topic of photography is all the more difficult to understand inview of his compelling account of the importance accorded by theVictorians to seeing the original sites connected with Greek literature.30. Among the earliest photographers in Greece were the daguerreotypists included in Lerebours' Excursions daguerriennes(1840—1842) and Baron Gros (1850). Early calotypists included GeorgeBridges (1850), Alfred Normand (1851), Eugene Piot (1851-1852),Jean Walther (1851), and Claudius Wheelhouse (1850-1851). See GaryEdwards, "Foreign Photographers in Greece," in the Benaki Museumcatalogue (supra, note 15), pp. 16—24.31. G. Charvet makes explicit this function of the photographs inhis preface to Bonfils' Souvenirs d'Orient: "Le philosophe et le penseurvoudront eux-memes se recueillir devant ces vieux temoins des agesecoules qui racontent l'histoire mieux que l'histoire elle-meme." (Thephilosopher and the intellectual will wish to stop and reflect beforethese old traces of vanished ages, which relate history better thanhistory itself.) Photographs of Salamis and Marathon are included inthe Shaw album (supra, note 15).32. Again we may cite Charvet's remarks on Bonfils (cf note 31):"Devant ces tableaux prestigieux, l'illusion est complete, et Toncroirait se trouver en presence de la nature elle-meme, tellement 1'artistea su mettre d'intelligence et de go٧t au service de son art."(Before these illustrious pictures, the illusion is complete; one couldbelieve that one was in the presence of nature herself, so well has theartist put intelligence and taste in the service of his art.)

130 Szegedy-Maszakas the inhabitants of the Near East. In addition, thecultural importance of the Greek monuments gave riseto a kind of deference, or even reverence. It is as if thephotographers wished to present the classical ruins asrelatively free from intrusion by the modern world.To summarize, photography played two seeminglycontradictory but actually complementary roles in makingGreece more accessible to the world. It affordedvicarious gratification of the need to see extraordinaryplaces and at the same time encouraged travel to thosevery places. Of course, photographs also came to serveas the most common trophies and souvenirs of thevoyage. The medium that began by promising the remarkableeventually brought its subjects into the realmof the ordinary."unitary" views, that is, of an entire building or at leastan entire side. Moreover, there was a fairly restrictedcanon of buildings and even of views of these buildings.The earliest photographic views of the "ruins ofAthens" are the same as those of Spon and Wheler, andthe set does not change appreciably for the next quartercentury. 37An excellent example is afforded by the templeof Zeus Olympios, almost always shot from the eastso as to emphasize the enormous height of its columnsand highlight the Acropolis hovering behind it. Suchconventions were established as early as the Excursionsdaguerriennes (fig. 2). Some of them were "self-evident,"while others were borrowed from painting. 38We mightcompare this with the impulse of nineteenth-centurylandscape photography in the United States, wherethere was, for example, a universally accepted "bestgeneral view" of Yosemite. 39It is worth repeating that the early photographers ofGreece were heirs to a long pictorial tradition. JacobSpon, a French physician, and George Wheler, a Britishnaturalist, made a tour through Italy, Greece, and theLevant in the mid-1670s. In 1678 Spon published an accountof their journey illustrated with engravings madeon the basis of his own drawings. 33When the two menwere in Athens in 1676, they saw the Acropolis withthe Propylaea, Erechtheion, Parthenon, and temple ofAthena Nike; the Theseion; 34the choregic monumentof Lysicrates; the Tower of the Winds; and the Arch ofHadrian. Marie-Christine Hellmann and Philippe Fraicsenote: "Along with Philopappos's Monument, thisgroup of buildings formed, at the time, 'the ruins ofAthens,' without any clear distinction being made betweenthe Greek and Roman periods." 35The nineteenth-centuryaudience identified ancient architecturesolely with the public and monumental, and the Acropolis—withsome allowance for the Olympeion, theTheseion, and one or two other sites—was believed torepresent the pinnacle of the Greek accomplishment. 36As noted above, most of the photographic images areFelix Bonfils and William James Stillman were workinglargely in the two decades from 1860 to 1880, whenphotography had reached its maturity, and their picturesexhibit almost all the features that have been describedearlier. Bonfils was born in France on March 6, 1831. In1866 he moved to Beirut and established a photographystudio, specializing in architectural and ethnographicviews of the Middle East. 40Later, he was joined by hisson, Adrien, who continued the operation after hisfather's retirement in 1878. Their oeuvre representscommercial work of high quality and is thus a valuableindicator for popular taste of the time.Felix Bonfils published two albums, five yearsapart, that included views of Athens: Architecture Antique(1872—eight photographs of Athens) and Souvenirsd'Orient (his last work, 1877—ten photographs ofAthens). 41Both sets are more or less standard collectionsof professionally made travel scenes, although presentedin the form of lavish folio volumes with nearimperialsize plates. Once again we see the power of thecanon; both sets contain views of the Parthenon, theErechtheion (two each, one a more general depiction33. Jacob Spon, Voyage dTtalie, de Dalmatie, de Grece et du Levant(Lyons, 1678). Tsigakou remarks that "Spon and Wheler were, in fact,the first travellers to write about Greece in a way that combinedscholarship with accurate observation" (supra, note 7), p. 18, see alsop. 192, and Osborn (supra, note 6), and David Constantine, EarlyGreek Travellers and the Hellenic Ideal (Cambridge, 1984), especiallypp. 7-33.34. This is the nineteenth-century name for the temple overlookingthe west side of the Athenian Agora. Scholars now unanimouslyidentify it as a temple of Hephaistos and call it the Hephaisteion. Inthis paper I will use the older appellation because that is how itappears in the photographers' captions. On the controversy, see R. E.Wycherley, The Stones of Athens (Princeton, 1978), pp. 68, 97.35. Paris-Rome-Athens catalogue (supra, note 18), p. 25.36. "The Athenian Acropolis and its different buildings [were]thought to contain the very essence of Greek architecture." Ibid.,p. 34.37. Among the pictures in the Getty collection there are threeviews attributed to P. Margaritis, a local Athenian photographer.There is a general view of the Acropolis from the south, a frontalstudy of the temple of Athena Nike, and the interior (east) side of thePropylaea with the Venetian tower beyond. Interestingly, there isnothing within the images themselves that would identify theirmaker as Greek. I began this study with the impression that theremight be discernible variations in the "national character" of theviews by photographers from different countries. Now, however, itseems to me that the canon was strong enough to override any suchvariations that might have existed.38. Henry Cook (cf. note 21) painted Athens from the road toEleusis and described this view as giving "perhaps the most beautiful

True Illusions 131Figure 3. Felix Bonfils (French, 1831-1885). The ParthenonAs Seen from the Propylaea—Athens, circa1872. Albumen print. H: 22.5 cm (87s"); W:29.2 cm (1IV2"). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 84.XM.422.37.Figure 4. Felix Bonfils (French, 1831-1885). Greece: TheParthenon in Athens, circa 1877. Albumen print.H: 23.1 cm (9V 8"); W: 28.4 cm (llW). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum 84.XO.1167.41.and the other a close-up of the caryatids), the Theseion,the theater of Dionysus, and the choregic monument ofLysicrates. Bonfils, however, did not reuse his old negativesbut made new pictures for each site, and so we areprovided with a revealing glimpse into the developmentof his working methods.Sometimes the differences are minor. For example,the views of the Theseion are taken from slightly differentangles, with the later one including somewhatmore of the surrounding landscape. The Parthenon isseen from almost exactly the same vantage point inboth versions, but the foreground of the later picture isoccupied by an assortment of architectural and sculpturalfragments uncovered by recent excavations (figs. 3,4). In the first study of the theater of Dionysus (fig. 5),Bonfils is at ground level, so that the picture becomesalmost an abstract study of the curving rows of seatswith a young boy placed in the front row as a samplespectator. In reworking this view (fig. 6), Bonfils moveshis camera up into the seating area and makes the centralelement of the picture the shed erected in the middleof the orchestra to house the workmen's tools. Thespectator is still included, but his presence is now muchless important as a pictorial element.Perhaps even more striking is Bonfils' reinterpretationof the Erechtheion. As noted above, both albumscontain two views of this edifice, one more general andthe other a close-up. In Architecture Antique, however,the general view contains only a bit of the south walland the famous caryatid porch (fig. 7). In Souvenirsd'Orient, the general view is taken from the west, completelydownplaying the caryatids and emphasizingthe Erechtheion's blend of heterogeneous elements(fig. 8). 42This later photograph makes more demandsas well as the most explanatory idea of the position of the Acropolis."Quoted in Tsigakou (supra, note 7), p. 120.39. The Shaw album contains several Athenian views, possibly bythe firm of Constantin, which are identified by numbers on the negative.The Getty Museum owns another travel album (84.XA.1499) thatalso has scenes from Athens of a much lower quality both artisticallyand technically (see supra, note 15). Curiously, several of the viewsfrom the Getty album are of the same sites, taken from the sameangle, and marked with the same numbers as their counterparts in theShaw album, although they are unmistakably from different negatives.I assume that, like Bonfils (supra, note 3), the photographermade both "deluxe" and "economy" versions of his images. It is alsopossible that a less-skilled photographer got hold of the Constantincatalogue and produced his own pictures, perhaps to sell at a lowerprice. No matter what the motive, this illustrates again that there wasa limited scope for what was considered acceptable or desirable inscenes from Athens.40. See Ritchie Thomas, "Bonfils and Son, Egypt, Greece and theLevant: 1867-1894," History of Photography 3, no. 1 (1979), pp. 33-46,with correspondence from Paul Chevedden, History of Photography 5,no. 1 (1981), p. 82. See also Carney E. S. Gavin, The Image of the East:Nineteenth Century Near Eastern Photographs by Bonfils from the Collectionof the Harvard Semitic Museum (Chicago, 1982).41. See supra, note 3.42. The Erechtheion was home to a number of very old cults, andit incorporated several different structures from different periods. Itswestern end has been described by R. E. Wycherley as a "peculiar andill-balanced conglomeration" (supra, note 34), p. 147.

132 Szegedy-MaszakFigure 5. Felix Bonfils (French, 1831—1885). Interior ofthe Theater of Bacchus—Athens, circa 1872. Albumenprint. H: 22 cm (8 5 /s"); W: 28 cm(UVie"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84.XM.422.42.Figure 6. Felix Bonfils (French, 1831—1885). Greece:Temple [Theater] of Bacchus in Athens, circa1877. Albumen print. H: 23.1 cm (W); W:28.6 cm (ll 1 //). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 84.XO.1167.45.on the viewer's concentration, and although less immediatelyappealing than its predecessor, it is more informativeabout the actual structure. In fact, most of thepictures from the later series are both more complexvisually and evince a more developed interest in thearchaeological, as opposed to the picturesque, details ofthe buildings. It is as if the self-described souvenirs arenow directed at a more sophisticated audience that canappreciate a more austere and scholarly approach to thesites. In the mid-1870s a major campaign of excavationon the Acropolis and its environs began under the sponsorshipof the Greek Archaeological Society, and it istempting to see Bonfils' re-vision as at least in part aresponse to the new discoveries.Bonfils' work consistently shows visual intelligenceand technical skill. As a commercial photographer, hehad to be attuned to the requirements of his clients andadept at providing images that would satisfy them. Wemust also remember that he sold most of his picturesthrough catalogues, from which his clients would maketheir choice by number on the basis of a cursory descriptionalong the lines of "Parthenon, West Face." Asa result, he had to limit his views to those that weremost canonical and keep his approach determinedlyneutral. He remains outside the buildings he is pho-tographing, and he is almost always at a middle distancethat gives some sense of the location and allows forcorrect perspective. His method seems to embody thedisinterested impartiality that the early partisans ofphotography had proclaimed as its chief virtue. Theapparent absence of interpretation, however, in itselfindicates what he was trying to accomplish. His picturesare not intended to be personal revelations butdocuments accessible to a broad audience. His photographsare visual corollaries of the standard guidebooksof the time. The buyer of a Bonfils print couldbe confident of receiving the most widely acceptedversion of whatever view he had chosen. Those wealthyenough to afford an album got collections that wouldallow them to feel that they possessed a representativeimage of any subject that deserved their attention,whether the rubric was "Ancient Architecture" or "Memoriesof the Orient."Bonfils' photography is a public art. In Athens, it isdirected at the public face of the ancient Greeks and thetimeless perfection of their architecture. Given all theseconstraints, it is all the more impressive that he strove tokeep his images fresh. As pointed out above, he did notsimply keep reprinting old negatives but returned to thesites to revise his view, sometimes radically. A skeptic43. By contrast, Francis Frith (supra, note 16) regularly repackagedhis pictures in different combinations and with different titles for thevarious collections.44. By the end of the century, the Bonfils atelier received a laudatorynote in the Baedeker guide to the region: "good photographs, alarge stock." Their catalogue at the time offered, among other things,a choice of more than three hundred "costumes, scenes and typesfrom Egypt, Palestine, and Syria." This information is from Thomas(supra, note 40), p. 41.45. The details of Stillman s life are recounted in his Autobiography

True Illusions 133Figure 7. Felix Bonfils (French, 1831-1885). Caryatidsfrom the Temple of the Erechtheion—Athens, circa1872. Albumen print. H: 22.4 cm (8 13 /i 6"); W:28.9 cm (11W). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 84.XM.422.38.Figure 8. Felix Bonfils (French, 1831-1885). Greece:Temple of the Erechtheion in Athens, circa 1877.Albumen print. H: 23.2 cm (9V 8"); W: 28.5 cm(117i6"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84.XO.1167.42.might suggest that this is just a response to the public 'sdemand for novelty, while a cynic could call it a photographer'sversion of planned obsolescence. Since Bonfilsmade his living from selling photographs, commercialconsiderations must have played some part in hisdecision to make new pictures of old sites, but they arenot enough to justify all the expense and effort involved.43Rather, his revisions, like his self-effacement,are another sign of the conscientiousness that informsall his work. In their own time the pictures were highlyregarded, 44and taken on their own terms, they are stillsuccessful today.William James Stillman was born in Schenectady in1828 and educated there at Union College. 45 After graduationhe went to study painting in England, wherehe became friendly with Ruskin. He returned to theUnited States and in 1855 he founded The Crayon,the first serious American journal of the arts, forwhich he served as editor during the first year of publication.46Shortly afterward, while recovering from anillness, he learned the basics of photography. Stillmanthen embarked on a career as a diplomat and in 1862 becameAmerican consul in Rome. Three years later, hewas posted to Crete, again as American consul, but hissupport for the Cretan rebellion against Turkish rule madehim persona non grata with the local authorities and finallyled him to take a leave of absence—which provedto be permanent—and move to Athens in 1868. Oncethere, as he notes in his autobiography, he set aboutphotographing the ruins of Athens; he had "everythingnecessary to correct architectural work," and moreover"the ruins . . . had never been treated intelligently bythe local photographers." 47This was a grim time for Stillman. His wife, Laura,had been growing increasingly despondent, first becauseof the trials of living in war-torn Crete and thenbecause of a debilitating illness that had struck theirson, Russie. Shortly after their arrival in Athens, shecommitted suicide. The pain of her death, anxiety aboutthe health of his son, and an increasingly desperatelack of money led Stillman to the edge of a breakdown:"I was myself nearly prostrated mentally and physically,and unfit for anything but my photography." 48Stillman's life is indissolubly linked to his art, anddespite his own assertions of improved accuracy, thereal importance of his views of the Acropolis lies in thevivid personal vision he imposed on his material. Forhim, photographing the antiquities of Athens was aprocess that encompassed the exorcism of his wife's suicide,the hope—not trivial—of alleviating his financialof a Journalist (Boston, 1901). See also Richard Pare, Photography andArchitecture 1839-1939 (Montreal, 1982), pp. 241-242.46. See Elizabeth Lindquist-Cock, "Stillman, Ruskin, and Rossetti:The Struggle between Nature and Art," History of Photography 3,no. 1 (1979), pp. 1-14.47. Stillman (supra, note 45), p. 454.48. Ibid., p. 457.

134 Szegedy-MaszakFigure 9. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Ancient Gate of the Acropolis (detail oftitle page), 1869. Carbon print. H: 14.5 cm(5 n he"); W: 14.4 cm (5 n /i6"). Malibu, The J.Paul Getty Museum 84.X0.766.4.1.Figure 10. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). View of the Acropolis from the MusaeumHill, 1869. Carbon print. H: 18.5 cm (7 5 A 6");W: 23.5 cm (9 l U"). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 84.X0.766.4.2.worries, and a celebration of Hellenic independence.While there is no way to gauge the therapeutic aspect ofhis activity, his life did eventually become more stable.He met and later married Marie Spartali, a woman ofGreek ancestry, with whom he lived happily until hisdeath in 1901. 49As for the financial rewards, the albumof twenty-five views, 50dedicated to the family of hiswife-to-be, yielded him a profit of about one thousanddollars, the equivalent of a year's consular salary. 51Figure 11. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). The Acropolis with the Theatre of Bacchus,1869. Carbon print. H: 19 cm (7V 2"); W: 23.7cm (97i6"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84.X0.766.4.3.The album is called The Acropolis of Athens: IllustratedPicturesquely and Architecturally in Photography; both adverbsare significant as indicators of Stillman's intention.In a brief preface he strikes the note of documentaryprecision that has already been mentioned: "Thenegatives from which the following Autotypes havebeen printed have been, with one exception, left untouched... so that nothing should injure the outlinesor diminish the Architectural, accuracy of the views." 52He also says that while photographing the buildings, hetried whenever possible to stand so that the viewswould be completely frontal and symmetrical. Suchcomments, combined with references to technical data,49. Spartali modeled for several of the pre-Raphaelite painters, aswell as for the photographer Julia-Margaret Cameron; see Lindquist-Cock (supra, note 46), pp. 12—14.50. See supra, note 4.51. Stillman (supra, note 45), p. 465.52. The Getty's album is a presentation copy signed by Stillman,and this phrase has been emended in his hand to "with four exceptions."

True Illusions 13!such as his use of Dallmeyer's rectilinear lenses, createan atmosphere of scientific objectivity. We might be led,therefore, to expect a systematic, or even schematic,treatment of the site. Instead, we find ourselves in thehands of a brilliantly idiosyncratic tour guide, both expertand passionate about his material. Stillmans albumdoes not conform to standard nineteenth-century practice,either architectural or archaeological. 53His conceptiondepends almost as much on the sequence of imagesas on their individual content, as the visual arrangementmoves back and forth between far and near, inside andoutside, high and low. To do full justice to his ideas, it isnecessary to go through the album plate by plate. Forthe purposes of this essay it will suffice to concentrateon two of the most important subsets, the introductionand the studies of the Parthenon, and demonstrate howthey fit into the larger pattern.The first plate, located on the title page, shows theAncient Gate of the Acropolis, through which we enter tobegin our exploration of the site (fig. 9). Stillman takescare to show that, for all its venerability, the Acropolisis not a static diorama from a museum of cultural history.The first full-size picture establishes its presence asa dominant feature in a living landscape, even when itsstructures are almost invisible (fig. 10). The captionspecifies that this long view is taken from the Hill of theMuses, and the subtle but unmistakable insistence onartistry is continued with the next image. We suddenlyfind ourselves in the theater of Dionysus, which is cutinto the south slope of the Acropolis (fig. 11). The theatricalityof the setting is highlighted by the statue inthe extreme right foreground. This sculpture wasdoubtless put where it stands at Stillmans behest, and itfunctions as a substitute for the conventional figure in alandscape and for all spectators past and present.After passing through the Propylaea, Stillmans firstview of the Parthenon is completely frontal, recallingboth the more conventional pictures of contemporarieslike Bonfils and his own claims to greater accuracy (fig.12). We might expect him to provide a matching viewfrom the east end or possibly a tour around the otherthree sides, but he is not bound by such mechanicalnotions of symmetry. The next plate is a dramatic perspectivalstudy of the western portico (fig. 13). UnlikeFigure 12. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Western Facade of the Parthenon, 1869.Carbon print. H: 17.9 cm (7Vi 6"); W: 23.1 cm(97i6"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84.XO.766.4.10.53. For example, in the early 1860s the gifted French photographerEdouard-Denis Baldus documented the rebuilding of the Louvre andthe Tuilleries. He went seriatim from pavilion to pavilion. With unfailingregularity, each section of his monumental album begins witha general view, proceeds to a series of closer views from roof level toground level, and ends with a systematic presentation of the decorativeand sculptural programs.Figure 13. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Western Portico of the Parthenon, 1869.Carbon print. H: 24.2 cm (9 9 /i 6"); W: 19.1 cm(7V 2"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84. XO.766.4.11.

136 Szegedy-MaszakFigure 14. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Western Portico of the Parthenon, fromAbove, Showing the Frieze in Its Original Position,1869. Carbon print. H: 18.9 cm (7Vie");W: 23.4 cm (9 3 /i 6"). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 84.XO.766.413.Figure 15. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). View Taken from the Same Point asNo. 12 [fig. 14] and Looking Eastward over theRuin of the Parthenon, 1869. Carbon print. H:17.7 cm (6 15 /i 6"); W: 23.5 cm (9V 4"). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum 84.XO.766.414.Bonfils and most other photographers of the time, Stillmanhas gone inside the Parthenon, and this imagemakes explicit the album's political agenda: "The namesscratched on the columns are those of Philhellenes, whofought here in the war of Greek independence." 54HereStillman's earlier support of the Cretan uprising againstOttoman rule finds a complex double reflection in thepalimpsest created by the grafitti on the ancient marble.Despite the aforementioned stance of correctness andobjectivity, his album is an allegory whose hero is theGreek spirit, specifically in its artistic and political manifestations.Stillman presents the buildings and theirdecorative elements iconographically to express what hesaw as the Hellenic ideal. This would serve, at leastin part, to explain the oscillation between long viewand detail as well as the startling novelty of some ofthe visualizations.Not content with the usual pedestrian point of view,Stillman took his camera up to the very top of theParthenon to capture the last bits of the frieze in situ(fig. 14). This long sculpture in high relief depicted thegreat Panathenaic procession—in which all residents ofthe city took part—and thereby celebrated Atheniancivic unity. 55In the context of the album, it is anotherFigure 16. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Eastern Portico of the Parthenon, ViewLooking Northward, 1869. Carbon print. H:24.2 cm (9V 2") ;W: 18.4 cm (7 1 //). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum 84.XO.766.416.54. This is Stillman's own caption. The abbreviation Philh[elle]ne isclearly visible inscribed under the signature of one Blondel. Given thedifficulty of the exposure, Stillman might have retouched the negativeto make the grafitti more vivid.55. See Martin Robertson and Alison Frantz, The Parthenon Frieze

True Illusions 137Figure 17. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Eastern Facade, or Front, of the Parthenon,1869. Carbon print. H: 18.5 cm (7 5 /i 6"); W: 24cm (97i6"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84.X0.766.4.17.Figure 18. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Profile of the Eastern Facade, Showing theCurvature of the Stylobate, 1869. Carbon print.H: 18.4 cm (7 1 //); W: 23.7 cm (9W). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum 84.X0.766.4.18.example of the Greeks' ability to blend the aesthetic andthe political. Having climbed to the top of the Parthenon,Stillman also took note of the practical problemsinvolved in the production of the frieze, and thenext plate is a dizzying view of the panorama the originalcraftsmen would have seen (fig. 15). When he returnsto the ground, it is to find an unknown man—thismight be a self-portrait 56 —within the eastern portico(fig. 16). In an unusual gesture, the man is turned awayfrom the camera, and his posture is studiedly introspectiveunder the column drum that seems so precariouslybalanced above him. Stillman seems to have placed specialimportance on this image, since it is the only picturein the album to include a figure in western dress, aswell as the only one to be cropped with an arched top.Such features support the suggestion that it is a portraitof the artist.There follows yet another example of oscillation; thenext shot is the long-postponed, yet unexceptional,frontal view of the eastern facade (fig. 17). The penultimateview of the Parthenon is quite literally at groundlevel (fig. 18). It is accompanied by an erudite captionexplaining the architectural refinements of the stonecourses, 57but the picture's visual components belie, orFigure 19. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). General View of the Summit of the Acropolis,from the Extreme Eastern Point, Showingthe Erectheum [Erechtheion] at the Right, 1869.Carbon print. H: 17.7 cm (6 15 /i 6") ;W: 24 cm(9 7 /i6"). Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum84.XO.7664.19.(Oxford, 1975). See also John Boardman and David Finn, The Parthenonand Its Sculpture (Austin, Tex., 1985).56. The suggestion is made in Pare (supra, note 45), p. 242.57. The following is excerpted from the caption: "Profile of theEastern facade showing the curvature of the stylobate. This system ofcurvature of the Greek temples . . . seems, taken in conjunction withthe diminution of the extreme intercolumniations of the facade ... toindicate, as its purpose, the exaggeration of. . . the apparent size ofthe building. It is common to the Greek temples of the best epoch."

138 Szegedy-MaszakFigure 20. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Figure of Victory, from the Temple ofVictory, High Relief, 1869. Carbon print. H:23.8 cm (9W); W: 18.3 cm (7 3 /i 6"). Malibu,The J. Paul Getty Museum 84.X0.766.4.25.at least qualify, its ostensible scientific purpose. As inthe earlier study of the theater of Dionysus, a piece ofsculpture—here a small square votive relief showing agroup of four men—has been placed in the scene to giveit some narrative content. On a much reduced scale, itrecalls the procession on the Parthenon frieze. Stillmanends his examination of Athena's temple by returning tothe eastern facade but from a much greater distance thanbefore (fig. 19). By using a second negative, the retouchinghe disclaimed in the preface, Stillman has filled thesky with lowering clouds that are more Ruskinian thanSophoclean. The dramatization of the site reaches itsclimax in this apotheosis of the Parthenon.There follow several studies of the Erechtheion, andfinally the last two images in the album depict details ofthe sculptural program: a winged victory from the parapetof Athena Nike, goddess of victory (fig. 20) and apanel from the Parthenon's Panathenaic frieze (fig. 21).With such an understated coda, Stillman returns toGreek art to summarize his themes of Hellenic triumphand democratic unity.The Acropolis of Athens is unique in several respects.Stillman is aware of the traditional documentary approachand sometimes adopts its style, but he also usesthe special properties of photography to convey his privatevision of what has been called "the Greek miracle."In its combination of the personal, the epic, and thescientific, Stillman's work goes far beyond the conventionalarchitectural photography of his time. Itembodies both Romantic philhellenism and the nineteenth-centuryoptimism that allied the moderns withthe ancients in a bond of enlightened understanding.In their different ways, the works of Stillman andBonfils mark the end of the most creative period in thephotography of classical sites in Athens. 58Explorationand discovery were being transformed into somethingmore routine. In photography, the field was left tothe many small local studios that had sprung up to servicethe growing tourist industry. To the extent that theytoo were in the business of supplying true illusions,they were the descendants and beneficiaries of theirpredecessors.Wesleyan UniversityMiddletown, Conn.Figure 21. William James Stillman (American, 1828—1901). Fragment of Frieze from the Parthenon,1869. Carbon print. H: 18.9 cm (7 7 /i6"); W:23.9 cm (9 7 /i6"). Malibu, The J. Paul GettyMuseum 84.X0.766.4.26.58. See Gary Edwards in the Benaki Museum catalogue (supra,note 15), pp. 23-24.

Die Bathseba des Giovanni BolognaHerbert KeutnerIm Jahre 1970 hat Gunnar W. Lundberg die damals imSchloί Akerφ befindliche, selbst in Schweden nur lokalbekannte Marmorfigur einer Bathseba erstmals der kunsthistorischenΦffentlichkeit vorgestellt (Abb. 1). AlterenInventaren folgend betrachtete er die heute imJ. Paul Getty Museum (Abb. 2; Inv. 82.SA.37) aufbewahrteStatue als eine Schφpfung des Giovanni Bologna. 1Eine Diskussion ٧ber das Werk brachte CharlesAvery in Gang, indem er im Jahre 1978 einen seit langemunbeachteten Wachsbozzetto einer Frau, auf einemBaumstumpf sitzend, ohne Kopf und Arme in die Giambologna—Ausstellungeinbezog und die kleine Figurmit vorgeneigtem Oberkφrper und hochgestelltem linkenBein im Katalogtext mit guten Gr٧nden als eineStudie zu dem Marmorwerk in Schweden in Erwδgungzog. 2Zu der Statue selbst schrieb er, daί in ihr eine vonzwei bisher verschollenen, von Raffaello Borghini imJahre 1584 erwδhnten Werken des Bildhauers erhaltensein kφnnte: entweder eine Galathea, die sein MδzenBernardo Vecchietti an einen ungenannten Empfδngerin Deutschland gesandt hatte, oder eine Sitzende, weiblicheFigur ohne Namen, die die Medici dem Herzogvon Bayern geschenkt hatten. 3F٧nf Jahre spδter hat Avery in einer reich illustriertenAbhandlung die ٧berlieferte Attribution der Figurdurch eine sorgfδltige Beschreibung, durch Hinweiseauf die besonderen Merkmale ihrer Komposition undAusarbeitung in ٧berzeugender Weise bestδtigt. 4Erhat die Besitz Verhδltnisse und Schicksale des Werkesin Schweden weitgehend klδren und ihre Herkunft ausDeutschland glaubhaft darlegen kφnnen. Das im Ausstellungskatalogschon aufgeworfene Problem aber,welche der beiden nach Deutschland gelangten Figuren—dieGalathea oder die namenlose Sitzende—mitder Bathseba f٧r das Oeuvre des Meisters zur٧ckgewon-nen sei, lieί er nach der Erwδgung beider Mφglichkeitennach wie vor offen. Da erst die Beantwortung dieserFrage erlaubt, dem neuen Werk seinen Platz innerhalbder k٧nstlerischen Entwicklung des Bildhauers zuzuweisen,greife ich sie noch einmal auf und beginne miteiner erneuten Interpretation der beiden Textstellen beiRaffaello Borghini.Die Lebensbeschreibung des Giovanni Bologna hatteBorghini mit einer kurzen Schilderung seiner Lehrzeitin Flandern, seiner rφmischen Studien und seiner erstenAuseinandersetzungmit der Florentiner Skulptur alsGast im Hause des Bernardo Vecchietti eingeleitet.Nachdem er die staunenswerte Fertigkeit des jungenBildhauers im Entwurf von Ton-und Wachsmodellenhervorgehoben hatte, verzeichnete er als sein erstes, inFlorenz geschaffenes Werk "una bellissima Venere," zuder ihm sein Gastgeber den Marmor beschafft habe. 5Nach einem Hinweis auf seine Teilnahme an derKonkurrenz um den Neptunbrunnenauf der Piazza dellaSignoria beschrieb er als zweites Werk: "Lavorφ unaGalatea di marmo d'altezza di due braccia e mezo, chefu da M, Bernardo mandata nella Lamagna." Als dritteFigur, ausgef٧hrt f٧r Lattantio Cortesi, nannte ersodann "un Bacco di bronzo di braccia quattro." Zu denEntstehungszeiten dieser drei Werke besitzen wir keinedokumentarischen Belege, doch nimmt man mit Rechtallgemein an,daί Giovanni Bologna diese Privatauftrδgein seinen ersten Florentiner Jahren zwischen1553—55 und 1560—61 ausgef٧hrt hat; vom Jahre1560—61 an, in dem ihn der Prinz Francesco de' Mediciin seinen persφnlichen Dienst genommen hatte, konnteer dergleichen Auftrδge bis auf weiteres nicht mehrannehmen. 6Zeitlich nach der um 1555—57 gemeiίelten1. G. W. Lundberg, "Nδgra bronser ur Carl Gustaf Tessinsskulptursamling," Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 39 (1970), 113-115, Abb. 11.Lundberg zitierte die ٧berlieferte Zuschreibung mit Vorbehalt, dochohne seine Bedenken zu erlδutern.2. C. Avery, Giambologna 1529-1608. Sculptor to the Medici, 1. Aufl.(Edinburgh-London, 1978), 233, Nr. 248 mit Abb., oder Giambologna1529-1608. Ein Wendepunkt der europäischen Plastik, 2. Aufl. (Edinburgh-London-Wien,1978), 308-09,. Nr. 248 mit Abb.3. R. Borghini, // Riposo (Firenze, 1584), 286-87.4. C. Avery, "Giambologna's 'Bathseba': An Early Marble StatueRediscovered," The Burlington Magazine125 (1983), 340-49.5. Uber diese nicht in Marmor sondern in Alabaster ausgef٧hrtekauernde Venus, die sog. Venus Vecchietti, siehe: Giambologna (Anm. 2),2. Aufl., 22 und 104, Nr. 23 mit Abb., sowie: H. Keutner, ''Giambologna.II Mercurio volante e altre opere giovanili," Lo specchio delBargello 17 (Firenze, 1984), 5-14.6. Spδtestens seit dem Fr٧hjahr 1560 stand Giovanni Bologna inDiensten des Prinzen Francesco, der ihm die Teilnahme an der 2.

140 KeutnerAbb. 1 Giovanni Bologna (ital., 1529—1608). Bathseba. Alte Aufstellung imTreppenhaus in Schloί Δkerφ, Schweden. Photo: mit freundlicherGenehmigung, Nordiska Museet, Stockholm.Venus (Coll. Sir William Pennington Ramsden, MuncasterCastle) und vor dem um 1559—61 gegossenen Bacchus(Florenz, Borgo San Jacopo) entstanden, wird erdie Galathea um 1557—59 geschaffen haben. 7Nach der Erwδhnung weiterer, in den 60er Jahrenvollendeter Werke, berichtete Borghini ٧ber die Marmorausf٧hrungder f٧nf Bracchien hohen Gruppe der"Firenze, che ha sotto un prigione" und fuhr in demselbenSatz fort: "e nel medesimo tempo (lavorφ) unaltra figura di marmo δ sedere della grandezza d'unafanciulla di sedici anni, la quale statua fu mandata alDuca di Baviera;" anschlieίend schrieb er ٧ber die Ausarbeitungder vier groίen Figuren f٧r den Okeanushrunnenim Boboligarten. 8Dem Vitenverfasser folgendmuί Giovanni Bologna die Figur der Sitzenden alsoetwa gleichzeitig mit der Firenze und vor der Fertigstellungdes Okeanusbrunnens gemeiίelt haben. Da wir ausDokumenten wissen, daί er die Marmorgruppe derFirenze als Siegerin über Pisa in den Jahren 1570—72 undden Okeanusbrunnen in den Jahren 1572—76 ausgef٧hrtKonkurrenz um den Neptunbrunnen finanziell ermφglicht hatte; dieentsprechenden Zahlungen sind publiziert: H. Keutner, "Un modellodel Bandinelli per il Nettuno della fontana di Piazza della Signoria,"in Scritti di Storia dellArte in onore di Roberto Salvini (Firenze, 1984),422—23, Anm. 10. Ein festes, von Francesco gezahltes Gehalt an denBildhauer ist seit 1561 beglaubigt, siehe: E. Dhanens, Jean Boulogne. GiovanniBologna Fiammingo. Douai 1529-Florence 1608 (Br٧ssel, 1956), 49.7. M. Bury, "Bernardo Vecchietti, Patron of Giambologna," ITatti Studies. Essays in the Renaissance 1 (1985), 26. Bury schlug f٧r dieBronzestatue des Bacchus j٧ngst eine Entstehungszeit um die Mitteder 1550er Jahre vor; nach meiner ٢berzeugung ist jedoch die bisher٧bliche, zwischen 1558—59 und 1561—62 nur geringf٧gig schwankendeDatierung einleuchtender zu begr٧nden.8. Borghini (Anm. 3), 586-87.

Die Bathseba 141f٧nfzehn Jahren entstanden sind, die erste noch als einFr٧hwerk des 28 bis 30jδhrigen Meisters, die zweite alseine Schφpfung aus seinen besten Mannesjahren.Abb. 2. Giovanni Bologna (ital., 1529-1608). Bathseba.Marmor. H: 115 cm (45V 4"). Malibu, The J. PaulGetty Museum 82.SA.37.hat, d٧rfen wir als Entstehungszeit der namenlosen,nach Bayern gesandten Sitzenden etwa die Jahre1571—73 ansetzen. 9Raffaello Borghini hat die Werke des befreundetenBildhauers im groίen und ganzen zuverlδssig in ihrerzeitlichen Abfolge verzeichnet, so daί kein Grund besteht,die seinem Text zu entnehmenden, annδherndenDatierungen der Galathea um 1557—59 und der Sitzendenum 1571—73 in Zweifel zu ziehen. Dies aber besagt,daί die beiden Figuren in einem Abstand von zehn bisNun ist die Bathseba nicht unversehrt erhalten; nebeneinigen kleineren Ergδnzungen ist vor allem die linke,erhobene Hand mit dem Gefδί erneuert (Abb. 2). Dasie urspr٧nglich eine Muschel oder eine Koralle, dieAttribute der Galathea, vorgewiesen haben kφnnte,schloί Avery nicht aus, daί in unserer Figur diesesfr٧he, von Borghini ٧berlieferte Werk wiedergefundensei. 10Doch welchen Gegenstand auch immer sie einst inihrer Linken getragen haben mag, die Mφglichkeit, unsereFigur mit der um 1557—59 gemeiίelten Galatheagleichzusetzen, sollte nicht weiterhin erφrtert werden.Gegen eine solche Identifizierung spricht zunδchst, daίBorghini sie als 272 Bracchien, also als 146 cm hochbeschrieben hat, unsere Bathseba aber nur eine Hφhevon 115 cm aufweist. Vor allem aber wird man sieaus stilistischen Gr٧nden nicht als ein Fr٧hwerk der50er Jahre, der Zeit der Auseinandersetzung GiovanniBolognas mit der Antike und der zeitgenφssischenFlorentiner Skulptur betrachten d٧rfen. Bei all seinemBestreben in jenen ersten Jahren, auch die eigenenk٧nstlerischen Vorstellungen schon zur Geltung zubringen, lassen seine fr٧hen Schφpfungen doch immerdie Vorbilder deutlich erkennen, von denen er ausgingoder mit denen er wetteiferte. So ist vor der um1555—57 datierbaren Venus in Muncaster Castle dieAbhδngigkeit von der antiken, kauernden Venus desDoidalses ebenso offenkundig wie vor dem um 1559—61entstandenen bronzenen Bacchus sein Bem٧hen, sich inKomposition und Modellierung dem Perseus des Cellinioder dem Mars des Ammannati ebenb٧rtig zu zeigen. 11Vor unserer Bathseba aber kommen uns dergleichenR٧ck- oder Querbez٧ge auf Skulpturen δlterer Meisternicht in den Sinn. Als ein Werk, das in Erfindung undAusf٧hrung offenbar allein aus der Auseinandersetzungdes Bildhauers mit sich selbst entstanden ist,muί es einer spδteren Phase seiner Kunst angehφren. Sozφgern wir nicht, in der Bathseba die zweite namenlose,aus Florenz nach Deutschland gelangte Figurwiederzuerkennen.Daί Borghini in der einem Herzog von Bayern geschenktenStatue tatsδchlich unsere Bathseba beschrieb,9. Zur Marmorgruppe der Firenze siehe: E. Allegri und A.Cecchi, Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici. Guida storica (Firenze, 1980),271—73. Zur Ausf٧hrung der Marmorfiguren des Okeanusbrunnenssiehe: B. H. Wiles, The Fountains of Florentine Sculptors and Their Followersfrom Donatello to Bernini (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), 61—62 und121-23, sowie E. Dhanens, Anm. 6, 167-68.10. Avery (Anm. 4), 344-47.11. Benvenuto Cellinis Perseusgruppe unter der Loggia dei Lanzi istim April 1554 enth٧llt worden; der Mars des Bartolomeo Ammannatiim Treppenaufgang der Uffizien war spδtestens im Juni 1559 vollendet,siehe: F. Kriegbaum, "Ein verschollenes Brunnenwerk desBartolomeo Ammannati," Mitt. d. Kunst. Inst. Florenz 3 (1929—30), 86,Anm. 3.

142 KeutnerAbb. 3 Giovanni Bologna (ital., 1529-1608). La Fiorenza.Abb. 4. Giovanni Bologna (ital., 1529-1608). Firenze alsBronze. H: 115 cm (4574"). Florenz, Villa Petraia.Siegerin über Pisa. Marmor. H: 260 cm (1027s").Photo: mit freundlicher Genehmigung, Kunst- Florenz, Museo Nazionale del Bargello.historisches Institut Florenz; Luigi Artini.Photo: mit freundlicher Genehmigung, KunsthistorischesInstitut Florenz; Luigi Artini.

Die Bathseba 143Abb. 5. Bathseba. Siehe Abb. 2. Abb. 6. Firenze als Siegerin über Pisa. Siehe Abb. 4.Photo: mit freundlicher Genehmigung, KunsthistorischesInstitut Florenz; Luigi Artini.

144 KeutnerAbb. 7. Rechte Hand der Bathseba. Siehe Abb. 2. Abb. 8. Linke Hand der Firenze. Siehe Abb. 4. Photo:mit freundlicher Genehmigung, KunsthistorischesInstitut Florenz; Luigi Artini.geht im Grunde schon aus den wenigen Hinweisen aufihre δuίere Haltung und ihre Grφίe hervor: die jungeFrau in voll entwickelten Kφrperformen ist als eine"figura di marmo δ sedere" dargestellt und sie ist unterlebensgroίausgef٧hrt oder, wie Borghini es ausdr٧ckte,"della grandezza d'una fanciulla di sedici anni,"also in der Grφίe eines noch heranwachsenden Mδdchens.12Dar٧ber hinaus erscheint die Identitδt der um1571—73 datierbaren Sitzenden mit der Bathseba vollendsgesichert, wenn wir sehen, wie eng sie mit der nachBorghini gleichzeitig gemeiίelten Marmorgruppe derFirenze oder auch mit anderen Werken aus denselbenJahren durch gemeinsame Stilmerkmale verbunden ist.So ist die Bathseba als eine Gestalt von krδftiger Staturveranschaulicht (Abb. 2), von einer gesunden Kφrperf٧lle,wie sie Giovanni Bologna nur in diesen Jahrenseinen weiblichen Figuren verliehen hat, etwa der um1570—72 gegossenen Brunnenstatue der Fiorenza (Abb.3), der um 1573—74 ausgef٧hrten Statuette der Astronomieund nat٧rlich der Firenze als Siegerin über Pisa(Abb. 4). Alle ihre Kφrper sind groίformig entworfen,aus weit gewφlbten Partien und fest gerundeten Gliedmaίengleichsam zusammengesetzt. Und allen ist einemehr straffe als nachgiebige Epidermis gemeinsam, diedem Betrachter die Ubergδnge des einen Kφrperteilsin einen anderen, etwa im Schulterbereich, in der H٧ftpartieoder in den Arm- und Kniebeugen verhehlt, dieihn Gelenke, Sehnen oder Muskeln nur erahnen lδίt.Dennoch, die zarte, selbst dem sich nδhernden Augenicht unmittelbar wahrnehmbare Binnenmodellierung(Abb. 5, 6)—leichte Erhebungen und Einziehungen derHaut ٧ber Rumpf und Gliedern, eine mδίig vertiefte12. In derselben Weise umschrieb Borghini (Anm. 3), 587, denunterlebensgroίen Fliegenden Merkur als "grande come un fanciullo di15 anni."13. Zur Charakterisierung dieser Stilphase siehe: H. Keutner, "Diek٧nstlerische Entwicklung Giambolognas bis zur Aufrichtung derGruppe des Sabinerinnenraubes," in Giambologna (Anm. 2), 2. Aufl.,25-28.14. Die in den Jahren 1569 bis 1573 modellierten Stuckfiguren desCosimo und des in manchen Teilen restaurierten hl. Markus, die DavidSummers in seinem Artikel "The Sculptural Program of the Cappelladi San Luca in the Santissima Annunziata," Mitt. d. Kunsth. Inst. Florenz14 (1969), 67—90, an je zwei Bildhauer, an Andrea Corsali—Giovanni Bologna und an Vincenzo Danti—Zanobi Lastricati,zugeschrieben hat, sind nach meinem Urteil Werke Giovanni Bolo-

Die Bathseba 145R٧ckenlinie, wenige Bauchfalten und einzelne Gr٧bchenin der Gesδίrundung oder im Ellbogen—artikuliertdie Haltung der Kφrper zwar nur unmerklich, teiltinsgesamt aber den Figuren dieser Jahre bei aller Typisierungihres Aufbaus und aller Glδtte ihres Auίenbildesauch freie Beweglichkeit und innere Belebung mit.Groίz٧gig entworfene Grundformen und doch einf٧hlsameModellierung, die diesen Frauengestalten ihreunpersφnliche, aber nicht unnahbare Schφnheit verleihen,sind nat٧rlich auch in der Einzelausf٧hrungetwa ihrer Hδnde oder Kφpfe zu beobachten (Abb. 7, 8).Ohne jede Ausarbeitung der Knφchel, Sehnen oderAdern gleiten aus den Handgelenken die Handr٧ckenund aus ihnen die Finger fast zδsurlos hervor, und dochsind die Hδnde mit ihrer samtig weich modelliertenHaut und den schmalen, feingliedrigen Fingern alsδuίerst empfindsam veranschaulicht. Auch die Kφpfe,die Frisuren und Gesichter der Astronomie, der Bathsebaund der Firenze sind ohne sonderliche Individualisierungbelassen, Stirn und Augen, Mund and Kinnwirken in ihren einfachen Formen und in ihrem Verhδltniszueinander wie kanonisch vorgezeichnet (Abb.9—11). Dennoch finden wir innerhalb der einheitlichen,modisch bedingten Frisuren die Zφpfe und Lockenunterschiedlich kunstvoll geordnet, sehen bei aller Regungslosigkeitder Gesichtsz٧ge doch die Wangen undAugen oder die Mund- und Kinnpartie durch die behutsamsteBehandlung der Oberflδchen von stillemLeben durchpulst.Diese Vergleiche mφgen gen٧gen, um—von BorghinisNotizen ausgehend—die Jahre 1571—73 als dieEntstehungszeit der Bathseba anzusetzen und sie als dievon den Medici nach Bayern geschenkte Figur zu identifizieren.Innerhalb der Kunst des Giovanni Bolognaentstand sie als ein Hauptwerk jener Entwicklungsphase,die man in weiten Grenzen mit den Jahren 1565und 1575 abstecken kann. 13Von den stilistischen, denWerken dieser Jahre eigent٧mlichen Merkmalen abgesehen,ist es im Gedanken an die Komposition unsererSitzenden aufschluίreich festzustellen, daί sich derBildhauer zu keiner anderen Zeit so anhaltend mit denProblemen der Sitzstatue beschδftigt hat wie in diesemJahrzehnt, etwa in den beengt sitzenden Figuren desCosimo als Josua oder des hl. Markus in der Akademiekapelle,in der aufrecht sitzenden Architektur, in den un-15. Dorothea Diemer, Peter Diemer und Johannes Erichsen—alsKunsthistoriker heute die besten Kenner der M٧nchener Archive—teilten mir freundlicherweise mit, daί auch sie wδhrend ihrer langbequemhockenden Flußgöttern des Okeanusbrunnens,sowie schlieίlich in unserer, in labilem Sitz sich vorneigendenBathseba. 14F٧r die Beschaffung des Marmorblocks, f٧r seineBossierung oder die Fertigstellung unserer Figur sindbis heute keine Zahlungsdokumente bekannt oder aufgefundenworden. Auch die Suche nach anderen fr٧henNachrichten, die Durchsicht der Korrespondenz derMedici mit den Wittelsbachern im Florentiner Staatsarchivund Stichproben in den M٧nchener Archivenblieben ohne Erfolg. 15Da anlδίlich einer so ansehnlichenSchenkung zwischen den Partnern mit Sicherheitein Briefwechsel gef٧hrt worden war, ist zu hoffen,daί er in Zukunft noch ans Licht kommt. Angesichtsdieser negativen Ergebnisse—ohne Dokumenteaus der Zeit des Auftrags, der Ausarbeitung und Uberf٧hrungder Figur nach Bayern—kφnnen wir die fr٧heGeschichte der Bathseba nicht endg٧ltig befriedigendaufklδren, kφnnen vor allem ٧ber zwei, durchBorghinis Text aufgeworfene Fragen nur unsere Mutmaίungenanstellen: ٧ber die Frage nach der urspr٧nglichenBenennung und Bedeutung der lediglich als"figura di marmo δ sedere" verzeichneten Statue, sowie٧ber die Frage nach der nur allgemein als "Ducadi Baviera" erwδhnten Person des Empfδngers understen Besitzers.Ohne Wissen um die aus der schwedischen Uberlieferungbekannte Deutung der Figur als Bathseba, w٧rdewohl ein jeder die antikisch nackte Gestalt f٧r eineVenus oder eine Nymphe halten. Eine Bathseba w٧rdeman in ihr umso weniger vermuten, als das Thema derverf٧hrerisch schφnen Gemahlin des Urias allzeit nur inMalerei, Graphik und Reliefkunst und nur in erzδhlenderForm dargestellt worden ist, meist als ein Bildder Bathseba, von David beim Bade beobachtet, seit dem 16.Jahrhundert vereinzelt auch als Bathseba bei der Toilettevon Mägden bedient. Aus solchen szenischen Zusammenhδngenaber herausgelφst und dem Betrachter in einemGemδlde oder gar in einer Skulptur als Einzelfigur prδsentiert,ist sie in der Geschichte der Kunst und Ikonographieschlechterdings unbekannt. 16 So ist es, wennauch nicht beweisbar, doch sehr wahrscheinlich, daίGiovanni Bologna unsere Sitzende als eine Gestaltgnas. Die Komposition der Architektur wird allgemein um 1570—72angesetzt; die originalgroίen Stuckmodelle der Fluίgφtter warenspδtestens im Herbst 1572 vollendet, zu der Zeit, zu der sie probeweiseam Brunnen versetzt worden waren.jδhrigen Studien unsere Bathseba in den 1570er Jahren nicht erwδhntgefunden haben.16. E. Kunoth—Leifels, Stichwort Bathseba, Lexikon der christlichenIkonographie, 8 Bde. (Rom—Freiburg—Basel—Wien, 1968—76), Bd. 1,Sp. 254-58.

146 Keutnerder Mythologie entworfen und ausgef٧hrt hatte. IhreUmdeutung von einem antiken Sinnbild weiblicherSchφnheit in ein alttestamentarisches in der Person derBathseba wurde, wie wir vermuten, in Bayern, demdeutschen Kernland gegenreformatorischen Geistes,vorgenommen: als Bathseba, die schφne Gemahlin desKφnigs David und Mutter Salomos, konnte ihr Marmorbildin der herzoglichen Residenz uneingeschrδnkterBetrachtung und Bewunderung dargeboten werden.Ferner muί vorerst offen bleiben, an welchen "Ducadi Baviera" Francesco de'Medici unsere Figur gesandthatte, an den regierenden Herzog Albrecht V. (1528—79)oder an einen seiner Sφhne, die Herzφge Wilhelm(1548-1626), Ferdinand (1550-1608) oder Ernst(1554—1612). Seit der Verschwδgerung der HδuserMedici und Wittelsbach im Jahre 1565, seit der HochzeitFrancescos mit Johanna von Osterreich, der jungenSchwester von Albrechts V. Gemahlin Anna, hattensich die Verbindungen zwischen Florenz und M٧nchensp٧rbar belebt. Doch es war nicht der f٧r die zeitgenφssischeKunst Italiens wenig aufgeschlossene AlbrechtV, der die vermehrten Kontakte pflegte, sondern diejungen Herzφge. Unter ihnen wird man als Empfδngerder Statue nicht so sehr an den j٧ngsten Herzog Ernst,den spδteren Erzbischof und Kurf٧rsten von Kφln, 17alsvielmehr an seine δlteren Br٧der denken. Den ThronfolgerWilhelm wird man in Erwδgung ziehen, weil ernach seiner Hochzeit mit Renata von Lothringen imJahre 1568 bis zu seinem Regierungsantritt im Jahre 1579die Burg Trausnitz in Landshut als glanzvolle Residenzausbauen und, ab 1573 unter der Leitung des Vasarisch٧lersFriedrich Sustris (um 1540—99), mit allen Einrichtungender Reprδsentation eines Renaissancef٧rstenausstatten lieί. Neben vielerlei anderen Dingen zurAuszierung von Schloί und Garten erbat und erhielt ervon Francesco auch Entw٧rfe f٧r einen Brunnen undeine Grottenanlage. 18Man wird aber auch an HerzogFerdinand denken, der als Abgesandter seines Vaters zurHochzeit Francescos in Florenz weilte, wδhrend diesesAufenthaltes die Kunst und den Kunstbetrieb in derStadt kennenlernte und alle bedeutenderen Kirchenaufsuchte. In seinem Reisetagebuch hob er vor allem dieBesichtigungen der Medicigrδber Michelangelos undder Fresken Pontormos im Chor von San Lorenzo hervor,aber auch die Besuche der Gieίerei bei S. Marcound des Gartens und der Brunnen der Villa Castello. 19Ohne Ehrgeiz in den Staatsgeschδften, weltlich gesonnen,ein Freund und Sammler der K٧nste—und selbstin ihnen dilettierend—hat er, seiner Florentiner Eindr٧ckestets eingedenk, in den 70er Jahren in M٧ncheneine Gieίerei einrichten lassen. In den spδten 80erJahren hat er dann vor seinem Palast am Rindermarktvon Hubert Gerhard (um 1550—1622/23), den SchφpfungenAmmannatis und Giovanni Bolognas nacheifernd,einen vielfigurigen Brunnen ausfuhren lassen, den ersten"italienischen" Monumentalbrunnen nφrdlich der Alpen.20Diese wenigen Hinweise auf Verbindungen derHerzφge Wilhelm und Ferdinand zum Florentiner Hofmφgen zur Gen٧ge begr٧nden, warum wir in einemvon ihnen den ersten Besitzer der Bathseba vermuten.Doch nicht nur aus den ersten Jahren, auch aus dennachfolgenden Jahrzehnten lieίen sich keine Nachrichten٧ber unsere Figur ermitteln; in keiner der bis heutebekannten Listen oder Inventare des f٧rstlichen Kunstbesitzesaus dem spδten 16. oder fr٧hen 17. Jahrhundertfand sich ihre Existenz oder Aufstellung in M٧nchenoder an einem anderen Ort des Herzogtums vermerkt.Dennoch hatte sich Raffaello Borghini in seiner Mitteilung٧ber die Versendung der "figura di marmo δsedere" an einen "Duca di Baviera" nicht geirrt. Daίsich die Bathseba tatsδchlich im Besitz der bayerischenHerzφge befunden hat, ist uns freilich erst aus einer Zeitdokumentiert, zu der sie in M٧nchen schon nicht mehrvorhanden war.In einer auf breiten Archivstudien fuίenden Abhandlung٧ber "Entstehung und Ausbau der KammergalerieMaximilians I. von Bayern" hat uns Peter Diemer imeinzelnen auch ٧ber die Pl٧nderung des f٧rstlichenKunstbesitzes in M٧nchen durch Kφnig Gustav Adolfim Mai 1632 und ٧ber die im Jahre 1635 aufgenommeneNeueinrichtung der Sammlungen durch den seit 1598regierenden Maximilian I. (1573—1651) unterrichtet. 21Zu den teils erfolgreichen, teils erfolglosen Bem٧hungenum eine Wiederbeschaffung der entf٧hrten Be-17. Als junger Bischof von Freising verbrachte Ernst in den Jahren1574 und 1575 einen Bildungs- und Erziehungsaufenthalt in Rom. Inseiner Korrespondenz aus dieser Zeit befindet sich vom 10. Februar1575 ein Dankbrief an Francesco f٧r die Ubersendung einer statua,die jedoch weder nach Thema, noch nach Grφίe oder Materialbeschrieben ist (ASF, Mediceo 4281, lett. 102). Daί es sich in ihr umdie Bathseba gehandelt haben kφnnte, halte ich f٧r ausgeschlossen.18. In dem ٧ber ein Jahrzehnt hin anhaltenden Geschenkeaustauschzwischen Francesco und Wilhelm war der letztere meist der empfangendePartner, siehe: B. Ph. Baader, Der Bayerische RenaissancehofHerzog Wilhelms V. (Leipzig—Straίburg), 1944, passim.19. Das Tagebuch der Reise Ferdinands zur Hochzeit des PrinzenFrancesco nach Florenz liegt im Geheimen Hausarchiv, M٧nchen,Akt. 924. Ein zweites Exemplar befindet sich im Hauptstaatsarchiv,M٧nchen, F٧rstentom 26, 1—84.20. Uber Geschichte und Schicksale des seit dem fr٧hen 17. Jahrhundertim Residenzhof aufgerichteten Brunnens siehe: D Diemer,"Bronzeplastik um 1600 in M٧nchen. Neue Quellen und Forschungen.Teil I und II,:" Jahrbuch des Zentralinstituts fir Kunstgeschichte 2(1986), 107-177 und 3 (1987) im Druck, dort der Abschnitt: "Hubert

Die Bathseba 147stδnde verφffentlichte Diemer als Beispiel einer vergeblichenRecherche Maximilians I. den Auszug auseinem Brief, in dem der Amberger Rentmeister Sickhenhaueram 21. Juli 1635 eine Anfrage des Herzogsnach dem Verbleib der von den Schweden zunδchst nachN٧rnberg verbrachten Kunstwerke; der uns betreffendeAbschnitt des Schreibens lautet ins Neuhochdeutsche٧bertragen: "Ich konnte aber nichts ٧ber das hinauserfahren, was mir die Leute in N٧rnberg schon gesagthaben und zwar, daί der vor L٧tzen gefallene Kφnigvon Schweden, als er erstmals von M٧nchen wiedernach N٧rnberg kam, die lebensgroίe Bathseba von weiίemMarmor mit sich gef٧hrt und das Bildwerk sehrbald nach Stockholm in Schweden verschickt hat." 22Auch wenn in dem Schreiben der Name des Meistersder Bathseba nicht genannt ist, bedarf dessen Inhalt dochkeines weiteren Kommentars. Das Dokument bestδtigtein weiteres Mal die Ergebnisse, die wir zunδchst ٧bereine Interpretation des Textes von Raffaello Borghiniund sodann auf dem Weg der Stilkritik gewonnenhaben, daί uns in unserer Figur tatsδchlich jene vonGiovanni Bologna gleichzeitig mit der Gruppe derFirenze gemeiίelte, an den bayerischen Hof gesandteSitzende erhalten ist. Dar٧ber hinaus unterrichtet unsdas Dokument, daί man die im Jahre 1632 nach Schwedenverbrachte Statue schon in Bayern als Bathsebabetrachtet hat. 23Abschlieίend noch einige Beobachtungen zur Erhaltungunserer Figur. Ihr gegenwδrtiger, auf den erstenBlick makellos wirkender Zustand ist, wie wir wissen,das Ergebnis einer im Jahre 1981 durchgef٧hrten Herrichtung,zu einen Zeit also, zu der sich die Figur nochim Kunsthandel befand. Aus dem Bericht des Restauratorserfahren wir, 2 4daί er neben einer sorgfδltigen Reinigungund geringen Ausbesserungen der Marmoroberflδchedie verlorenen Zehen des linken Fuίes und dieNasenspitze ergδnzte, daί er die Sockelplatte und Plintheverδnderte und schlieίlich die als eine δltere Restaurierungvorgefundene linke Hand mit dem Gefδί entfernteund in anderer Weise erneuerte (Abb. 2). In der Abbildungder Bathseba auf ihrem fr٧heren Aufstellungsplatzim Treppenhaus des Schlosses Δkerφ ist ihr Zustandvor diesen Eingriffen deutlich zu erkennen (Abb. 1).Von der Hinzuf٧gung der Zehen abgesehen, sind dievorgenommenen Verδnderungen wenig gl٧cklich ausgefallen.Vergleichen wir die ergδnzte Nase der Bathsebaetwa mit den Nasen der Firenze oder der Astronomie(Abb. 9—11), so fδllt auf, daί ihre Nasenspitze nicht gerundetausgearbeitet ist wie diese, sondern zugespitzt,daί sich Nasenspitze und Nasenfl٧gel also nicht gleichermaίenzu einem organischen Ganzen verbinden.Mit der geraden, in scharfem Winkel zur٧ckspringendenNase erscheint ihr Profil eckiger, ihr Gesichtsausdruckstarrer, ihr Kopf insgesamt unweiblicher als dieKφpfe der beiden anderen Figuren. Eine so wenig sensibleNase, wie sie die Bathseba heute trδgt, gibt es imOeuvre des Giovanni Bologna nicht.Mit der Δnderung der Basiszone sollte offenbar dieStandfestigkeit des Bildwerks verstδrkt werden (Abb. 1und 5). So wurde die Plinthe unter der Sδule und demrechten Fuί um mehr als das Doppelte erhφht und dieFigur sodann auf eine nach Seitenlδnge und Hφhe umein Drittel vergrφίerte Sockelplatte versetzt. Auchwenn der Betrachter es nicht abschδtzen kann, ob dieBasis nun tatsδchlich tragfδhiger geworden ist, so wirdihm doch dieser Eindruck vermittelt, ein Eindruck derδuίeren Absicherung und Stabilisierung der Statue, denzu erwecken Giovanni Bologna in seinen Werken stetsvermieden hat. Selbst bei gewagtesten Stellungen entwarfer seine Figuren immer als sich selbst tragend undveranschaulichte das durch eine f٧r das Auge des Betrachters٧berpr٧fbare, sorgfaltig kalkulierte Ponderation.Zur Vermittlung dieses Eindrucks, daί die Gestaltenihr Gleichgewicht selbst wahren, ihre Sicherheitselbst gewδhrleisten, war er nicht zuletzt darauf bedacht,alle δuίeren,st٧tzenden oder tragenden Elementeauf das unerlδίlich Notwendige einzuschrδnken.Deshalb richtete er seine Bronzestatuetten oder Marmorfigurenstets auf unscheinbaren, flachen Plinthenauf und bemaί sie so knapp, daί F٧ίe und Beiwerksoeben noch Platz finden. F٧r unsere Bathseba hatte ergar, um keine grφίere Plinthe f٧r Sδule und Fuί verwendenzu m٧ssen, f٧r die zur٧ckgesetzte Fuίspitzeeine eigene kleine Platte ausgeschnitten. Daί er hier,Gerhards Brunnen f٧r Herzog Ferdinand von Bayern."21. Siehe: Quellen und Studien zur Kunstpolitik der Wittelsbacher vom16. bis 18. Jahrhundert. Mitteilungen des Hauses der Bayer. Geschichte, I(1980), 140-44 und Anm. 83.22. Der bei P. Diemer, Anm. 21 publizierte Originaltext lautet:"Ich hab aber ein mehrers nit erfahren migen, als das mir die vonNφrnberg selbsten gesagt, wie das der vor L٧zen TodtgebliebneKhφnig in Schweden, die persebea von weisem marmor in lebensgroίe als derselben von M٧nchen das erstemal wider auf Nφrnbergkhomen, mit sich gebracht, und solch bild als balden in Schweedennacher Stockhholben verschickht." (Bayer. Hauptstaatsarchiv, Kastenschwarz 5233, 2b).23. Auch wenn Giovanni Bologna die Sitzende nach meinerUberzeugung nicht als Bathseba ausgef٧hrt hat, sollte man ausGr٧nden der Verstδndigung die letztere Bezeichnung bis auf weiteresbeibehalten.24. C. Avery (Anm. 4), 349, Appendix.

148 KeutnerAbb. 9 Giovanni Bologna (ital., 1529-1608). Kopf derAstronomie. Bronze. H (der Figur): 38.8 cm (IS 1 /4").Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum Inv. 5893.Photo: mit freundlicher Genehmigung, KunsthistorischesMuseum, Wien.Abb. 10. Kopf der Bathseba. Siehe Abb. 2.aber auch in anderen Werken, so "umstδndlich" verfuhr,zeigt noch einmal, einen wie groίen Wert er inder Darbietung seiner Figuren auf die δuίerst reduziertenStandflδchen legte. Mit der Verstδrkung und Vergrφίerungder zuvor noch weitgehend originalen Basiszonehat man also den k٧nstlerischen Vorstellungen desBildhauers entgegengearbeitet.Schlieίlich wurde in der Londoner Werkstδtte dielinke erhobene Hand mit dem kleinen Gefδί, wohl alseine unpassend empfundene, δltere Ergδnzung entfernt(Abb. 1) und durch eine andere mit ungleich grφίererVase ersetzt. Wie der glatte Schnitt unterhalb des Handgelenksanzeigt, war die bemδngelte Hand in fr٧hererZeit nicht abgebrochen und wiederangesetzt, sondern25. Zuletzt publiziert von C. Avery (Anm. 4), 348, Anm. 34 und35. Die Texte lauten im Inventar von 1757: "En sittiande Bathsebawacker statue af Giovanni di Bologna litet skadd pδ hδnder och fφtter.47 tumb hwit marmor. Trδpiedestal." Und in der Liste von 1770heiίtes: "En sittande Bathseba, skφn statue af Giovanni di Bologna,gδnzlich erneuert worden. Das muί nach 1770 geschehensein, weil aus zwei Bestandsaufnahmen der Kunstwerkein Akerφ von 1757 und 1770 hervorgeht, daί unsereBathseba damals "an Hδnden und F٧ίen ein wenigbeschδdigt" war. 25Da kein Grund besteht anzunehmen,daί die Schδden in den beiden Listen beschφnigt sind,wird die Hand tatsδchlich nur geringf٧gig verletztgewesen sein. Die Vermutung liegt also nahe, daί dernach 1770 tδtige Restaurator sie nicht nach eigenemGeschmack sondern nach dem Vorbild der von ihmabgenommenen, nur beschδdigten Hand erneuert hatte—eine٢berlegung, die sich als zutreffend erweisenlδίt. Als ein Beispiel f٧r die hohe Einschδtzung derBathseba in Schweden machte Avery auf einige Gipskonδgotskadad pδ hδnder och fφtter, 47 tum hφg, hvit Marbre de Carrare,piedestalen af trδd. 280.26. C. Avery (Anm. 4), 347. Uber Carlo Carove siehe: E. Andrenin Svenskt Konstnärs Lexikon (1952), Bd. 1, 288.27. Frau Dr. Karin Rδdstrφm danke ich sehr herzlich f٧r ihre

Die Bathseba 149Abb. 11 Kopf der Firenze. Siehe Abb. 4. Photo: mitfreundlicher Genehmigung, KunsthistorischesInstitut Florenz; Luigi Artini.pien aufmerksam, die der italienische Stuckateur CarloCarove (in Schweden tδtig seit 1666—67, dort gest. 1697)vermutlich um 1670 f٧r den prunkvollen Baderaum desSchlosses Ericsberg, Sφdermanland, angefertigt hatte. 26Diese sorgfδltig hergestellten und gut erhaltenen Kopien(Abb. 12) 27lassen keinen Zweifel daran, daί derδltere Restaurator tatsδchlich keine willk٧rliche Ergδnzungvorgenommen, sondern die Hand mit dem Gefδίso nachgearbeitet hat, wie er sie vorgefunden hatte undwie sie zumindest seit 1670 vorhanden war.Mit der Erneuerung dieser Hand hat man sehr wahrscheinlichihren auf Giovanni Bologna zur٧ckgehendenZustand, 28in jedem Falle aber eine erhaltenswerte historischeErgδnzung ohne ersichtlichen Grund entfernt. InAbb. 12 Carlo Carove (ital., nachweisbar tδtig seit 1666,gest. 1697). Gipsabguί der Bathseba des GiovanniBologna. H: ungefδhr 115 cm (4574"). Katrineholm,Schloί Ericsberg. Photo: mit freundlicherGenehmigung, Schloί Ericsberg, Katrineholm,Schweden.der δlteren Fassung (Abb. 12) sieht man die junge Fraumit beiden Hδnden gleichermaίen zur٧ckhaltend beschδftigt:mit der Linken hat sie ihr kleines Gefδί ٧berden Haaransatz oberhalb der linken Stirnhδlfte angehoben,wδhrend sie mit einem Tuch in der hinabgreifendenRechten ihren Fuί trocknet. Es sind alltδglichliebensw٧rdigen Bem٧hungen um die Beschaffung einer Photographievon einer der 5 Kopien. Mein aufrichtiger Dank gilt nichtminder dem Freiherrn Carl Jedward Boude, Schloί Ericsberg, f٧r diefreundliche Erlaubnis zur Herstellung der Photographie.28. Ich schreibe "sehr wahrscheinlich," weil nat٧rlich nichtgδnzlich auszuschlieίen ist, daί die Hand auch vor 1670 schon einmalrestauriert worden ist.

150 Keutnergewohnte, anspruchslose Verrichtungen, die sie innerlichunbeteiligt aus٧bt; vor sich hinsinnend hδngt sieanderen Gedanken nach. So empfindet der Betrachterdie maίvollen Regungen ihrer Arme and Hδnde in vollemEinklang mit der leichten Neigung ihres Kopfes,der geringen Biegung ihres Rumpfes, der einfachenHaltung der Beine und begreift alle ihre Gliedmaίenals gleichwertige Komponenten eines Gesamtbildes vonstillem, beschaulichem Dasein.Heute sieht man die Vase—sie ist eine Kopie derB٧chse der Pandora aus der Bronzegruppe des Adriande Vries 29 —sowohl durch ihre ungewφhnliche Grφίeals auch durch den besonderen Platz ausgezeichnet, denman ihr verschafft hat (Abb. 2): die mit breitem Handr٧ckenunproportioniert groίe Linke ist, im Gelenk abgewinkelt,einwδrts gef٧hrt und hδlt die vor die Stirnmitteversetzte Vase dem Betrachter wie eine Trophδeentgegen, zieht sein Augenmerk auf sich wie auf einzentrales Objekt der Komposition des Bildwerks, wieein Hauptattribut der dargestellten Person. Mit derGewichtigkeit aber, die man der Hand mit dem groίenGefδί derart zugemessen hat, hob man den f٧r die alteFassung so bezeichnenden Gleichklang der beiden gemessenagierenden Hδnde ebenso auf, wie man dieAusgewogenheit im Gesamtaufbau der Figur durcheinen eigenwillig nach oben verlegten Akzent gestφrthat. Giovanni Bologna hatte gerade jegliche Betonungeines Einzelmotivs vermieden, um unsere Aufmerksamkeitin der Betrachtung der unaufdringlichen Mannigfaltigkeitseiner Schφpfung, in der Bewunderung derSchφnheit der Gestalt unserer Bathseba nicht abzulenken.Florenz29. Die 250 cm hohe Gruppe Merkur und Pandora befindet sich inParis, Louvre (Inv. M.R. 3270); dort wie auch in manchen Publikationenfindet man sie irrt٧mlicherweise als Merkur und Psycheverzeichnet.

Acquisitions/1986INTRODUCTION 153NOTES TO THE READER 158ANTIQUITIES 159MANUSCRIPTS 167PAINTINGS 177DRAWINGS 188DECORATIVE ARTS 210SCULPTURE AND WORKS OF ART 216PHOTOGRAPHS 222TRUSTEES AND STAFF LIST 239

© 1987 The J. Paul Getty Museum

IntroductionThe year 1986 was one of steady growth for the collections.The most important acquisitions were madefrom private sources, not at auctions, so our work wenton largely out of the glare of publicity The results ofour intensive collecting during the last few years becamemore and more evident in the galleries, however,as renovations continued and lesser objects were regularlydisplaced by greater ones.We continued to spend a good deal of time with ourarchitect Richard Meier and with the Getty Trust staffin developing plans for a new museum. It is to be in thefoothills of the Santa Monica Mountains, about twentyminutes' drive from the present Getty Museum. Belongingto a complex of buildings that in 1993 willhouse the various organizations of the Getty Trust, themuseum will be the largest and the only public part.The collections from the Middle Ages to 1900 will beshown there, while the present building in Malibu willbecome a museum of Greek and Roman art.We helped the Meier office analyze the program wehad prepared over the past several years, which hadbeen combined into an overall program for the newGetty buildings. Our needs were translated into squarefootages and functional relationships and then, duringthe summer, into schematic drawings. For the first timewe could see Meier's ingenious solution for organizingthe whole complex on the hill, a site that poses practicalproblems of every kind even as it provides an inspiringplace for the buildings. We could finally begin to visualizethe buildings themselves, atop the ridges, separatebut nearby one another, their varied shape and scalereflecting their different purposes, their similar formalvocabulary making visual and symbolic links. Materialssympathetic to the landscape will be used, especiallystone. The program calls for a museum of moderatesize and of unusual shape. The collections will behoused in about sixty thousand square feet of galleriesin six separate two-story buildings of differing form,linked by short covered or enclosed walks, so as to giveas varied and pleasant an experience as possible. Wewant the visitor to be rewarded not only with beautifullyexhibited works of art but also with gardens,distant views, and pauses for relaxation. As 1986 cameto an end we had accepted the basic elements of thesolution and were working on refinements of Meier'sschematic design.In Malibu, our ceaseless renovation of the buildingscontinued. A growing collection and staff, and the needfor more public services, have squeezed the Villa buildingand our office annex, Mr. Getty's so-called RanchHouse. Galleries for antiquities, paintings, manuscripts,and photographs got the most attention in 1986, so thata visitor who returns today after just a few years' absencewill be struck by the changes in ambience as wellas in the objects shown. The large basement studio formerlyused by Paintings and Antiquities Conservation,which had been vacated for improved quarters at theRanch House, was being rebuilt to serve as offices forfour curatorial departments.American museums always seem to look like constructionsites, so all this activity does not set us apart;the rate of our acquisitions does. Building a distinguishedcollection remains our first priority and ourbiggest challenge. I should like to review some of theprogress made last year by the various curatorialdepartments.FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTIQUITIES, most majoracquisitions in 1986 were Greek. The smallest is amongthe most important we have ever made, a fifth-centurybronze statuette representing a fallen or dying youth.No other Greek bronze of the period embodies the idealof kalos thanatos (beauty in death) so eloquently. Thecomplex arched and twisting pose embodies the mostadvanced ideas in sculpture, well ahead of any survivingcontemporary figures in marble. We do not know yethow it was originally intended to be seen, since it haslost its companions or the landscape elements thatwould presumably have supported it. Nevertheless, thedaring pose and refined modeling and finishing putit among the finest Greek bronzes that have comedown to us.Having acquired a large group of outstanding Greekvases from Walter and Molly Bareiss in 1984, we havebeen adding only the choicest examples. A cup attributedto Onesimos stands out among the vases thatcame on the market last year, and indeed among all redfigurevases, for its original treatment of a favoritebeauty-and-the-beast theme, the encounter of a sleepingmaenad with an amorous satyr who creepsprecariously down a cliff toward her. This is Atticdraughtsmanship at its most expressive.Several terracottas from the Greek colonies in SouthItaly were acquired in 1986. Though terracottas are relativelyabundant in older collections of antiquities, theMuseum is still building its small but important group.The late archaic incense burner in the form of a Nike

154 Walshfigure is a startling rediscovery. It has no known parallelin Magna Grecia where it was made but has severalAttic precedents; almost perfectly preserved, with manytraces of color, the Nike has all the insouciant freshnessof her sisters, the korai, at the dawn of Greek sculpture.A pair of terracotta altars of a century later are alsounprecedented. The reliefs show Adonis and his attendantsrepresented with the mobile poses and fluidclinging drapery that we associate with the latestfifth-century stone sculpture in Greece, here executedin a medium normally used for molded pieces.The high point of the year, however, was the purchaseof ten silver drinking vessels. Added to the Museum'searlier holdings, they help make ours the finestcollection of Eastern Hellenistic silver in the world. Inantiquity such silver was a token of wealth and imperialfavor, as well as an artistic medium; but it was melteddown by captors and thieves on such a scale that verylittle has survived. Thus each new discovery is precious.The group of rhyta (horn-shaped spouted vessels) is themost impressive. There are two rhyta with lynx protomaiof familiar form, both bearing the makers' signaturesin Aramaic and providing invaluable informationfor scholars. And there are two rhyta with unique protomai,a lion and a stag, the noblest quarry of hunters,that are among the most vigorous animal representationsto survive in the art of antiquity.It was a year of renovation and reinstallation for theDepartment of Antiquities under its newly appointedcurator, Marion True. After two years of study andconservation work, the kouros acquired in 1985 wasplaced on a specially made base that would isolate itfrom seismic movement and exhibited in a refurbishedgallery with the best of our archaic and fifth-centurymaterial, much of it acquired since 1983. The work ofJerry Podany, our conservator of antiquities, and hisstaff was essential to the project.Greek vases were the center of attention most of theyear. We created and put into service a new interactivevideodisc to teach visitors about Greek vases. Installedin two booths adjacent to a small gallery with several ofour best vases, the touch-screen monitors allow visitorsto guide themselves through as much programmed instructionon various aspects of vases (subject matter,potting and painting, function, etc.) as they wish. Forspecialists, we sponsored an international symposiumon vase-painting in Athens during the period of thegreat black-figure pioneer known as the Amasis Painter.The occasion was an exhibition devoted to the artist, ofwhich we were cosponsors, held at the Los AngelesCounty Museum of Art at the time of the symposium.FOR MANUSCRIPTS, of the eight acquisitions in 1986nothing surpassed the astonishing Model Book of Calligraphyby Georg Bocskay with illuminations byGeorg Hoefnagel. It was made in 1561—1562 in Pragueto demonstrate a variety of scripts. A generation later,when it was in the possession of Emperor Rudolf II, itwas taken up by the court painter Hoefnagel and givenilluminations of fruit, flowers, insects, animals, and cityviews—a breathtaking survey of the natural world bythis greatest of scientific illustrators. The manuscript, acelebration of both nature and human artifice, comes atthe end of a long tradition that eventually perished withthe rise of printing.Several other purchases had special importance forthe Getty collection, whose core remains the 144 manuscriptsacquired in 1983 from Irene and Peter Ludwig.Because the Ludwig material, though fine and important,is a long way from comprising a comprehensivecollection, we want to compensate for its weaknesses aswell as to build its strengths. French manuscripts werenot the Ludwigs' focus, but important examples arestill available, especially from the later Middle Ages; sowe have concentrated on them. Outstanding in this areais a book of hours from about 1415—1420 with seventeenlarge devotional miniatures by the Boucicaut Masterand his workshop. It adds a splendid example of theParisian International Gothic Style to the Museum'scollections. A copy of a Passion narrative illuminated inLyons by the Master of Guillaume Lambert and hisworkshop is not only a beautiful devotional book, butit also represents the art of the important years around1480 particularly well. On the other hand, we alreadyhave a group of Flemish manuscripts that is unsurpassedin this country. We added a book of hours probablyilluminated in Bruges around 1485—1495 by theMaster of the Dresden Prayer Book, an anonymouspainter who is among the leading figures in a fertileperiod in Flanders.The Department of Manuscripts entirely remodeledthe gallery in which we have been showing its collection.New exhibitions every few months are devoted tothemes or periods or centers of production; to housethem, handsome new display cases have replaced temporaryones, and the room has been refurbished.TWENTY-ONE PAINTINGS were added to the collectionin 1986. Supply continued to go down and prices up,inevitably slowing the rate of acquisition for a museumdetermined to hold a high standard. This was a yearthat ended with a series of startling prices paid at auction,far higher than optimistic estimates, by relativelynew private collectors. The Getty Museum was neverthelessable to add some paintings that would be highpoints of any year.

Acquisitions/1986 155An anonymous little Italian diptych of the mid-fourteenthcentury, the so-called Ansouis Diptych, is a greatrarity: a beautiful and well-preserved devotional object.Unique in subject, it has the sumptuousness and storytellingverve of Sienese painting of the later MiddleAges, though it was made far from Tuscany, probablyin Avignon or Naples.A portrait by Francesco Salviati adds greatly to a collectionthat has so far been weak in Renaissance portraiture.Painted by the itinerant Florentine in Romearound 1550—1555, its resolute energy is tempered bythe complexity, resonant color, and polished executiontypical of Italian Mannerism at its apogee.A well-known portrait by van Dyck was acquired in1986. The sitter is Thomas Howard, Second Earl ofArundel, the greatest English connoisseur and collectorof his day and a leading statesman under James I andCharles I. He was portrayed around 1620—1621 by theyoung Flemish painter, who established his reputationand made his fortune with just such commissions inEngland. The portrait shows why: it is a strong likenesssoftened by the warm, fluent manner of the great Venetiansof the previous century and deepened by the suggestionof refinement in the face and hands.Several Dutch paintings have joined the collection.One, The Horse Stall, may originally have been the estrangedcompanion of The Cow Shed by ter Borch weacquired a few years ago. The new acquisition representsa stable with two figures and a fine dapple-grayriding horse, all painted with ter Borch's breathtakingvirtuosity. In a Monte Carlo auction we were able tobuy another genre painting, rarer still, the Doctor'sVisit of 1667 by Frans van Mieris the Elder, the Leydenpainter whose work was highly prized and eagerlycollected in his own time and well into the nineteenthcentury. It treats a stock theme, the diagnosing of lovesicknessor, more likely, pregnancy, with a broad humorthat is closely related to contemporary theater.It has all of the refinement and originality of color thatearned van Mieris his fame.A pair of large views of Venice by the pioneer vedutepainter Luca Carlevarijs, of 1710 and 1711, now hang inthe Museum's Baroque gallery. Well known and oftenpublished, they represent the festivities put on for thevisit of Frederick IV of Denmark. Carlevarijs portrayedthe scenes with an eye for amusing anecdote as well asfor the shimmer and glitter of this city of spectacle.Step by step, we are building a group of eighteenthcenturyFrench paintings that we hope can one day rivalthe Museum's collections of French furniture and decorativearts. One step was the purchase last year of anespecially beautiful Chardin still life, a relatively latecomposition of a silver goblet, fruit, and nuts. Chardin'sartless simplicity is an illusion, for the arrangement isfinely calibrated, and his translation of subtle variationsof hue and texture into paint is the product of a lifetimeof patient growth.The biggest event of the year was the reappearance ofa long-lost portrait of the daughters of Joseph Bonaparteby Jacques-Louis David that we were able to acquireprivately. Painted in 1821 for the exiled Bonaparteby another exile, the seventy-three year-old David, it isone of his most acute portraits. The contrast betweenthe sturdy, nubile older daughter and her pliant youngersister is striking yet complex; the modeling is strongand the color rich; and the presence of a letter fromtheir absent father makes the picture a kind of icon offamilial devotion.As happy as we are to find paintings by van Dyck,Chardin, and David, of whom we naturally expectgreat things, it can be just as satisfying to acquire amasterpiece by an artist whom the public may notknow at all—for example, the pictures by Leo vonKlenze and Franz Xaver Winterhalter we bought lastyear. Winterhalter's subject is a twenty-seven year-oldRussian princess, whose sultry beauty he celebrated ina highly unconventional life-size portrait; she is reclining,like the Venuses of the past, in a splendid gown beforea moody Mediterranean, or perhaps Crimean,background. Her cool self-assurance is set off by thebold colors and rich textures that the artist painted withsuch ease.The paintings collection has changed dramaticallyduring the past five years. The acquisition in that timeof more than a hundred works has necessitated δ thoroughrearrangement of the pictures and given us thechance to refurbish, relight, and relabel throughout thesecond-floor paintings galleries. Unrecognized, but essentialin all this activity of acquisitions and reinstallation,is the work of the paintings conservators underAndrea Rothe. We take their judgment of the conditionof a picture before it is bought. And when it needscleaning and restoration, as it frequently does, we dependon them to treat it sensitively, conservatively, andwith the greatest respect for the artist's intention. Oncein a while this work represents a particular triumph, asit did with the Dosso Dossi Mythological Scene acquiredin 1983. It was so radically altered by the artist himselfthat it posed every kind of dilemma for the restorer.Last year we put it on exhibition after three years ofresearch and successful treatment.FOR DRAWINGS, 1986 was the year of the muchpublicizedGaines and Springell sales, at which wemade six important acquisitions. There were many

156 Walshother less conspicuous purchases as well.The single greatest addition was the sheet of drawingsby Leonardo da Vinci, which becomes part of thefoundation of our collection. On it he progressivelyevolved the form of a child with a lamb, a key motif inseveral of his paintings, from a vague exploration inchalk to increasingly exact delineations in pen. He alsoused the sheet for drawings of machinery, for the headof an old man, and for notes in his distinctive mirrorwriting. This small piece of paper is a compendium ofLeonardo's techniques and purposes as a draughtsman,which were so influential on the history of art.In contrast to the Leonardo, a drawing of Christ carryingthe Cross by the German Renaissance master AlbrechtAltdorfer went unrecognized at auction and wasidentified, acquired, and later published by the curator,George Goldner, and his assistant curator, Lee Hendrix.We bought Rembrandt's An Artist in a Studio at theauction of the Springell estate in London. This is anearly pen drawing that shows a young artist lookingintently at a painting on his easel. The wiry energy ofline invigorates the subject itself, which embodies theambition and intellectual power of the painter. Ourtenth drawing by the artist, it strengthens a group ofworks by Rembrandt that now surpasses any in America.The same can be said of the Getty's drawings byPoussin. To the two bought in previous years, a groupof six were added in 1986: studies from the antique,figure compositions, and, finest of all, a rare red-chalkdrawing of the Israelites crossing the Red Sea of about1634. It reveals an ardent, impulsive character that Poussinwould then discipline in executing the painting forwhich the drawing was a study.Having only one relatively minor drawing by Watteau,we wondered if we would ever represent the artistat his peak. In 1986 we got the chance to buy two of thebest Watteau drawings in existence. The Remedy, one ofhis few nudes, has the added interest of being a studyfor the painting in the Norton Simon Museum; theother, a sheet of drawings of three women in variousposes, was used for his most famous picture, the Pilgrimageto Cythera. Both are beautiful examples of Watteau'sdelicate sensibility and expressive technique.Something of Watteau's spirit can be felt in the drawingby Gainsborough we bought at the Springell sale, awonderful costume study on blue paper.We were able to acquire a view of Warwick Castle byCanaletto, one of the luminous wash drawings made bythe Venetian view painter during his ten-year stay inEngland, which began in 1745. Our first drawing byCanaletto,, it is firm in construction, delightful in detail,and lovely in effects of light and shade.Important drawings by the leading Romantic paintersin France, Gericault and Delacroix, joined the collectionin 1986. The Giaour, an impeccably preserved watercolorof about 1822 by Gericault, treats a swashbucklingsubject from Byron; a gouache of Sailboat on the Sea,acquired from the same source, embodies the threateningpower of the ocean that was a constant Romanticpreoccupation. We were also able to buy The Educationof Achilles by Delacroix, a pastel of the late 1850s invirtually perfect condition.Exhibitions from the permanent collection of drawings,which change five times a year, give us a chance toput new acquisitions on view fairly promptly and, asthe collection gets more diverse, to explore artistic periods,styles of drawing, and even themes.THE DECORATIVE ARTS COLLECTION, built steadilyover the past fifteen years in an increasingly competitivemarket, has become one of the half-dozen finest in theworld. Really important acquisitions are therefore noteasily found or made. We concentrate on the finest andrarest furniture and on objects that will not only enrichour installations but will also broaden the picture wegive of the lives and interests of the original patrons.The single most splendid acquisition was surely thevery large lit ä la Turque of the 1760s attributed to themenuisier Jean-Baptiste Tilliard II. Its graceful form andsplendid carving and gilding in two colors put it amongthe best eighteenth-century beds to survive. Since thebedroom was always a focus of social life, a place wherethe mistress of a great house would receive guests, thebed has a special importance which we can eventuallyconvey in our own installation.Among the owners of the furniture and decorativearts collected by the Museum were many passionateamateur scholars and scientists. A Rococo gilt-bronzecompound microscope of about 1751 by the wellknownmaker Alexis Magny survives with its leathercase, extra lenses, implements, and prepared slides.It must have provided the sort of edifying entertainmentfor the owner and his guests that was a part ofeighteenth-century social life. So did the pair ofcelestial and terrestrial globes on splendid lacquerstands that also joined the collection, complete withengraved maps that could be amended by pasting onnew sheets when discoveries were made overseas.We succeeded in buying a pair of porcelain liddedvases that became our most remarkable Sevres pieces.The model is unique, the body is decorated in exquisitebleu Fallot with a constellation of gold dots, and thefinials are little eggs on gilt straw—the sort of drollconceit that delighted aristocratic patrons who played atbeing farmers and shepherdesses.

Acquisitions 11986 157SCULPTURE AND WORKS OF ART, a department in itssecond full year of existence, made purchases of fundamentalimportance. We acquired a bust portrait of theyoung Marcus Aurelius from about 1520 by Antico, theMantuan who was famed for emulating Roman sculpturein small bronzes. Though it bears a generalresemblance to Antonine portraits, it is alive with anew complexity of expression and is finely cast, chased,and patined.Only some sixty pieces survive from the short-livedporcelain workshop of the Medici dukes at the PalazzoPitti, where, in 1574, the first successful attempts weremade to create the hard white wares that otherwise hadto be imported from China. The beautiful blue-andwhitepilgrim flask acquired last year is a great rarityand a fitting addition to a growing collection of laterEuropean porcelain.The finest late Renaissance bronze to be sold in manyyears is the statuette of a rearing horse signed byAdriaen de Vries, a Dutch sculptor taught by Giambologna,who became court artist to Rudolf II inPrague (like the painter Hoefnagel, who illuminatedthe Model Book of Calligraphy already mentioned).Spirited horses were a preoccupation of Renaissancesculptors, not just for equestrian monuments but asindependent subjects. Few bronzes so successfully combineconvincing anatomy and motion with virtuosocasting and finishing.Among a number of eighteenth-century Frenchsculptures acquired recently, an allegorical group ofHope Nourishing Love of 1769 by J.-J. Caffieri stands out.The figures act out the saying literally, bringing theabstractions to life and giving them a half-serious eroticism.The composition rewards many different vantagepoints and is carved with great virtuosity.The new Getty Museum sculptures make their waysteadily into the galleries, both as part of the revampedpaintings installations and on their own. A large upstairsvestibule is now devoted to larger Renaissancesculptures, mostly in bronze.THE DEPARTMENT OF PHOTOGRAPHS today holds upwardof sixty thousand pictures, and, despite havingbeen formed only three years ago, it may already be thebest all-around collection anywhere. It is by no meanscomplete, however. It has not been especially strong inthe leading masters of twentieth-century photography,though some, such as Sander, Man Ray, Evans, andMoholy-Nagy, are represented better here than anywhere.So we have tried to fill the holes and had specialsuccess in 1986, when we were able to acquire groups ofphotographs by three of the greatest of all, Strand,Weston, and Kertesz.Paul Strand's contribution was to put a new hardedgedvision, much inspired by modernist painting, inplace of the pictorial stylizations with which he hadgrown up. The group of 117 photographs we boughtfrom his heirs not only shows this influential phase ofhis work around World War I but covers more thanforty years of his productive career.Edward Weston's work evolved parallel to Strand's,through pictorialism to a conversion in the 1920s tonear-abstract images of figures, machines, and buildings.We bought fifty-nine separate Weston photographs and762 photographs in albums from his son Cole, of whichthe strength is early work done in Los Angeles.Andre Kertesz moved to Paris in 1925, a moment ofparticular brilliance, and became one of the prime innovatorsof European photography. His vision has a surrealistelement, usually the result of seeming accidentand studied choices of viewpoint and cropping. Ournew group of forty-one pictures has many of the mostimportant images in Kertesz's first or only prints.Beyond these major additions of 1986 there weresome fifty-one other acquisitions of the work of 101photographers, mostly of groups of photographs, usuallyby purchase but a few by gift. Among other artistsrepresented were Roger Fenton, Gustave Le Gray,William Henry Fox Talbot, Thomas Eakins, EdwardSteichen, Alfred Stieglitz, and Man Ray. These broadenedand deepened a collection that now ranges fromphotographic incunabula of the late 1830s through workby the major figures of our century.The department's study room at 401 Wilshire Boulevardin Santa Monica has become a busy place. Sincespring 1985 more than eight hundred visitors have usedthe collection—curators, scholars, dealers, photographers,collectors, students—whose work the departmenttries to further.The year marked a debut for the department, the firstexhibitions to be held at the Getty Museum. The inauguralshow was devoted to the work of Julia MargaretCameron, the Victorian photographer who brought anew seriousness and poetic invention to portraits andgenrelike religious subjects. It was held in a newly renovatedspace next to the paintings galleries. A secondexhibition was devoted to Edward Weston, the mostimportant artist ever to mature in Los Angeles. Therewill be four or five such shows of photographs eachyear. Already we can see the Museum's audience changingas a result of these exhibitions, becoming youngerand more diverse, a happy sign for the future.John WalshDirector

Notes to the ReaderAlthough variations occur reflecting both curatorialpreference and the nature of the works of art described, thefollowing information has been provided for each listeditem where appropriate or available: name and dates ofartist, title or name of work and date of execution,medium, dimensions with centimeters preceding inches,inscriptions, Museum accession number, commentary,provenance, and bibliography.When possible in giving dimensions, the formula heightprecedes width precedes depth has been observed. In caseswhere this was not appropriate to the work of art in question,the following abbreviations have been consistentlyemployed:H: HeightW: WidthD: DepthDiam: DiameterL: LengthIn the provenance sections brackets are used to indicatedealers.

ANTIQUITIESSTONE SCULPTURE1. THREE FRAGMENTS OF AFUNERARY MONUMENTGreek, circa 525-500 B.C.Marble, 1) 51 x 21 x 12.2 cm (20" x87/ x 4 3 //); 2) 7 x 3 x 3 cm (2 3 A" x1W x 1W); 3) 7 x 5 x 3 cm (2 3 // x 2"x 1W)86.AA.545.1-.3 (joining 85.AA.419)The monument depicts a figure recliningon a kline. Two of the fragments arefrom the figure itself The third may bepart of a cushion. Red polychromy ispreserved on two of the fragments.PROVENANCE: European art market.3. FRONT PANEL OF A SARCOPHAGUS OF T AELIUSEVANGELUSRoman, circa 180A.D.Marble, H: 46.4 cm (18 5 /i 6"); L: 173cm (68V 8")Inscribed: FVERIT POST ME ETPOST GAVDENIA NICENE VETOALIVM QVISQVIS HVNC TITVLVMLEGERIT/MI ET ILLEI FECI/T AELIOEVANGELO/HOMINI PATIENTI/MERVM PROFVNDAT86. AA.701 (formerly 82. AA.148)The panel represents the deceased, awool-maker named Titus Evangelus, recliningon a kline as his wife offers hima wine cup. In the field around them arescenes depicting aspects of their dailylives. At the far left, two goats frolic; aseated man cards wool. The figuresaround the image of a horse in the upperright corner may be participants inthe rites of the cult of Cybele and Attis.At the far right, a seated man rolls woolinto a ball.PROVENANCE: LOS Angeles art market.BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Summa Galleries, Inc., auctioncat. (Beverly Hills, September 18, 1981),lot 75; G. Koch, Roman Funerary Sculpture(Malibu, 1987), no. 9.sleep or death. His legs are bent at theknee* and his upper torso falls back as ifhe were lying on a rock or being carried.His right arm falls backward abovehis head, and the closed fingers of hisright hand touch the curls of hair overhis forehead; the straightened left armfalls away from his side. Both looselyclosed fists are empty but once held objects,and a hole in the right shoulderblade indicates a previous point of attachmentto some other object. Thestatuette was solid cast, and copper wasused for separate locks of hair and thenipples. The surface is slightly pittedaround the chest and stomach and thereare several small repair patches, appliedafter casting.PROVENANCE: New York art market.TERRACOTTABRONZESCULPTURE22. TOMB ALTAR WITH MALEPORTRAITRoman, circa 150 A.D.Marble, H: 64 cm (25 3 /i 6"); W: 49 cm(19V/); D: 27 cm (10W)86. AA.572, presented by A. Rosen,New YorkThe back of the altar has been cut downin modern times. Within its rectangularfield, the niche contains in relief theportrait of an unknown bearded male.His head and gaze are directed slightlyto the right. The bust is undraped andtruncated somewhat below the shouldersby the frame.BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Koch, Roman FunerarySculpture (Malibu, 1987), no. 28.44. STATUETTE OF A FALLEN ORDYING YOUTHGreek, circa 480—465 B.C.Bronze with copper inlay, L: 13.5 cm(5 5 /i6"); W: 7.3 cm (2 7 /s")86.AB.530The finely modeled body of the nudeyouth arches backward in an attitude of55. THYMIATERIONSouth Italian, circa 500-480 B.C.Terracotta, H: 44.6 cm (17 9 /i6"); Diam(incense cup): 6.9 cm (2 3 A")86.AD.681The caryatid figure that supports an incenseburner on her head is Nike, thewinged goddess of victory. She holdsher right hand forward in a gesture ofsalutation; with her left hand she lifts

160 Acquisitions/1986the folds of her himation to the side.Perched on the knob of the openworklid is a dove with its wings raised.The piece has been restored from anumber of fragments, with only thethumb of the Nike's right hand, the fingersof her left hand, and the left wingof the dove on the lid missing. Beneaththe surface encrustation there are abundantremains of the original polychromy,especially on the headdress(blue and purple), the wings (red) andNike's garments (the chiton is blue, thehimation red).PROVENANCE: European art market.6. PAIR OF ALTARSSouth Italian (Tarentum?), circa400-375 B.C.Terracotta, 1) H: 41.8 cm (16 7 /i 6"); W(of base): 34.2 cm (13V 2"); W (of top):31.6 cm (127i6"); D (of top): 27 cm(lOW); 2) H: 41.8 cm (16 7 /i 6"); W (ofbase): 33.2 cm (137i6"); W (of top):31.5 cm (12 3 /s"); D (of top): 27.8 cm6(10 15 /l6")86.AD.598The altars have been broken and assembledfrom fragments, with someareas missing. Traces of the originalpolychromy remain. The fronts of bothaltars are decorated with low-relief figures.On altar 1, three women moverapidly to the right, looking toward thefigures on the other altar. Two carrymusical instruments, a xylophone and atympanum. On altar 2, an effeminateyoung god sits facing left on an irregularrocky surface. He has his arm aroundthe shoulders of a female seated besidehim on his right, and he holds one handup to the fillet around his head. Twoother women are in attendance, andboth appear in poses that suggest grief:one holds her left hand to her forehead;the other sits with her head downcastand her hands clasped about her rightknee. The subject may be identified asthe death of Adonis, the youthful god ofvegetation and regeneration. The stylisticfeatures and a tentative identificationof the clay as Tarentine suggest that thealtars were made in the area of Tarentum.PROVENANCE: European art market.7 (86.AE.60)7 (86.AE.70)7 (86.AE.159)7 (86.AE.279)VASES7. COLLECTION OF 428 GREEK,SOUTH ITALIAN, AND ROMANVASES AND VASE FRAGMENTSIncluding Mycenaean, East Greek,Etruscan, Attic, Corinthian,Euboean, Chalcidian, Laconian,Daunian, Apulian, Campanian,Sicilian, Lucanian, and Arretinefabrics, circa 1300—50 B.C.Artists represented include theBoread Painter, the Hunt Painter, the

Antiquities 1618. 810 FRAGMENTS OF GREEK ANDSOUTH ITALIAN VASESEast Greek, Attic, and Gnathian fabrics,circa 550-300 B.C.Artists represented include the potterEuphronios, the Wraith Painter, theKyllenios Painter, Epiktetos, Onesimos,the Kleophrades Painter,the Brygos Painter, the FoundryPainter, the Berlin Painter, theEucharides Painter, and thePenthesilea Painter.Terracotta, various dimensions86.AE.482-487; 86.AE.546-570;86.AE.575-587 and 86.AE.707-709,presented by Dietrich von Bothmer;86.AE.698 (formerly82.AE.146); 86.AE.735-737Many of these pieces belong to, and insome cases actually join, fragmentaryvases presently in the Museum'scollection.7 (86.AE.286)PROVENANCE: European and Los Angeles artmarkets.7(86.AE.280)Painter of Vatican 73, the PhineusPainter, the Heidelberg Painter, theBMN Painter, the Swing Painter, theRycroft Painter, the Affecter, membersof the Leagros Group, Oltos,Psiax, Douris, the Briseis Painter, theFoundry Painter, the Brygos Painter,the Eucharides Painter, the AegisthusPainter, the Black Fury Painter, theDarius Painter, the Lycurgus Painter,the Dolon Painter, the HoppinPainter, and the Konnakis Painter.Terracotta, various dimensions86.AE.34-462VASES:EAST GREEK7 (86.AE.290)PROVENANCE: Walter and Molly Bareiss,Greenwich, Connecticut.BIBLIOGRAPHY: One hundred of the vases appearedin the Metropolitan Museum of Art,Greek Vases and Modern Drawings from the Collectionof Mr. and Mrs. Walter Bareiss, ex.checklist (New York, 1969); nine of the vasesare discussed in Yale University Art Gallery,Greek Vases at Yale, ex. cat. (New Haven,1975); two hundred fifty-seven of the vasesare included in the J. Paul Getty Museum,Greek Vases: Molly and Walter Bareiss Collection(Malibu, 1983). Individual vases from thecollection have appeared in numerous publications,including D. von Bothmer, "WalterBareiss as Collector," Metropolitan Museumof Art Bulletin 28, no. 4 (Dec. 1969), pp. 1-4,ABV, ARV 2 , and Paralipomena. A completecatalogue of the collection is currently inpreparation.99. ARYBALLOSCirca 640-625 B.C.Terracotta, H: 9.1 cm (3W); L: 14 cm(5V 2"); Diam (spout): 2 cm (W)86.AE.696This Proto-Corinthian aryballos is acombination wheel-thrown and moldmadevessel fashioned in the shape of amature ram resting on legs tucked upunder his body. Large horns curl behindhis ears and frame a carefully detailedface, with stylized locks of fur fallingbetween his eyes and curling aroundboth corners of his mouth. Once

162 Acquisitions/1986broken, the aryballos has beenreconstructed from fragments, withareas of the body restored.PROVENANCE: New York art market.VASES:CORINTHIAN1010. ARYBALLOSEarly sixth century B.C.Terracotta, H: 6.1 cm (2W); L: 10.1cm (4"); W: 3.6 cm (lVw")86.AE.697Buff-colored clay was pressed into atwo-part mold to create this smallaryballos in the shape of a recumbentlion. The animal's mane is swept back,and his head is turned slightly to theright. On top of the head is a simplehole from which the contents of thevessel were poured. On either side ofthe face the lion's ruff is pierced by holesfor suspension cords. The aryballos hasnever been broken.PROVENANCE: New York art market.nVASES:ATTIC RED-FIGURE11. KYLIX TYPE BCirca 500-490 B.C.Attributed to OnesimosTerracotta, H (restored): 8.3 cm(3 1 //); Diam: 23.5 cm (9V 4");W (with handles, one restored):30.5 cm (12")86.AE.607The kylix has been restored from fragments;the foot and one handle aremissing. Within the tondo, a satyrcrawls on a large rocky outcropping towardthe figure of a sleeping maenadwhom he is about to kiss. The maenadreclines to the left on a large stripedcushion; a wineskin hangs in the backgroundabove her head. On each side ofthe exterior, a satyr dances on a shortgroundline. The better preserved of thetwo satyrs is seen from the back. Thehead and shoulders of the other, who isdrawn in profile to the left, are missing,and a giant keras (drinking horn) is athis feet.PROVENANCE: European art market.1212. KYLIX TYPE CCirca 450-440 B.C.Attributed to the Euaion PainterTerracotta, H: 13.2 cm (5 3 /i 6");Diam: 32.1 cm (12 5 /s"); W (withhandles): 39.5 cm (15 9 /i 6")86.AE.682

Antiquities 163The cup has been restored from a numberof fragments. There is an ancientbronze repair within the stem of thefoot. On the interior, a youth holds outhis kylix to be filled by the bearded manwho stands before him holding anoinochoe. Behind him is the large volute-kraterthat would have held themixture of wine and water. The frontlegs of a klismos (chair) are visible behindthe bearded man. On both sides ofthe exterior, youths and men participatein the revelry, conversing, playing instruments,drinking, and dancing. Thelip of the kylix is offset on the interiorof the bowl. The profile of the foot ischaracteristic of H. Bloesch's so-calledEuaion foot.PROVENANCE: European art market.oriented in the same direction, and amullet facing the opposite way. In theinterstices are three small creatures—perhaps nematodes—with undulatingbodies. Kymatia surround the outeredge of the plate and encircle the centraldepression. The vase is intact.PROVENANCE: LOS Angeles art market.15. RATTLING BLACK KANTHAROSFourth centuryB.C.Terracotta, H (to rim): 20.4 cm(8V16"); Diam (mouth): 17.5 cm(6 7 /s"); Diam (foot): 9.6 cm (3W)86.AE.702 (formerly 82.AE.152)The kantharos has been restored fromfragments. An inscription in gilt letteringdedicates the cup to Kastor andPolydeukes: KAITQPPOAYAEYIKHI. Onboth sides of the bowl, gilt garlands aresuspended from bucrania; stars fill thespaces above the garlands, and a running-wavepattern marks the offsetbetween bowl and calyx. Within thehollow lip are pellets that rattle wheneverthe cup is tilted.PROVENANCE: LOS Angeles art market.BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Summa Galleries, Inc., auctioncat. (Beverly Hills, September 18, 1981),lot 16.Terracotta, H: 50.9 cm (20"); Diam(mouth): 28 cm (11"); Diam (foot):23.2 cm (9V 8")86.AE.611The vase has been reconstructed fromfragments. The entire body of the vesselis taken up by scenes of Nereids bringingarms to Achilles. At the top left ofthe obverse, Achilles sits at the mouthof a grotto framed by waves. FiveNereids riding sea creatures (threedolphins, a hippocamp, and a fish)approach bearing pieces of armor. Onthe reverse, four Nereids carryingarmor ride three dolphins and a hippocamp,respectively.PROVENANCE: European art market.BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. Westcoat, ed., Poets andHeroes: Scenes from the Trojan War, ex. cat.(Emory University Museum, Atlanta, 1986),pp. 38-43, no. 9, ill.1313. RED-FIGURE STEMLESS CUPCirca 450-425 B.C.Attributed to the Marlay PainterTerracotta, H: 6.4 cm (2V2"); Diam:22.3 cm (8 13 A 6"); W (with handles):29.5 cm (HVs")86.AE.479Reconstructed from fragments, the cuphas an ancient repair in the foot. Inside,on the left, a male holding a spearstands facing a female. The exterioris covered with a lozenge pattern. Palmettesin silhouette fill the areas underthe handles.PROVENANCE: New York art market.14. FISHPLATECirca 400-350 B.C.Terracotta, H: 3.7 cm (l 7 /i6"); Diam:22.5 cm (8 7 /s")86.AE.700 (formerly 82.AE.147)Disposed around the central cavity arethree fish, a scorpion fish and a sargus1616. PELIKEVASES:APULIANEnd of the fifth century B.C.Close to the Gravina Painter1717. LOUTROPHOROSLate fourth century B.C.Attributed to the Painter of LouvreMNB 1148Terracotta, H: 90.1 cm (35V2"); Diam(body): 35.2 cm (13 7 / 8"); Diam (foot):18.7 cm (7W); Diam (mouth): 26 cm(IOV2")86.AE.680The upper register of the obverse portraysAstrape holding torches, Zeus andAphrodite with Eros within a palace,Eniautos, and Eleusis. Their names areinscribed: ÁÓÔŃÁĐÇ, ÉĹŐÓ, ÁÖŃĎÄÉÔÇ,ĹÍÉÁŐÔĎÓ, ĹËĹŐÓÉÓ. At the center of thelower register Leda, identified by the

164 Acquisitions/1986inscription ΛΗΔΑ, and the swan embracewhile, to the right, Hypnos, inscribedΥΠΝΟΣ, holds his wand over the couple,casting a sweet drowsiness on the scene.On either side are female companions.At the center of the reverse the statue ofa woman stands within a funerarymonument surrounded by femaleattendants.PROVENANCE: European art market.GLASS18. FOUR ROD FRAGMENTSElamite (Persian), circa 1250—1200 B.C.Glass, 1) L: 3.3 cm (17i 6"); Diam: 1.6cm ( 7 / 8"); 2) L: 4.9 cm (l 15 /i 6"); Diam:1.6 cm (7s"); 3) L: 7.2 cm (2 13 /i 6");Diam: 1.6 cm ( 7 / 8">; 4) L: 8.3 cm(3 1 //); Diam: 1.5 cm (Vie")86.AF.522.1-.4, presented byN. BoasThe fragments are composed of alternatingspirals of blue-and-white glasscanes, twisted to form a thick rod witha hollow central core. They were used asdecorative architectural molding arounddoors. All are broken at either end, andnone joins. Their surfaces are slightlyiridescent and pitted.century B.C.Gilt silver, H: 27 cm (10W)86.AM.751The amphora is constructed with aspout at the base and thus also functionedas a rhyton. The body of thevessel is decorated with a calyx of waterlily leaves in relief, and the bottomterminates in a rosette. The handles arerampant lion griffins, and the mouthand neck are articulated with kymatia.The body has been damaged with somesmall losses, which are now filled, anda horn is missing from one of the liongriffin handles.PROVENANCE: Private collection, New York.20. GROUP OF FIVE VESSELSGreek, second—first century B.C.Gilt silver with inlaid garnets andglass, 1) H: 35.5 cm (13 3 A");2) Diam: 10.2 cm (4"); 3) Diam: 10.2cm (4"); 4) Diam: 14 cm (5 1 //);5) L: 21 cm (8V 4")86.AM.754.1-.5The group is composed of a rhyton, acup, and three bowls. The rhyton(86.AM.754.1) terminates in a lion protomewith inlaid garnet eyes. The hornis decorated at the base with a calyx ofacanthus leaves and attached blossomsand with a relief garland of ivy leavesaround its upper part. The gilding iswell preserved on the mane and floraldecoration. Garnets are also inlaid in thecenters of the blossoms among theacanthus fronds and in the clasps of therelief garland on the upper part of thehorn. Two silver hemispherical bowls(86.AM.754.2-.3) belong together withthe rhyton. Their exterior rims are decoratedwith gilded olive wreaths withinlaid garnet clasps, and five-petal reliefgilded rosettes with garnet centers arefound on the bottoms of the exteriors.Their interiors are undecorated. Thefourth piece in the group is a gilt-silverdrinking cup (86.AM.754.4), decoratedon the exterior with acanthus patternsin high relief and inlays of glass andstone. This bowl was repaired in antiquity.The last vessel is a shallow bowl(86. AM.754.5), decorated on the insidewith concentric bands of gilded incisedfloral patterns and a central inset garnet.Its original circular shape is now distorted,and the bowl is cracked.PROVENANCE: European art market.21. GROUP OF THREE VESSELSGreek, first century B.C.Gilt silver with inlaid garnet,GOLD ANDSILVER19. AMPHORA-RHYTONAchaemenid (Persian),fifth21

Antiquities 165211) H: 41.9 cm (16 1 //); 2) H: 41.9cm (I6V2"); 3) Diam: 20 cm (7 7 /s")86.AM.752.1-.3This group is composed of tworhyta and a bowl. Both rhyta(86.AM.752.1-.2), which terminatein protomes of snarling lynxes, haveAramaic inscriptions incised on theirrims; these identify the artist responsiblefor their manufacture and state theirmetal weights. The shallow bowl(86. AM.752.3) is decorated on theinterior with an elaborate pentagonalleafpattern overset with smaller reliefflowers inlaid with garnets. The exterioris undecorated. The bowl has a fewsmall areas of copper corrosion andpitting, but it is otherwise in excellentcondition.PROVENANCE: Private collection, New York.2222. RHYTONGreek, first century A.D.Gilt silver with glass inlays,H: 46 cm (18V 8")86.AM753The rhyton terminates in the protomeof an an tiered stag with inlaid glasseyes. Unique among all preserved rhyta,the horn is completely covered withelaborate floral ornaments in low relief.An Aramaic inscription on the belly ofthe stag dedicates the rhyton to a sanctuary.In spite of one small crack abovethe right leg of the stag and a few minorlosses of gilding, the rhyton is in excellentcondition.PROVENANCE: Private collection, New York.23. FRAGMENT OF A LATEANTIQUE BELTRoman, fifth century A.D.Gold with glass inlay, 2.5 x 2.5 cm(l"xl")86.AM.531 (joining 83.AM.224)The obverse of the gold solidus,mounted in a hinged square of gold andinlaid glass, bears a portrait of the emperorValentinian I (r. 364—375 A.D.)and the legend DN VALENTINIANUSPF AVG. Its reverse shows a standingfigure of the emperor in military dressand the legend RESTITVTOR REIPVBLICAE. The segment is part of abelt presently in the Museum'scollection.PROVENANCE: New York art market.

166 Acquisitions 11986GEMSVARIA25. DIMIDIATED RHYTONModern imitation of a later fifthcentury-B.c.Attic originalTerracotta, L: 18.4 cm (W); W: 8.7cm (37i 6") ;Diam: 7.5 cm (2 15 /i 6")86. AK.699 (formerly 82. AE.146)Half of this dimidiated rhyton ismolded in the shape of a ram's head; theother side is that of a donkey. On thebroken rim a maenad runs to the left,pursued by a satyr, of whom only oneleg and the tail remain.PROVENANCE: LOS Angeles art market.2424. CAMEORoman, first—third century A.D.Sardonyx, H: 1.4 cm (7i 6") ;W: 2.3cm ( 7 /s")86.AN.739A lion reclines to the right, its headresting on its forelegs. The tassel ofthe tail, curled under the body, showsbeside the visible hind leg. A mane ofthick, shaggy locks distinguishes thecarefully detailed face from the tautlymuscled body. The cameo was carvedfor insertion into a separate setting,probably a finger ring.PROVENANCE: New York art market.

MANUSCRIPTS26. MISSALUse of MainzGermany (Mainz?), early sixteenthcenturyVellum, 250 leaves. Collation: l 6 (-5,before fol. 5), 2 8 -15 8 , 16 10 (+11, fol.128), 17 8 -18 8 , 19 6 (+3, fol. 147),20 2 (+3, +4, +5, +6, fols.154-157), 21 10 , 22 8 , 23 8 , 24 8 (+1,fol. 184; +10, fol. 193; +11, fol.194), 25 10 (+1, fol. 198; +12, fol.206; +13, fol. 207; leaves 1-3,9—11 appear to be reattached singles),26 8 (+7, fol. 214), 27 4 (+2,fol. 218; +6, fol. 222), 28 8 -29 8 ,30 12 ; 39.1 x 28 cm (15V 8" x 11"). Textarea 28.4 x 17.9 cm (llVs" x W ) ,two columns, twenty-seven lines(nineteen in canon, thirty-two incalendar). Latin text in Gothicscript. One full-page miniature, numerousdecorated borders, numerousdecorated initials. Originalpigskin binding blind-tooled andstamped with foliate pattern overwooden boards, knotted leatherfore-edge markers, two brass clasps;Germany, early sixteenth century.Ms. 18; 86.MG.480CONTENTS: Calendar with numerousRhenish saints, including Geminianus,Arbogast, Lubentius, Theonestus,and Severinus (fols. 1—3v, fols. 4—5vblank); Proper of Time through thevigil of Easter (fols. 6—127, fols.127v—1281 blank ruled); Ordinary (noted)and Canon of the Mass (fols. 129—166v,fols. 157 and 167 blank): Crucifixion(fol. 157v); Mass from the feast of SaintBilhildis (fol. 167v); Proper of Saintsfrom the feast of Saint Andrew(November 30) through the feast ofMary of Egypt (April 9) (fols.168—196v); Common of Saints (fols.197-242v, fols. 243-250v blank ruled).Ms. 18 is the first (summer) part ofa two-volume missal. The other volume(M٧nster, Bischφfliches Priesterseminar,K1° 16) also includes acalendar, the Ordinary, the Canon ofthe Mass, and the Common of Saints,but it has in the Proper of Time and theProper of Saints only those feasts falling26 (fol. 157v)between Easter and Advent. The missalis for the liturgical use of the archbishopricof Mainz, as explicitly notedin a rubric in the M٧nster volume. Thecalendar contains many peculiarlyMiddle Rhenish saints (see Contents) aswell as Bilhildis (November 27), whosecult was exclusive to Mainz. Bilhildis isfurther emphasized in Ms. 18 by theinclusion of a mass for her feast day (fol.167v). Although the style and iconography of the Crucifixion miniature arestrongly reminiscent of the work ofAlbrecht D٧rer and his workshop,active in Nuremberg, the location ofexecution of the missal is unknown.PROVENANCE: Count Galen, M٧nster, nineteenthcentury; sale, Christie's, Amsterdam,May 8, 1985, lot 403; [Bernard Breslauer,New York],

168 Acquisitions/198627 (fol. 38v)27. BOOK OF HOURSUse of ParisIlluminated by the Master of theHarvard Hannibal and WorkshopParis, circa 1420-1430Vellum, 176 leaves. Collation: l 2 ,2 8 -9 8 , 10 6 , ll 8 -24 8 , 25 8 (-8, afterfol. 191); catchwords at ends of mostquires; quires 24 and 25 are sixteenth-centuryadditions; 17.9 x 13cm (7Vi 6" x 5V 8"). Text area 9.6 x 6.2cm (3 3 A" x 2 7 /\6 ,r ), one column,fourteen lines. Latin and French textin Gothic script. Fourteen threequarter-pageminiatures, numerousdecorated borders, numerousdecorated initials. Blind-stampedbrown leather binding over woodenboards, two clasps and catcheslacking, gilt edges; French, fifteenthcentury.Ms. 19; 86.ML.481CONTENTS: Calendar, and possibly GospelSequences, Obsecro te and O intemeratalacking. Hours of the Virgin, useof Paris (fols. 1—72v): Annunciation (fol.1), Visitation (fol. 26), Nativity (fol. 38v),Annunciation to the Shepherds (fol. 45),Adoration of the Magi (fol. 50), Presentation(fol. 54v), Flight into Egypt (fol. 59),Coronation of the Virgin (fol. 67); SevenPenitential Psalms (fols. 73-84): KingDavid in Prayer (fol. 73); litany includingsaints Audoenus, Lubin, Tugdual, Corentine,Ivo of Brittany, and Genevieve (fols.87—93); Short Hours of the Cross (fols.93v-103v): Crucifixion (fol. 93v); ShortHours of the Holy Spirit (fols. 104-U2v):27 (fol. 45:)Pentecost (fol. 104); Office of the Dead,use of Paris (fols. 113—162v): FuneralMass (fol. 113); Fifteen Joys of Mary(fols. 163-168v): Virgin and Child Enthronedwith Angels (fol. 163); Seven Requestsof Our Lord (fols. 169-173v):Last Judgment (fol. 169); added prayersin French and Latin (fifteenth-sixteenthcentury); sixteenth-century notes concerningbirths and deaths of membersof the Passin and Ducrocq families (fols.173v-187, fols. 187v-191v blank).The Master of the Harvard Hannibalwas one of the leading followers of theBoucicaut Master (active circa1405-1420), the premier artist of thefirst quarter of the fifteenth century inParis. Named for a miniature of theCoronation of Hannibal prefacing amanuscript of Livy's Decades(Cambridge, Mass., Harvard CollegeLibrary, Ms. Richardson 32), this artistadopted some of the most distinctivefeatures of the Boucicaut Master's work:sophisticated interior architecture, sinuousdrapery contours, courtly figuretypes, and such details as wattled fencesand trees with pointed boughs. Thesequalities are amply represented in theMuseum's unpublished book of hours.PROVENANCE: Ducrocq, sixteenth century;Thomas Libby (?); private collection,Cambridge, Massachusetts (sale, OinonenGallery, Northampton, Massachusetts,January 28, 1986, lot 89); [Heritage BookShop, Los Angeles, and Laurence WittenRare Books, Southport, Connecticut].

Manuscripts 16928 (fol. 37) 28 (fol. 74)28 (fol. 106) 28 (fol. 132)

170 Acquisitions/198628. MODEL BOOK OF CALLIGRAPHYand GUIDE TO THECONSTRUCTION OF LETTERSWritten by Georg Bocskay (Hungarian,d. 1575) and illuminated byGeorg (Joris) Hoefnagel (Flemish,1542-1600). Fols. 1-129 written in1561—1562, illuminations on thesefolia added after 1590/91; fols.130-151 completed in 1596.Vellum and paper, vi + 150 leaves(fol. 8 lacking). Due to the tightbinding and interleaving, the collationcannot be determined; 16.6 x12.4 cm (67i6" x 4 7 /s"). Text area 13.7(varies) x 8.6 cm (5 3 /s" [varies] x3W), one column, number of linesvaries. Latin, German, Italian,Greek, and Hebrew texts in variousscripts (such asfraktur, antiqua, cancellaresca,and mirror writing).Model Book: 128 half-page miniatures(fols. 1—129); Guide: fortyfourfull-page miniatures (fols.130—151). Red morocco bindingwith gold-tooled dentelle border,gilt edges; eighteenth century.Ms. 20; 86.MV.527CONTENTS: The texts of the writingsamples are short excerpts from theBible and various prayer books andfrom chancery documents.The unusual history of the creation ofthis manuscript may be reconstructedlargely from numerous references withinits pages. Georg Bocskay, the courtsecretary of the Holy Roman EmperorFerdinand I (r. 1556—1564), wrote theModel Book in 1561 and 1562; he signedand/or dated twenty-two folios. Althoughthe page designs for his elegantscript vary as much as their individualstyles, Bocskay left substantial portionsof most pages blank. About thirty yearslater, Emperor Rudolf II (r. 1576-1612)acquired the manuscript, presumably bydescent from his grandfather Ferdinand.Rudolf's insignia appear repeatedly inthe Guide to the Construction of Letters(for example, fols. 130v-138v, 151v).Georg Hoefnagel, who entered into theimperial service after 1590 or 1591, designedand illuminated the second section,for which a different vellum thanthat of the Model Book was used. Hesigned and dated the Guide 1596 (fol.151 v). He also provided the elaboratedecoration of the main portion of thebook. Although not signed, the illuminationof the calligraphic pagesranks with Hoefnagel's finest representationsof natural phenomena. Many ofits motifs were engraved by Hoefnagel'sson Jacob in the Archetypa studiaqueGeorgii Hoefnagelii of 1592.Hoefnagel illuminated anotherModel Book of Calligraphy writtenby Bocskay for Ferdinand I (Vienna,Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv.no. 975).PROVENANCE: Emperor Ferdinand I (?);Emperor Rudolf II, Prague; Albert Milde,Vienna, by 1887; to Goldschmied, Frankfurt,1907; Louis Koch, Frankfurt, by 1923; privatecollection, Switzerland, by 1942.BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Ritter, "Ein WienerSchriftmusterbuch aus dem 16. Jahrhundertmit Miniaturmalereien," Mitteilungen des k.k.Österreich. Museums für Kunst und Industrie.Monatschrift für Kunstgewerbe, N.F 2, no. 17(1887), pp. 336-342; S. Killermann,"Hoefnagel," Allgemeines Lexikon der bildendenKünstler, U. Thieme and F. Becker,eds. (Leipzig, 1924), vol. 16, pp. 193-195;E. Kris, "Georg Hoefnagel und derwissenschaftliche Naturalismus," Festschriftfür Julius Schlosser, A. Weixlgδrtner and L.Planiscig, eds. (Vienna, 1927), p. 244; I.Bergstrφm, Dutch Still-Life Painting in theSeventeenth Century (New York, 1956), p. 32,ill. fig. 29 (Ms. 20 is incorrectly identifiedthere as being in the Kunsthistorisches Museum,Vienna); T. Szδntφ, "Ein grosserSchreibk٧nstler des XVI. Jahrhunderts,"Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1963), p. 38; T. WilbergVignau-Schuurman, Die emblematischenElemente im Werke Joris Hoefnagels (Leiden,1969), vol. 1, p. 9, and vol. 2, p. 11, n. 3; TDa Costa Kaufmann, Lecole de Prague (Paris,1985), pp. 248 - 249, no. 9-9; I. Bergstrφm,"On Georg Hoefnagels manner of workingwith notes; on the influence of the Archetypaseries of 1592," Netherlandish Mannerism:Papers given at a symposium in NationalmuseumStockholm, September 21—22, 1984, Nationalmuseiskriftserie, n.s. 4, G Cavalli-Bjφrkman,ed. (Stockholm, 1985), p. 177.29. ASSUMPTION OF THE VIRGIN,single leaf from a book of hoursIlluminated by the Master ofMorgan 366Tours, early 1470sVellum, 17 x 11.6 cm (6W x 4 9 /i 6").Text area 10.9 x 7.8 cm (4 5 /i 6" x 3V 8"),one column, fifteen lines. Latin textin Gothic script. One three-quarter-29 (detail)page miniature, one full border.Ms. 21; 86.ML.537The text below the miniature, "Convertenos deus . . .," is the beginning ofthe reading for compline in the Hoursof the Virgin. Other leaves from thesame book of hours represent The Bodyof Christ Supported in the Tomb by TwoAngels (London, Victoria and AlbertMuseum, No. 3015) and Job on theDungheap [Sam Fogg, London]; a leafrepresenting the Circumcision andone depicting the Flight into Egypt mayalso come from this manuscript [sale,Phillips, London, September 20, 1984,lots 621 and 622 (present whereaboutsunknown)].The Master of Morgan 366 was a followerof Jean Fouquet (circa 1420—circa1481). His eponymous work is a book ofhours, now in the Pierpont Morgan Library,which was written and illuminatedin Tours, circa 1470, for a memberof the Jouvenel des Ursins family. JohnPlummer has identified five other booksof hours that were illuminated by thisartist (The Last Flowering, ex. cat. [NewYork, Pierpont Morgan Library, 1982],no. 59, pp. 44-45).PROVENANCE: Original coat of arms with themonogram MP supported by two ermines (?),unidentified; Evans, Great Britain, 1853; sale,Phillips, London, September 20, 1984, lot620; [Sam Fogg, London].

Manuscripts 11130 (fol. 6, detail)30. BOOK OF HOURSUse of ParisIlluminated by the Workshop of theBoucicaut Master (active circa1405-1420) and the Workshop ofthe Rohan Master (active circa1410-circa 1440)Paris, circa 1415-1420Vellum, iii + 281 + ii leaves. Collation:l 1 2 , 2 8 -ll 8 , 12 2 , 13 8 -14 8 ,15 2 , 16 8 -19 8 , 20 2 , 21 8 -31 8 , 32 8 (-2,after fol. 235), 33 8 -37 8 ; catchwordsat the ends of most quires; alphabeticalleaf signatures irregularlythroughout; 20.4 x 14.3 cm (8" x5 5 /s"). Text area 10.7 x 6.7-6.9 cm(4 3 /i6" x 2 5 /s—2 u /i6"), one column,fourteen lines. Latin and French textin Gothic script. Seventeen threequarter-pageminiatures, twelvequarter-page calendar miniatures,decorated borders on every page,numerous decorated initials, giltedges painted with floral designs.White blind-stamped pigskin bindingover wooden boards; modern,signed by Sangorski & Sutcliffe,London.Ms. 22; 86.ML.57130 (fol. 72)CONTENTS: Calendar including Saint Ivoof Brittany (May 19) in gold and SaintMagloire (October 24) with labors ofthe months and zodiacal signs (fols.1—12v): A Man Warming Himself by aFire (fol. 1), A Man Warming Himself by aFire (fol. 2), A Man Pruning Vines (fol.3), A Falconer on Horseback (fol. 4),A Knight on Horseback (fol. 5), A Man30 (fol. 113, detail)30 (fol. 254, detail)

112 Acquisitions/1986Scything Hay (fol. 6), A Man Scythingand Baling Hay (fol. 7v), A Man ThreshingWheat (fol. 8v), A Man Sowing Seeds(fol. 9v), A Man Harvesting Grapes andAnother Man Pressing Them (fol. lOv), AMan Harvesting Acorns (fol. Uv), A Manabout to Kill a Wild Boar (fol. 12v); GospelSequences (fols. 13—20v); Hours ofthe Virgin, use of Paris (fols. 21—94):Annunciation (fol. 21), Visitation (fol. 48),Nativity (fol. 60v), Annunciation to theShepherds (fol. 67), Adoration of the Magi(fol. 72), Presentation (fol. 76v), Flightinto Egypt (fol. 81), Coronation of the Virgin(fol. 88v); Hours of the Cross (fols.95-104): Crucifixion (fol. 95); Hours ofthe Holy Ghost (fols. 104v-112):Pentecost (fol. 104v); Seven PenitentialPsalms (fols. 113—127): King David inPrayer (fol. 113); litany including saintsMagloire, Louis, and Ivo of Brittany(fols. 127-136); Fifteen Joys of Mary, inFrench (fols. 137—142v): The PatronPresented to the Virgin and Child (fol. 137);Seven Requests of Our Lord, in French(fols. 143-146v): Christ in Glory (LastJudgment?) (fol. 143); Office of theDead (fols. 147—199v): Funeral Service(fol. 147); Mass of the Trinity (fols.199v-204), of the Holy Spirit (fols.204v-207v), of the Virgin Mary (fols.207v-209v), and for the Dead (fols.209v—212); prayers to the Trinity (fols.212v-215v): The Trinity (fol. 212v);various prayers (fols. 216—233); Versesof Saint Bernard (fols. 233v-235);prayers for which Pope John offered1100 days' indulgence (fols. 235—235v);prayers for which Pope Boniface offeredtwenty years' indulgence to King Philip(fol. 235v); prayers to the Virgin, mostin rhymed French verse (fols. 236—256v),lacking beginning of first prayer and includingO intemerata (fols. 244v—248v),the Five Joys of the Virgin, in French(fols. 251—252), and Obsecro te (fols.252v—256v); memorials to saints includingAll Saints, Michael, John theBaptist, Peter and Paul, James, Johnthe Evangelist, Bartholomew, George,Lawrence, Cosmas and Damian, Denis,Christopher, Sebastian, Nicholas, Anthony,Maurus, Maturin, the FiveSaints, Mary Magdalene, Catherine,Anne, Apollonia, Genevieve, and Margaret(fols. 257-280): All Saints (fol.257), Saint Mary Magdalene (fol. 274).This book of hours is the product of arare collaboration of the workshops ofthe Boucicaut and Rohan masters, thetwoleading Parisian illuminators of thefifteenth century. Only one other jointeffort by them is known, a book ofhours of circa 1420 (London, British Library,Harley Ms. 2940).The Boucicaut Master takes his namefrom the book of hours made for Jean leMeingre, Marechal de Boucicaut (Paris,Musee Jacquemart Andre, Ms. 2). In additionto his elegantly dressed, gracefulfigures and experiments with spatialillusion, the Boucicaut Master is distinguishedby his inventive palette andstartling color harmonies. The largeminiatures in Ms. 22 represent the master'slate style and are close to those inanother of his late works, a book ofhours in London (British Library, Add.Ms.16997). Illumination by the hand ofthe Boucicaut Master, who had a largeworkshop, is rare; yet the high qualityof the miniatures in this book indicatesthey are either by the master himself orby his most talented assistant.The workshop of the Rohan Master,who is named for a book of hours onceowned by the Rohan family (Paris, BibliothequeNationale, Ms. Lat. 9471), executedthe calendar miniatures of thelabors of the months. The Rohan Masterpainted gawky, expressive figuresthat are more realistic and true to lifethan the often idealized, courtly figuresof the Boucicaut Master.PROVENANCE: Maj. John Charles Balfour,Balbirnie, Markinch, Fife (sale, Sotheby's,London, December 18, 1946, lot 567);Heinrich Eisemann, London; D. and J.Zwemmer (sale, Sotheby's, London, June 24,1986, lot 100).BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Flower, A Thousand Years ofFrench Books, ex. cat. (London, NationalBook League, 1948), no. 7, pp. 12-13; M.Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean deBerry: The Boucicaut Master (London, 1968),pp. 28, 96, 99-100, 144, n. 33 and 152, n. 9;figs. 120, 138, 239-244; idem, "La mort etl'office des morts a l'epoque du Maitre deBoucicaut et des Limbourg," Revue de Vart,1-2 (1968), pp. 17-18; idem, French Paintingin the Time of Jean de Berry: The Limbourgsand Their Contemporaries (London,1974), pp. 261, 402; figs. 839 and 841;E. Kφnig, Französische Buchmalerei um1450 (Berlin, 1982), pp. 60, 77.31 (fol. 205v, detail)31. BOOK OF HOURS(Crohin-La Fontaine Hours)Use of RomeIlluminated by the Master of theDresden Prayer Book (active circa1470-circa 1515)Probably Bruges, circa 1485-1495Vellum, iii + 214 + i leaves. Collation:l 6 -2 6 , 3 8 (+l, fol. 13), 4 8 (+8,fol. 29; +10, -10, added leaf formerlybefore fol. 32), 5 8 -6 8 ,7 8 (+4, fol. 50; -6, after fol. 52),8 8 -9 8 , 10 8 (+1, fol. 71), ll 8 (+5,fol. 84), 12 8 (+2, fol. 90; +8, fol.96), 13 8 (+3, fol. 101; +8, fol. 106),14 8 (-2, before fol. 109 [this leaf isnow fol. 126]; +6, foL 114), 15 8(+5, fol. 121; +10, fol. 126),16 8 -17 8 , 18 8 (+4, fol. 146),19 8 -25 8 , 26 4 , 27 4 (-4, after fol.214); 13.1-13.3x9.4-9.5 cm(5 3 /i6-5V 4" x 3 1 1 /i6-3 3 /4"). Text area6.8 x 4.1 cm (2 n /i 6" x lVs"), one column,seventeen lines. Latin text inbatarde script. Two full-page miniatures,twelve half-page miniatures,thirty-three historiated borders,twenty-one historiated initials.Blind-tooled brown calf bindingover pasteboard, sixteenth-centuryclasp engraved with La Fontainearms and initials LF and adornedwith a miniature portrait of Christset under glass; J. Schavy, Brussels,first half of the nineteenth century.Ms. 23; 86.ML.606

Manuscripts 17331 (fols. 121 v-122)CONTENTS: Calendar including saintsBasil (June 14), Remigius and Bavo(October 1), and Donatianus (October14) in red; Amalberga (July 13) andLievin (Livinus) (November 12) in black(fols. 1—12v); Arms of Marguerite Crohin(fol. 13); Short Hours of the Cross (fols.14-21): Crucifixion (fol. 13v); ShortHours of the Holy Spirit (22-28v);Arms of Lois de la Fontaine (fol. 29); Massof the Virgin (fols. 29v—35): Virgin andChild Enthroned (fol. 29v); Gospel Sequences(fols. 35—41 v): Saint John onPatmos (fol. 35), Saint Luke (fol. 36v),Saint Matthew (fol. 38v), Saint Mark (fol.40v); prayers to the Virgin: Obsecro teand O intemerata (both in masculineform) (fols. 42-49v): Virgin and ChildSeated on the Ground (fol. 42); Hours ofthe Virgin, use of Rome (fols. 51—120):Annunciation (fol. 50v), Visitation (fol.71 v), Nativity (fol. 84v), Annunciation tothe Shepherds (fol. 90v), Adoration of theMagi (fol. 96v), Presentation in the Temple(fol. 101 v), Massacre of the Innocents (fol.106v), Flight into Egypt (fol. 114v); SevenPenitential Psalms (fols. 122-134v):David and Goliath (fol. 121 v); litany includingsaints Quentin, Lievin(Livinus), Amandus, Vedast, Remigius,Eligius, Egidius, Audomar, Bertin,Winnoc, Bavo, Amalberga, andDympna (fol. 134v-145v); Office of theDead, use of Rome (fols. 146v—193v):The Three Living and the Three Dead(fol. 146v); memorials to saints (fols.194 - 209v): John the Baptist in the Wilderness(fol. 194), Saint Peter and Conversionof Paul (fol. 194v), Saint John the Evangelist(fol. 195), Saint James the Greater (fol.196), Saint Christopher (fol. 197), SaintSebastian (fol. 198), Saint Adrian (fol.199) , Saint George and the Dragon (fol.200) , Saint Anthony Abbot (fol. 201),Saint Nicholas (fol. 202), Saint Gregory(fol. 202v), Saint Francis Receiving theStigmata (fol. 203v), Mary Magdalene(fol. 204), Saint Catherine (fol. 205v),Saint Barbara (fol. 207), Saint Margaret(fol. 208v).31 (fol. 146v, detail)

174 Acquisitions/1986The Master of the Dresden Prayer Bookis named for a book of hours in EastGermany (Dresden, Sδchsische Landesbibliothek,Ms. A.3U). He was theonly major Flemish illuminator of thelate fifteenth century to eschew the refinednaturalism of his most famouscontemporaries, the Master of Mary ofBurgundy and the Master of the FirstPrayer Book of Maximilian. As theminiatures in this manuscript illustrate,he treated nature in a stylized manner;his human figures and animals have adoll-like quality. Nevertheless, at a fairlyearly moment in his career, probablyno later than 1485, in such prayer booksas the present one, he adopted the illusionisticborders which had been introduceda decade earlier by the aforementionedartists and had become ahallmark of Flemish illumination.These borders of flowers, gilt acanthus,and insects on brightly colored groundsgave the two-page openings of Flemishmanuscripts a new sumptuousness andluminosity. The Crohin-La FontaineHours is remarkable for its color harmonies,which unify the page design ofpictorially distinct, even contrasting,areas of border and miniature. One ofthe most engaging storytellers of hisday, he conveyed benignly the humorand irony latent in various biblical andother devotional narratives. Four otherminiatures illuminated by this artist,dating from the end of his career,appear in the Museum's Spinola Hours(Ms. Ludwig IX 18, fols. 109v, 110, 119v,and 120).The two full-page coats of arms (fols.13 and 29) in Ms. 23 are by other artistsand were not added until the middle ofthe sixteenth century.PROVENANCE: Marguerite Crohin (d. 1552);bequeathed to Nicolas, Abbot of Saint Jan enValien; Lois de la Fontaine, by 1575; WilliamLoring Andrews; Cortlandt F. Bishop (sale,American Art Association, AndersonGalleries, New York, April 25-27, 1938,lot 1434); to Elizabeth P. Martin, UpperMontclair, New Jersey; bequeathed toElizabeth King Robbins, Berkeley, California;bequeathed to her children, Deborah,Peter, and Daniel Robbins, 1978.BIBLIOGRAPHY: S. de Ricci and W. J. Wilson,Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscriptsin the United States and Canada (New York,1937), vol. 2, p. 1660, no. 37.32 (Leaf II, detail)32 (Leaf IV, detail)32. FIVE LEAVES FROM A NOTEDBENEDICTINE BREVIARYNorthern Italy (probably from theVeneto), circa 1420-1430Vellum, five leaves. 46.5 x 34-34.6cm (187i6" x 137i6-13 5 / 8". Text area33.8 (varies from 33.3 to 34.4 cm) x22.1 cm (13 5 /i 6" [varies from DVs" to13 9 /i 6"] x 8 ٧ /i6"), one column, eighteenlines (sometimes includingmusical staves). Latin text in Gothicscript. Five historiated initials, fivedecorated borders.Ms. 24; 86.ML.674CONTENTS: Leaf I (originally fol. 73):readings for matins of the second feria,including Ps. 38 with Benedictine Monkwith His Finger to His Lips Standing in aRocky Landscape; Leaf II (originally fol.109): readings for matins of the fourthferia, including Ps. 68 with BenedictineMonk Saved from Drowning; Leaf III(originally fol. 151): readings for matinsof the sixth feria, including Ps. 95 withBenedictine Monks Singing at a Lectern;Leaf IV (originally fol. 170): readings formatins on Saturday, including Ps. 105with A Novice Kneels before a BenedictineMonk; Leaf V (originally fol. 253): readingsfor vespers on the first Saturday inAdvent, including the hymn Conditoralme syderum with God Creating theWorld.Other leaves from this breviary are inthe John Frederick Lewis collection ofEuropean manuscript leaves at the FreeLibrary of Philadelphia (M64:8~10); thePierpont Morgan Library, New York(M.885); and ex. coll. H. P. Kraus(see Fifty Medieval andRenaissanceManuscripts, sale cat., 88 [1958], item 17.Meta Harrsen (in CentralEuropeanManuscripts in the Pierpont MorganLibrary [New York, 1958], no. 53, p. 65)attributed them to an artist whoseTyrolean nationality was revealed by themixture of Austrian and Italian styles—manifested in the borders and figures,respectively—which she discerned inthem. Although the vines in the bordersare more abstract than the lush foliagewhich usually grows in the margins ofItalian manuscripts, they are not so thinor so flat and geometric as those typicallyfound in Austrian manuscripts;and the script, initials, and style of thefigures are thoroughly Italian. Thecharacter of the borders probably reflectsthe impact of Austrian illuminationon a north Italian artist. SouthernAustria and northern Italy had enjoyedclose commercial and cultural ties sinceat least the early Trecento, and Italianartists, who are known to have workedin the Tyrol throughout the fourteenthand fifteenth centuries, would certainlyhave been aware of Austrian stylisticconventions.PROVENANCE: Sale, Sotheby's, London, June24, 1986, lots 24 and 25; [H. P. Kraus, NewYork].

Manuscripts 17533 (fol. 32v, detail)33 (fol. 8, detail)33 (fol. 16v, detail)33. ATTRIBUTED TO JEAN GERSONLa Passion [de Nostre Seigneur IhesusCrist]; La Vengence de la Mort etPassion de Nostre Vray Sauveur etRedempteur IhesucristIlluminated by the Master ofGuillaume Lambert and WorkshopLyons, circa 1480-1490Vellum, ii + 86 + ii leaves. Collation:l 8 -7 8 , 8 8(1 and 6 reattached),9 8 -10 8 , II 2 , 12 4 ; 30.4 x 21.6 cm(ll 1 5 /i 6" x 8V2"). Text area 19.6 x 13.1cm (7 n /ie" x 5 3 /s"), one column,thirty-five lines. French text inbatarde script. Sixteen three-quarterpageminiatures, numerousdecorated initials.Ms. 25; 86.MN.730CONTENTS: Fol. 1: A la louange de Dieuet de la Vierge souveraine et de toussains et sainctes de paradis. Et a la requestede excellente et redoubtee dameet puissant princesse Dame Ysabel deBavieres par la grace de dieu royne deFrance. J'ay tra[n]slate ceste passion delatin en francois sans y adiouster moralitezhystories, exemples ou figures. L'anmil deux [sic] cens quatre vings et dixhuit.,The Raising of Lazarus (fol. 1); fol.3: De la cene que Marie Magdalene etMarie Marthe sa soeur firent a NostreSeigneur Ihesucrist. Et de l'onguementque Marie Magdalene respandy surIhesus., Supper in the House of Mary andMartha, Mary Magdalene Anoints the Feetof the Lord (fol. 3v); fol. 5v: CommentNostre Seigneur Ihesus Crist acompaignede ses disciples et appostres entraen la cite de Iherusalem assis sur uneasnesse. Et comment les iuifz le receurenta grandes processions., The Entryinto Jerusalem (fol. 5v); fol. 7v:Comme[n]t les Juifz admenerent devantN[ost]re Seigneur Ih[es]us Crist cuidantle surprendre et accuser par ses parollesune femme prinse et trouvee en adultere.La responce de Ih[es]us etco[m]ment il delivra la d[i]c[t]e femme.,Christ and the Adulteress (fol. 8); fol. 9v:Comment Nostre Sauveur Ihesus Cristfut assailly ou temple des maistres de laloy herodyane saduciene et pharisiene.Comment il leur respondy et de pluisieursparaboles qu'il leur proposacomme il s'ensuit., Christ Disputing withthe Pharisees in the Temple (fol. 10); fol.12v: Comment la Vierge Marie s'en alaau devant de son filz qui avoit bien tarddemoure en la cite de Iherusalem. Del'assiette que Nostre Dame fist au soupper.Et comment elle mist et assey Iudasle trahittre a la table ou milieu d'elle et

176 Acquisitions/1986de son filz., Judas Seated at a Table betweenChrist and the Virgin (fol. 13); fol.14: Comment Nostre Dame fist a sonfilz entre les autres quatre requestesmoult piteuses. Du conseil que les iuifztindrent sur la mort de Ihesus Crist. Etcommant [sic] le mauvais trahitre Iudasle ve[n]dy., Judas Conspiring with theJews, Christ Speaking to the Virgin(fol. 14v); fol. 16: Comment N[ost]reSeigneur mengea l'aigniel de pasquesavecques ses appostres et disciples.Comment il lava les piez et co[m]mentil leur administra son precieux corps.,Christ Washes the Feet of His Apostles, TheLast Supper (fol. 16v); fol. 20v: CommentNostre Seigneur apres la cene s'enala ou jardin d'olivet avecques ses disciplespour prier Dieu son pere. Et commentIudas le trahittre acompaigne desserviteurs des maistres de la loy le v[i]ntprendre a main armee., The Agony in theGarden (fol. 21); fol. 24v: CommentN[ost]re Seigneur relenqui de ses disciplesfut des iuifz mene en l'ostel de Annasl'evesque. Et comment le dit Annasle questionna, interroga et frappa.,Christ Brought before Annas (fol. 25); fol.27: Comment Cayphas questionna etinterroga N[ost]re Seigneur et lui couppases vestemens. Comment il fut iniuriedes faulx iuifz et comment les faulxtesmoing l'accuserent comme hommedigne de mort., Christ Brought beforeCaiaphas (fol. 27); fol. 29: CommentNostre Seigneur fut amene devant Pylateiuge lequel le questionna et la cuida parpluisieurs fois delivrer des mains auxiuifz. Et comment Iudas rendy aux iuifzles trente deniers, Christ Brought beforePilate, Judas Returns the Thirty Pieces ofSilver (fol. 29); fol. 32: Comment Pylateenvoya Nostre Seigneur au roy Herodeslequel lui fist pluisiers demandes. Et apresce qu'il l'eust vestu de blancq commeung fol. Le renvoya arriere a Pylate.,Christ Brought before Herod (fol. 32v); fol.33v: Comment Pylate fist batre NostreSeigneur par deux fors hommes a unecolompne et puis par mocquerie le fistvestir d'un viel manteau de pourpre enguise d'un roy. Et comment par pluisieursfois et par plusieurs [sic] manieresle cuida delivrer des mains auxJuifz., The Flagellation, Christ Crownedwith Thorns, Mocking of Christ, PilateWashing His Hands (fol. 33v); fol. 37v:Comment N[ost]re S[ei]g[neu]r portasa croix et de sa dure et merveilleusemort., Bearing of the Cross (fol. 38); fol.61: S'ensuit la vengence de la mort etpassion de N[ost]re vray Sauveur etRedempteur Ih[es]ucrist laquellequarante ans apres ce que Ih[es]ucristmorut en la croix fut faicte et demeneepar les empereurs rommains Titus etVaspasianus [sic] sur les Juifz par lamaniere qui s'ensuit., The Destruction ofJerusalem (fol. 61).La Passion [de Nostre Seigneur IheususCrist], a devotional narrative based on theMeditationes vitae Christi, was composedin 1398 for Isabel of Bavaria, possibly byJean Gerson (1363—1429), who becamechancellor of Notre-Dame and of theUniversity of Paris in 1395 and whowas, for most of his life, a close counselorto the Valois dukes Phillipe leHardi and Jean de Berry. Only oneother illuminated copy of this text hasthus far been identified (Paris, BibliothequeNationale, Ms. Fr. 978), althoughtwenty-two blank spaces in asecond manuscript (Paris, BibliothequeMazarine, Ms. 949) were presumablyintended for miniatures.The artist takes his name from hiswork in a book of hours signed by itsscribe, Guillaume Lambert of Lyons,and dated 1484 {Catalogue, BernardQuaritch, Ltd. [London, 1931], no. 47,pp. 34—35; present whereabouts unknown).More than twenty manuscriptshave been attributed to this artist andhis circle, including a book of hours inthe J. Paul Getty Museum (Ms. 10) andtwocopies of Jean de Courcy, Chroniquede la Bouquechardiere (Paris, BibliothequeNationale, Ms. Fr. 698, and Geneva,Bibliotheque Publique et Universitaire,Ms.Fr. 70), which are close in format tothe present manuscript.PROVENANCE: Guillaume Mole and his wife,Simone Le Boucherat, Troyes (married June19, 1467; died September 25, 1507, andFebruary 17, 1519, respectively); Antoine deFerriol, comte de Pont-de-Vesle; Gaignat; deSoleinne, Paris, by 1843 (No. 523); [BernardBreslauer, New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: C.-G. Le Clerc, Catalogue desLivres imprimis et manuscrits de M. Le Comte dePont-de-Vesle (Paris, 1774), p. 13, no. 124; P. L.Jacob, Bibliotheque dramatique de Monsieur deSoleinne (Paris, 1843), vol. 1, p. 89, no. 523;Anon. (Techener?), "Histoire de la Passion deNotre Seigneur Jesus-Christ," Bulletin du bibliophile6th ser., no. 5 (March 1844), pp.843-846.

PAINTINGSDUTCH34. GERRIT DOUDutch, 1613-1675Astronomer by Candlelight, late 1650sOil on panel, 32 x 21.3 cm (127s" x87s"). Signed: GDov (GD in ligature)on the book at the lower left.86.PB.732Dou painted several different compositionsdepicting astronomers seated inwindows or niches and surrounded bythe attributes of their profession. Examplescan be found in the Herzog AntonUlrich-Museum, Brunswick, and theStatens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen.PROVENANCE: Possibly Adriaen van Hoek(sale, Amsterdam, April 7, 1706, lot 2);Wilhelm Six (sale, Amsterdam, May 12,1734, lot 18); probably Wilhelm VII, Landgrafvon Hessen-Cassel; Lapeyriere (sale,Paris, April 14, 1817); Joseph Barchard (sale,London, May 6, 1826); [John Smith, London];William Beckford, London; Hume,London, by exchange; R. H. Fitzgibbon (laterThird Earl of Clare), by 1839 (sale, London,June 17, 1864); William Delafield (sale,London, April 30, 1870); Albert Levy (sale,London, April 6, 1876, lot 329); BarkleyField, London, by 1888; Lord Astor of Hever,after 1907 (sale, Sotheby's, London, July 6,1983, lot 80); [Johnny van Haeften, London];Gerald Guterman, New York.BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Smith, A Catalogue Raisonneof the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch,Flemish, and French Painters (London, 1829),pt. 1, no. 96 and suppl. no. 15; W. Martin,Het leven en der werken van Gerrit Dou beschouwdin verband met het schildersleven vanzijn tijd (Leiden, 1901), pp. 190, 234, nos. 52,314; C. Hofstede de Groot, Beschreibendes undkritisches Verzeichnis der Werke der hevorragenstenholländischen Maler des XVII. Jahrhunderts(Esslingen am Neckar and Paris,1907), vol. 1, nos. 63c, 210; Philadelphia Museumof Art, Masters of Seventeenth-CenturyDutch Genre Painting, ex. cat. (Philadelphia,1984), no. 35.3435. GERARD TER BORCHDutch, 1617-1681The Horse Stall, circa 1652-1654Oil on panel, 45.3 x 53.5 cm (lTWx 21716''). Signed: GTB in ligatureon the back of the panel.86.PB.631Since Hofstede de Groot (1913), thispainting has been considered as a pendantto the Museum's The Cow Shed(83.PB.232; in GettyMusJ 12 [1984] entitledA Maid Milking a Cow in a Barnand dated circa 1650). However, neitherpanel can be traced before the late eighteenthcentury, when they were alreadyseparate; moreover, The Horse Stall is

178 Acquisitions/1986more than one inch shorter thanTheCow Shed. Copies of The Horse Stall thatappeared in eighteenth-centuryremain untraced in modern times.auctionsFor a full discussion, see the article byPeter Sutton in this Journal.PROVENANCE: Sale, Amsterdam, August 14,1771, lot 3, as by Metsu, bought by Nyman;Louis-Francois de Bourbon, prince de Conti(sale, Paris, April 8-June 6, 1777, lot 832,bought by [Lannoy]; M. Poullain (sale, Paris,March 15-21, 1780, lot 41, bought by [Langlier];Count G. A. Sparre, Sweden; CountG. Wachtmeister, Wδnas, Sweden, by descentto about 1980; [Edward Speelman, London,1981]; Fellowship of Friends, Renaissance,California, through [Marco Grassi,New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Basan, Tableaux du cabinetde M. Poullain (Paris, 1780), no. 103; J. Smith,A Catalogue Raisonne of the Works of the MostEminent Dutch, Flemish, and French Painters(London, 1833), pt. 4, no. 21; C. Hofstede deGroot, A Catalogue Raisonne of the Works ofthe Most Eminent Dutch Painters of the SeventeenthCentury (London, 1913), vol. 5, no.464; E. Plietzsch, Gerard ter Borch (Vienna,1944), no. 33; S. J. Gudlaugsson, Gerard terBorch (The Hague, 1959-1960), vol. 1, pp. 96,266, vol. 2, no. 109; Mauritshuis, The Hague,and Landesmuseum, M٧nster, Gerard terBorch, ex. cat. (The Hague and M٧nster,1974), no. 31; E. Young, "Old Master Paintingsin the Collection of the Fellowship of36Friends at Renaissance, California," Apollo121, no. 280 (June 1985), pp. 375 - 376; P. Sutton,"The Noblest of Livestock," GettyMusJ15 (1987) pp. 97-110.36. NICOLAES BERCHEMDutch, 1620-1683Landscape with Figures, circa1653-1654Oil on canvas, 139.7 x 174 cm (55" x68V2"). Signed: Berchem F. at thelower right.86.PA.731Renate Trnek dates the painting to circa1653—1654 on the basis of a comparisonwith the Berchem Landscape in the Museedu Louvre, signed and dated 1653. Ablack-chalk study of the central femalefigure gathering wood is in the Kupferstichkabinet,Berlin (KdZ 8518).PROVENANCE: H. Twent (sale, Leiden, August11, 1789, lot 2); Fouquet; Pierre de Grand-Pre(sale, Paris, February 16, 1809); Alexis Delahante(sale, London, July 8, 1828); EdwardHolland (sale, Christie's, London, May 22,1830, lot 104, bought in); R. C. Gosling, by1834 (sale, Christie's, London, January 26,1920, lot 139); anonymous sale, Christie's,London, July 2, 1976, lot 61; [NorbertPokutta, Munich]; Gerald Guterman,New York.BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Smith, A Catalogue Raisonneof the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch,Flemish, and French Painters (London, 1834),pt. 5, no. 144; C. Hofstede de Groot, A CatalogueRaisonne of the Works of the Most EminentDutch Painters of the Seventeenth Century (London,1926), vol. 9, no. 341.37. JACOB VAN RUISDAELDutch, 1628/29-1682The Sluice, circa 1648-1649Oil on panel, 39.4 x 55.9 cm (157 2" x22"). Signed: JVR in monogram atthe lower left.86.PB.597The painting is illustrated on theChoiseul Gold Box, about which seeF. J. B. Watson (The Choiseul Gold Box[London, 1963], p. 9, fig. 2). This box,painted by Louis-Nicolas van Blarenberghecirca 1770—1771, depicts roomsin the Hotel de Choiseul, Paris, andshows the distribution of the due deChoiseul's paintings collection. TheSluice hung with the finest pictures inthe "Premier cabinet," on the uppertier of the left-hand wall. Three otherRuisdael paintings of sluices areknown: The Sluice (1647, Enschede,Rijksmuseum Twenthe, HdG 659); TheSluice (early 1650s, Christie's, NewYork, December 2, 1983, lot 28, HdG674); and Wooded Landscape with a Sluiceat a River Bank (circa 1665—1670, ToledoMuseum of Art, HdG 675).PROVENANCE: Gerard Block, The Hague,1744; Willem Lormier of Francken, TheHague (sale, July 4, 1763, lot 225); due deChoiseul, Hotel Crozat de Chδtel, laterHotel de Choiseul, Paris (sale, Hotel deChoiseul, April 6, 1772, lot 66); Louis-Franqois de Bourbon, prince de Conti, Paris(sale, April 8-June 6, 1777, lot 406); Morellicollection (sale, Paris, 1786); [Jean-BaptistePierre Leb run, Paris]; Baron van Brienenvan de Grootelindt, The Hague (sale, HotelDrouot, Paris [Charles Pillet, commissairepriseur],May 9, 1865, lot 32); Eugene Secretan,Paris (sale, Sedelmeyer Gallery, Paris,July 1, 1889, lot 160); Mrs. John W. Simpson,New York, by 1912; [Knoedler Galleries,New York, 1942, on consignment fromMrs. Simpson]; Harold E. Montag, Atlanta,from 1943; Georgia Institute of Technology,Atlanta; [French and Company, Inc.,New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: Metropolitan Museum of Art,New York, the Hudson-Fulton Celebration,Exhibition of Paintings by Old Dutch Masters,ex. cat. (New York, 1909), no. 109; C.Hofstede de Groot, A Catalogue Raisonne of

Paintings 179Mδstare i Svensk Ago," ex. cat. (Stockholm,1967), no. 104; O. Naumann, Frans van Mieristhe Elder (Doornspijk, the Netherlands, 1981),vol. 1, pp. 69- 70, and vol. 2, pp. 84-87,no. 71.37the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch Painters ofthe Seventeenth Century (London, 1912), vol.4, no. 663; J. Rosenberg, Jacob van Ruisdael(Berlin, 1928), no. 448; K. E. Simon, Jacobvan Ruisdael. Eine Darstellung seiner Entwicklung(Berlin, 1930), p. 26; S. Slive, Jacobvan Ruisdael, ex. cat. (Mauritshuis, TheHague, and Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge,Mass., 1981), p. 118.3838. FRANS VAN MIERIS THE ELDERDutch, 1635-1681Doctor's Visit, 1667Oil on panel, 44 x 33 cm (IT// xI2V4") (arched top). Signed anddated: Frans Mieris / Ao 1667 on theuppermost rung of the chair.86.PB.634This may be the work Balthasar deMonconys saw the artist painting in1663 and also the one ArnoldHoubraken says was painted for CornelisPaedts—which Cosimo III de Medicitried in vain to buy from the artist. Anumber of versions of the composition(a favorite theme in seventeenth-centuryDutch art) are recorded, although onlythe one in the Museo Frans Mayer (formerlyin the Museo de San Carlos, bothin Mexico City), can be traced today.PROVENANCE: Possibly Philipp Wilhelm,Elector Palatine; Johann Wilhelm von derPfalz, Elector Palatine, D٧sseldorf, by 1716;transferred to Mannheim, 1730; AltePinakothek, Munich, by 1863-1935; [A.G.,Zurich and Eindhoven, 1935-1937]; [DKatz, Dieren, 1938]; H. E. ten Cate, Almelo,the Netherlands, in 1960; Sidney van denBergh, Wassenaar;J. van Duijvendijk,Scheveningen; H. Kastengren, Stockholm,by 1967; sale, Sotheby's, London, March 19,1975, lot 13; [Joseph Leegenhoek, Paris,1975-1977]; Jean-Louis Dupre, Paris,1977-1986 (sale, Sotheby's, Monte Carlo,June 19, 1986, lot 26).BIBLIOGRAPHY: Alte Pinakothek, Munich,Catalogue (Munich, 1930), no. 549;Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, "Hollδndska3939. GODFRIED SCHALCKENDutch, 1643-1706The Annunciation, early 1670sOil on panel, 26.3 x 20.5 cm (107s" x8Vi6 w ); unpainted modern woodenstrips (7/ wide) added to all sides.Signed: G. Schalcken in the upperleft corner.86.PB.464This small panel is iconographically notablefor the wingless angel and for theVirgin, who holds a scroll rather thanthe more customary book. An Annunciationby the artist was last seen in a1900 auction in Berlin (Hofstede deGroot [London, 1913], vol. 5, p. 315,no. 10).PROVENANCE: S. E. Herren von SaintSaphorin (sale, Vienna, May 19, 1806, lot396); Bernard de Mestral, thence by descent;sale, Christie's, London, April 19, 1985, lot98; [Edward Speelman, London, 1985-1986].

180 Acquisitions/1986FLEMISH4040. JACOB VAN HULSDONCKFlemish, 1582-1647Still Life with Lemons, Oranges, and aPomegranate, circa 1620—1640Oil on panel, 42 x 49.5 cm (I6V2" x19V 2"). Signed: J.VHVLSDONCK(VH in ligature) at the lower left.86.PB.538The blue-and-white porcelain bowldates from the Wan-Li period(1573-1619) of the Ming dynasty. Ofseveral pentimenti,the most important isa knife, originally to the left of thebowl, which has been painted out but isstill visible to the naked eye. The knifeis present in two similar still lifes, onesigned by Hulsdonck (sale, Palais deCongres, Versailles, May 24, 1972, lot52), the other unsigned (sale, Sotheby's,London, November 17, 1982, lot 76).PROVENANCE: Sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris,December 16, 1942, lot 54; [Didier Aaron,Inc., New York, 1985].BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Greindl, Les Peintures flamandsde nature morte au XVIV siede (Sterrebeek,Belgium, 1956), p. 256, fig. 143; S. H.Paviere, A Dictionary of Flower, Fruit, and Still-Life Painters (Leigh-on-Sea, England, 1962),vol. 1, p. 36.4141. ANTHONY VAN DYCKFlemish, 1599-1641Thomas Howard, Second Earlof Arundel, 1620-1621Oil on canvas, 102.8 x 79.4 cm(40V 2" X 31V4")86.PA.532In 1620 Thomas Howard, Second Earlof Arundel—landowner, statesman,connoisseur and collector—invited theyoung van Dyck to England. This portrait,reflecting the painter's allegianceto his master Rubens as well as hisexposure to sixteenth-century Venetianpainting in the earl's collection, datesfrom this first, short visit. In his lefthand, the earl holds the badge of theOrder of the Garter, awarded him in 1611.A small preliminary study on "carton"belonged to the Robartes family inthe nineteenth century and is last mentionedby Rooses (see below); a laterversion or copy with the same composition,cropped to focus on the sitter'sface, is in a private collection (Larsen,no. 281). The portrait was engravedthree times in the nineteenth century(by Tardieu, Tomkins, and Sharp) whilein the Sutherland collection.PROVENANCE: Probably commissioned byThomas Howard, Second Earl of Arundel(1585—1646); said to have been given by himto Georges Villiers, First Duke of Buckingham,by 1628; Philippe, due d'Orleans(le Regent), by 1727; by descent to Philippe,due d'Orleans (Philippe Egalite), until 1792;citoyen Robit, Paris (sale, May 11, 1801,lot 36); Francis, Third Duke of Bridgewater(1736-1803), Cleveland House (laterBridgewater House), London, from 1801; hisnephew Lord Gower, later Second Marquessof Stafford and First Duke of Sutherland(1758-1833); by descent with the dukes ofSutherland, Stafford House, London, untilcirca 1913; Frits Gans, Frankfurt; Bachstitzcollection, The Hague; Daniel Guggenheim,New York, in 1929; Mrs. Daniel Guggenheim,New York, in 1931, until at least 1939;Robert Guggenheim, Washington, DC, in1950; Mrs. David Guggenheim, New York;Mr. and Mrs. Francis Lenyon; Rebecca

Paintings 181Pollard Logan, Washington, D.C., in 1980(sale, Christie's, London, July 8, 1983, lot 92)[Thomas Agnew and Sons, Ltd.]; Swiss privatecollection; [Thomas Agnew and Sons,Ltd., 1986].BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Cust, Anthony van Dyck(London, 1900), pp. 23, 268, no. 1; M.Rooses, Fifty Masterpieces of Anthony van Dyck(London, 1900), pp. 89-90; M. F. S. Hervey,The Life, Correspondence and Collections ofThomas Howard, Earl of Arundel (Cambridge,England, 1921), pp. 187-188; E. Larsen,Lopera completa di Van Dyck, 1613—1626(Milan, 1980), p. 105, no. 280; A. McNairn,The Young van Dyck, ex. cat. (Ottawa, NationalGallery of Canada, 1980), no. 65;O. Millar, Van Dyck in England, ex. cat. (London,National Portrait Gallery, 1982), no. 2.FRENCH42. JEAN-SIMEON CHARDINFrench, 1699-1779Still Life, circa 1759-1760Oil on canvas, 37.8 x 46.7 cm (147s"x 187s"). Signed: Chardin at the leftcenter.86.PA.544What appears to be a later version, or avery similar painting, signed and dated1761 and probably exhibited at the Salonof 1763 (no. 62), was offered but thenwithdrawn from the Lemoyne sale(Paris, August 10, 1778, lot 10) and waslast seen when sold in Paris (May 19,1828, lot 62). Georges Wildenstein(1963, no. 32) confuses the provenancesof the two paintings. The Museum'spicture is closely related to a still life inthe Reinhart collection, Winterthur, andto a version of that painting in a Frenchprivate collection (Wildenstein, 1963,no. 334).PROVENANCE: Aubert, Paris (sale, Paris[Paillet and Hugues, commissaires-priseurs],March 2-4, 1786, lot 56); la comtesse deCroismare, Folie de Montfermeil; MauriceMassignon; Charles Masson, Paris, by 1907;Pierre Masson, Paris, by descent, until about1935; private collection, England; [SocieteSpiess, Paris].BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Dayot andj. Guiffrey, J.-B.Simeon Chardin (Paris, 1907), no. 180; Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam, Exposition retrospectived'art francais, ex. cat. (Amsterdam, 1926), no.18; G. Wildenstein, Chardin (Paris, 1933), no.793; G. Wildenstein, Chardin (Zurich, 1963,rev. ed., Oxford, 1969), no. 321; P. Rosenberg,Tout Voeuvre peint de Chardin (Paris,1983), no. 153.4243. HUBERT ROBERTFrench, 1733-1808A Hermit Praying in the Ruins of aRoman Temple, circa. 1760—1764Oil on canvas, 58 x 70.5 cm (227/ x277/). Inscribed: ROBERT / FECIT/ FIO . .NT/ PORT. . . 176. . . [lastdigit obscured, perhaps 1760?] in thewall at center.86.PA.605In his article in this Journal, Victor Carlsondates the painting to 1760 on thebasis of a comparison with a drawing byRobert in the Louvre, signed and datedin that year, in which the general arrangementof the architectural setting issimilar to that in the Museum's canvas.The drawing is illustrated in Le Louvred'Hubert Robert (ex. cat. [Paris, Museedu Louvre, 1979], fig. 48).In the 1777 sale of the prince deConti's collection, the Museum's paintingwas paired with a pendant view ofthe interior of a colonnaded temple,now lost, described in the sales catalogue(lot 753) as "... un charriotrempli de foin, un homme & unefemme a cheval, d'autres figures & untroupeau de moutons."43PROVENANCE: Louis-Frangois de Bourbon,prince de Conti (sale, Paris, April 8—June 6,1777, lot 752); Desmarets; Prince PyotrIvanovitch Tufialkin, Paris (sale, Paris, May2—3, 1845, lot 65); private collection, Paris(sale, Galerie Sedelmeyer, Paris, March 25,1892, lot 53); Georges Berger, Paris; possiblysale, Paris, March 20, 1928, no. 53; GeorgesWildenstein family collection, Paris, by 1928;[Wildenstein and Co., New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. de Nolhac, Hubert Robert,1733-1808 (Paris, 1910), p. 98; Orangerie,Paris, Exposition Hubert Robert, ex. cat. (Paris,1933), no. 2; G. Isarlo, "Hubert Robert,"Connaissance des Arts no. 18 (August 15,1953), p. 28; H. Burda, Die Ruine in denBildern Hubert Roberts (Munich, 1967), p. 80and n. 359; A. Corboz, Peinture militante etarchitecture revolutionnaire: A propos du themedu tunnel chez Hubert Robert (Basel and Stuttgart,1978), p. 16, fig. 13; V. Carlson, "A

182 Acquisitions/1986Roman Masterpiece by Hubert Robert; 4Hermit Praying in the Ruim of a RomanTemple," GettyMwJtt (mi), pp. U7-124.44. JACQUES-LOUIS DAVIDFrench, 1748-1825The Sisters Zénaïde and CharlotteBonaparte, 1821Oil on panel, 129,5 x 100 cm(51" x 39W). Signed and dated;L. DAVID, / BRUK, 1821 at thelower right, Inscribed; H 9 13. /Philadelphie . , . / mes chères petitesamies, , , / Julie, , , on the letter heldby sitters,86.PA740Zénaïde (1801-1854) and Charlotte(1802-1839) were daughters of JosephBonaparte, brother of Napoleon. In1821 both lived with their mother inBrussels, also the home in exile ofJacques-Louis David, while theirfather—who wrote the letter seen inZénaïde's hand in the Museum's painting—hadtaken up residence in Bordentown,New Jersey, and Philadelphia,The high quality and substantial pentimentiof this little-known portrait, aswell as the presence of both the signatureand the 1821 date, indicate that it isthe original version documented inDavid's June 25,1821, receipt for paymentfrom the girls' mother. The tworeplicas also mentioned in the receipt(costing one thousand francs each, asopposed to four thousand for the original)can be identified with the portraitsin Toulon (Musée d'Art et d'Archéologie,signed and dated 1822) and Rome(Museo Napoleonico, unsigned), eachof which has at times been calledthe originalThe Liste des Tableaux de la galerie deJoseph Bonaparte (undated but apparentlycompiled in the US.) mentions underNo, 116 "Les Princesses Zénaïde etCharlotte, David," valued at fourthousand francs, the price of the originalversion (Bertin, 1893). The paintingreturned to Europe with Bonapartein 1836,44PROVENANCE; Commissioned by Marie JulieBonaparte, comtesse de Survilliers, perhapson behalf of her husband, Joseph, presumablyin 1820 or 1821; their daughter Zénaïde,Princess of Canino (1801-1854); her daughterJulie Charlotte Zénaïde Pauline Laetitia45

Paintings 183Desiree Bartholomee Bonaparte (1830-1900),wife of Alcssandro del Gallo, Marchese diRoccagiovane, Rome; private collection,Switzerland, by about 1938; [Wildensteinand Co,, New York],BIBLIOGRAPHY; G, Bertin, Joseph Bonaparte enAmerique (Paris, 1893), p. 418; D. and G.Wildenstein, Documents complementaires aucatalogue de Voeuvre de Louis David (Paris,1973) pp. 220, 222; Philadelphia Museum ofArt, Federal Philadelphia, 1785-1825: TheAthens of the Western World, ex, cat, (Philadelphia,1987), no. 228; G, Bazin and G,Wildenstein, catalogue raisonne of the workof J,-L, David (forthcoming).GERMAN45, LEO VON KLENZEGerman, 1784-1864Landscape with the Castle of Massadi Carrara, 1827Oil on canvas, 76,9 x 101 cm (30V/x 39-7-0• Signed; LvKle XXVllthe lower left,86,PA,540Leo von Klenze visited Massa near Carrarain September 1826 and again fromlate April to early June 1827 On the secondvisit he probably made the drawingof the landscape with the castle, built bythe Malaspina dukes from the fourteenththrough the sixteenth centuries,preserved in his sketchbook (M٧nchnerStadtmuseum, Alte Sammlung, Sketchbook3, f. 43 recto), A second drawing,in which he experimentally moved thecastle to the right half of the compositionand rotated it to the right, mayhave been executed after his return toMunich (Munich, Staatliche GraphischeSammlung, inv, no. 27,713—mappe35/1).This painting remained with the artistand subsequently his family, but asecond, slightly smaller version (28 x 37inches, location unknown) was paintedfor Franz Bolgiano about the same yearand may be the View of Massa exhibitedat the Munich Kunstverein in 1828,Klenze exhibited the Museum's landscapeat the Berlin Academy in 1834(no, 361).PROVENANCE; By descent from the artist toHerbert M. von Klenze (b, 1907), Ellenberg,Germany (sale, Kunsthaus Lempertz,Cologne, November 21-23, 1985, lot 479)bought by [Bruno Meissner, Zurich],at46BIBLIOGRAPHY; G, K, Nagler, Neues allgemeinesKünstler-Lexikon (Munich, 1839),P- 60; Bayerische Akademie der SchφnenK٧nste, Leo von Klenze als Maler undZeichner, ex. cat, (Munich, 1977), nos. G5,G30; N. I4eb and F, Hufnagel, Leo vonKlenze Gemälde und Zeichnungen (Munich,1979), pp, 101, 170, 242, no, G35,46, FRANZ XAVER WINTERHALTERGerman, 1805/06-1873Portrait of Leoniila Fürstin mSayn-Wittgenstein-Sayn, 1843Oil on canvas, 142 x 212 cm(56" x 83V/), Signed; Winterhalter,Paris, 1843 at the center right,86,PA,534The Russian-born Princess EeonillaIvanovna Bariatinskaya (1816-1918)married Prince Ludwig zu Sayn-Wittgenstein-Sayn in 1843, the year thisportrait was painted in Paris, Her recliningpose, reminiscent of traditionalVenuses and David's Madame Recamierof 1800 (Musee du Louvre, Paris), isappropriate to the princess' status as aninternational beauty and hostess withpolitical interests. She had sat toWinterhalter once before, in 1833, for anoval portrait which also features hershadowed face, contrasting black hairand opaline skin, and magnificent pearls(Wittgenstein family, on loan to theNeue Pinakothek, Munich), A thirdWinterhalter portrait of the princess,painted in 1849, remains with the familyThe portrait is in its original frame,made by P, Souty fils, Paris,PROVENANCE; Commissioned by the sitter;by descent to Prince Alexander zu Sayn-Wittgenstein-Sayn, until 1985; [Artemis,London],BIBLIOGRAPHY; C, Heilmann, Neue PinakothekMünchen (Munich and Zurich, 1984), pp. 37,68-69; ex, cat, forthcoming, London,National Portrait Gallery, and Paris, GrandPalais, 1987,ITALIAN47. ITALIAN (Naples or Avignon),mid-fourteenth centuryThe Somatizationof Saint Francis ofAssisi and The Crowning of Saints

184 Acquisitions/1986Cecilia and Valerian ofcirca 1330sRome,Tempera on panel, each panel:31.2 x 22.9 cm (12 5 /i6 r/ x 9")86.PB.490Until recently this work, sometimescalled the Ansouis Diptych, has beenattributed to an Avignon painter anddated to the 1360s. The figures on theright-hand panel were traditionallyidentified as Saint Elzear de Sabran(1286—1323) and his wife, the BlessedDelphine de Signe (1284-1360), relationsof the counts of Sabran. In hisarticle in this Journal, however, CarlStrehlke suggests that Delphine mayhave commissioned the diptych herself,from a painter active in Naples in the1330s, perhaps the Master of the SaintElizabeth Stories. Moreover, the righthandpanel may well depict the saintsCecilia and Valerian, whose chaste marriageserved as the model for Elzear andDelphine's relationship.PROVENANCE: Counts of Sabran, Chateaud'Ansouis (Vaucluse), France (possibly bydescent from the Blessed Delphine de Signe[1284-1360]); by descent to the dukes ofSabran and Ponteves, Paris; [Wildensteinand Co., New York, 1981-1986].BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Girard, Saint Elzear deSabran et la Bienheureuse Delphine de Signe(Paris, 1912), p. 6; G. Duhamelet, SaintElzear et la Bienheureuse Delphine (Paris,1944), pp. 17, 19; J. Dupont, "Quelques exemplesde rapports entre le France et l'ltalieau XIV e et au XV e Siecles," Cahiers de VAssociationInternationale des Etudes Francaises8 (June 1956), p. 36; M. Laclotte and D.Thiebaut, L'ecole dAvignon (Paris, 1983),pp. 194-195, no. 24; P. Leone de Castris,Arte di Corte nella Napoli angioma (Florence,1986), p. 428; C. B. Strehlke, "A CelebateMarriage and Franciscan Poverty Reflected ina Neapolitan Trecento Diptych," GettyMusJ15 (1987), pp. 79-96.4848. FRANCESCO SALVIATIItalian (Florentine), 1510-1563Portrait of a Bearded Man, circa1550-1555Oil on panel, 109 x 85 cm (43" x33V 2")86.PB.476Sometimes attributed to Bronzino, thisportrait belongs more appropriatelyto Salviati's second Roman period(1550—1555), when one would expect tofind such an arresting combination ofMannerist precision, along with the animationand interest in the sitter characteristicof the mature Salviati. Its heavilyrippled gold frame, apparently originalto the picture, does not appear to beFlorentine.PROVENANCE: Marchese Carlo Niccolini diCamugliano, by 1904; [Heim Gallery, London,circa 1975]; [P. and D. Colnaghi, Ltd.,London and New York, 1982]; Daniel Varsano,Connecticut; through [Zangrilli andBrady, New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: I. H. Cheney, Francesco Salviati(1510-1563), unpublished Ph.D. diss.,Institute of Fine Arts, New York University,1963, pp. 421, 483, fig. 412; C. Whitfield, Discoveries from the Cinquecento, ex. cat. (NewYork, P. and D. Colnaghi, Ltd., 1982), no. 7.

Paintings 1854949. LUCA FORTEItalian (Neapolitan), active circa1625-1655Still Life with Grapes and Othercirca 1630s?Fruit,Oil on copper, 31.4 x 26 cm (12W xlOV/). Signed: Luca Forte on thewall at the lower left.86.PC.517The still life of grapes, apples, pomegranates,and pears may have emblematicsignificance, but it is just as likelythat it simply portrays the bounties ofautumn. The basket at the lower leftmay have been used for the harvestof fruit.Photographs taken at the time of thepainting's sale in London in 1984 showthe ghost of a coat of arms on the upperleft near the corner of the wall. Recentcleaning demonstrated that the armspostdated the execution of the painting,and it has been impossible to reconstructwhat they look like.PROVENANCE: Said to have been sold byLeonard Koetser, London; private collection,Jersey, since about 1955; sale, Sotheby's, London,December 12, 1984, lot 31, bought by[Thomas Agnew and Sons, Ltd., London].5050. SEBASTIANO RICCIItalian (Venetian), 1659-1734Perseus Turning the Companions ofPhineus to Stone, circa 1705—1710Oil on canvas, 64 x 77 cm (2574" x307 4")86.PA.591This painting can be compared closelywith Ricci's Battle of the Lapiths and Centaurs(circa 1705, High Museum of Art,Atlanta) and his frescoes in the PalazzoMarucelli-Fenzi, Florence, dated1706—1707. The figure of Perseus isclose to that of the soldier in the Deathof Archimedes (Palazzo Vidmar-Foscari,Venice) dated circa 1705 by A. Rizzi(Sebastiano Ricci disegnatore, ex. cat.[Udine, Salla Aiace del Commune],1975).The subject is taken from Ovid'sMetamorphoses (5.1—235). In the midst ofcelebrating his wedding to Andromeda,Perseus is attacked by Phineus—thebride's uncle and her erstwhile intended—assisted by a thousand supporters.The turning point in the lopsided battleis the moment depicted here, when Perseusfinally displays the head of Medusaand petrifies three of Phineus' henchmen(Thescelus, Ampyx, and Nileus).PROVENANCE: Ray Livingston Murphy(1923-1953), New York (probably acquiredin England); Ray Slater Murphy, mother ofR. L. Murphy (sale, Christie's, New York,January 15, 1986, lot ll3, bought by [ThomasAgnew and Sons, Ltd., London]).

186 Acquisitions/19865k5ib

Paintings 18751. LUGA CARLEVARIJSItalian (Venetian), 1663-1730Regatta on the Grand Canal in Honorof Frederick IV, King of Denmark, 1711Oil on canvas, 1349 x 2597 cm(5378" x 10274'% Inscribed:MDCCXl/L.C.on the boat86,PA,599at the bottom centerThe Bucintoro Departing from theBacino di San Marco, 1710Oil on canvas, 1347 x 2593 cm(537ie" x 1027/), Inscribed:LC MDCCX at the lower lefton the stern of the boat86,PA,600The Bucintoro (Venetian state barge) isshown on the day of the "SposalMo delmare" (Marriage of Venice and the sea),an annual Ascension Day ceremonyThe regatta in honor of Frederick IVwas held March 4, 1709, on the occasionof the Danish king's state visit to Venice.A second version of this painting,with minor differences, is in Fredericksborgcastle, Denmark (inv, no, 3456),PROVENANCE: Baron Michele Lazzaroni,Paris, by 1922; Barone Edgardo Lazzaroni,Rome, by 1937 and δs late as 1940; BaronessaLazzaroni, Paris; private collection, Rome,until 1985; [Thomas Agnew and Sons, Ltd,,London],BIBLIOGRAPHY* N, Tarchiani, Mostra deltapittum itdttdna del Seicento e del Settecento, ex,cat, (Florence, Palazzo Pitti, 1922), nos, 209,210; F, Mauroner, Luca Cdrlevdris, 2nd ed,(Padua, 1945), pp, 59, 82, pis. 4, 5; VenetianFighteenth-Century Pdinting, ex, cat, (London,Thomas Agnew and Sons, Ltd,, 1985),nos, 7, 8,52, GIUSEPPE MARIA CRESP1Italian (Bolognese), 1665-1747The Blessed Bernard Tolomei Intercedingfir the Cessation of the Plague inSiena, circa 1735Oil on copper, 427 x 66,6 cm(I6 1 7ir/'x26 1 //)86,PC,463In his article in this Journal, John Spikeconnects this recently discovered paintingwith a documented commission fortwo paintings for the O٢vetan AbbotCorsi, The pendant representing SaintFrancesca Romana Placing the Infant Christin the Arms of Her Confessor (Merriman,no, 115) is known from workshop replkas,which also exist for the BernardTolomei (Musee des Beaux-Arts, Nimes;Marchini collection, Rome; Gemδldegalerieder Akademie der BildendenK٧nste, Vienna; Ilo Nunes-Mauri collection,Rome), Crespi's presentation ofTolomei as an intercessor is an innovationin the iconography of the fourteenth-centuryOlivetan abbot,PROVENANCE! Commissioned by AbbotCorsi, Florence, circa 1735; Marchese GinoCapponi, Florence, by 1767; sale, HotelDrouot, Paris [Marcel Walter and Tabour«deau, commissaires-priseurs], February 7,1945, lot 383; private collection* Switzerland;[Piero Corsini, New York], 1985 -1986,BiBLtoGPvAPHY! G, Zanotti, Storid deWAecddemidCtementind di Botognd (Bologna,1739), vol, 2, p, 64; L, Crespo PdslnaPittrice, Vitt de* pittori botognesi (Rome,1769), vol, 3, p, 217; M. P, Merriman,Giuseppe Mdrid Cmpi (Milan, 1980), pp, 265,271-272; J, T, Spike, Giuseppe Mdrid Crespidnd the Emergence of Gerne Painting in ltdiy, ex.cat, (Fort Worth, Kimbell Art Museum,1986), p, 162; idem, The Blessed BemdrdTolomei Interceding fir the Cessation of thePldgue in Siena: A Rediscovered Painting byGiuseppe Maria Crespi," GettyMusJiB(1987), pp, 111-116,

DRAWINGS53 (recto)BRITISHwomen executed by Gainsborough inthe mid-to-late 1760s. It shows adainty young woman seated and facingfront, a pose rare in Gainsborough.The costume consists of a broadbrimmedmilkmaid's bonnet, a shawldrawn about the woman's slendershoulders, and a luxuriantly cascadingskirt, broadly sketched in black andwhite chalks. This drawing descendedin the artist's family through hisyounger daughter, Margaret, and waslithographed by his great-nephewRichard Lane in 1825.PROVENANCE: Mrs. Thomas Gainsborough,London; by descent to the Gainsboroughs'daughter Margaret; Sophia and Richard Lane(probably Lane sale, Christie's, London, February25, 1831, lot 100); Crompton collection;Spiller collection; Dr. and Mrs. FrancisSpringell, Portinscale, Cumberland (sale,Sotheby's, London, June 30, 1986, lot 103).BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Hayes, The Drawings ofGainsborough (New Haven and London,1971), vol. 1, nos. 32, 33, vol. 2, pis. 98, 100;J. Hayes and L. Stainton, GainsboroughDrawings, ex. cat. (Washington, D.C.,National Gallery of Art; Fort Worth,Kimbell Art Museum; New Haven, YaleCenter for British Art, 1983), no. 43.Inscribed (verso): Carracci in pencil.86.GA.8Sustris' activities as overseer of theartistic undertakings at the court ofWilhelm V of Bavaria in Munich includedthe designing of sculpture anddecorative objects. This drawing,among his few surviving designs for adecorative piece, was used as the modelfor one of the twenty-five etched-glasspanels of a reliquary shrine in theReiche Kapelle in the Munich Residence.With its exceptional refinementof line and graceful figure style, it isqualitatively superior both to anotherversion in Budapest, considered byHeinrich Geissler to be a copy (Szepm٧veszetiMuseum, inv. no. 1387;T. Gerszi, Netherlandish Drawings in theBudapest Museum [Amsterdam, 1971],no. 259; H. Geissler,"UnbekannteEntw٧rfe von Friedrich Sustris,"Kunstgeschichtliche Studien für Kurt Bauch[Munich-Berlin, 1967], p. 154), and to acopy in D٧sseldorf (Kunstmuseum, inv.no. FP 5280).PROVENANCE: Private collection, Switzerland;[Pamela Gordon, Paris].DUTCHBIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Gordon, Pamela GordonPresents Old Master Drawings, ex. cat. (NewYork, Bob P. Haboldt, Inc., Gallery, 1985),no. 24.53 (verso)53. THOMAS GAINSBOROUGHBritish, 1727-1788Study of a Seated Woman (recto);Study of a Small Girl Seated on a Bank(verso), circa 1765—1770Black chalk and stump and whitechalk on blue paper (recto); blackchalk (verso), 31.8 x 23.8 cm(12V/ x 9 3 /s")86.GB.620This is one of a number of full-lengthstudies of beautifully costumed young54 5554. FRIEDRICH SUSTRISDutch, circa 1540-159955. JAN HARMENSZ. MULLERDutch, 1571-1628Angels Bearing the Column of theEmbracing Couple (Mercury and thePassion, circa 1580-1590Nymph Lara?), 1588-circa 1594Pen and dark brown ink and grayBlack chalk, pen and brown ink,wash, 16.6 x 20.6 cm (67i 6" x 8W).brown wash, and white gouache

Drawings 189heightening on light brown paper,18.7x217 cm (7 3 / 8"x8W').Inscribed: 145 in brown ink at thebottom.86.GG.595E. K. J. Reznicek recognizes this drawingas the work of Muller, assigning itto the period of 1588 through circa 1594,when the artist practiced the Manneristfigure style of the Prague painterBartholomδus Spranger and thepen work of Cornells van Haarlem.flowingCompositionally, the drawing is quiteclose to Muller s engraving after a drawingby Spranger, The Drunken Lot withHis Daughters (W L. Strauss, ed., TheIllustratedBartsch, vol. 4 [formerly vol.3], Netherlandish Artists: Matham,Saenredam, Muller [New York, 1980],no. 64 [284]), which is also dominatedby a muscular nude woman shown frombehind. The burning city in the backgroundand various other similarities oftechnique and composition occur in thedrawing Lot and His Daughters in theGraphische Sammlung, Munich (inv.no. 1037), attributed to van Haarlem byC. van Thiel (Katalog der StaatlichenGraphischen Sammlung München [Berlin,1973], vol. 1; W. Wegner, Die NiederländischenHandzeichnungen des 15.—18.Jahrhunderts [Berlin, 1973], vol. 1,no. 42). Judging from the backgroundconflagration, the helmet, and whatseems to be a caduceus in the lowerright corner, the embracing couplemight well be identified as Mercury andthe nymph Lara, a subject also treatedby Muller in an engraving (TheIllustratedBartsch, vol. 4, no. 10 [268]).PROVENANCE: Antonio Morassi, Milan; sale,Christie's, Amsterdam, November 18, 1985,lot 10; [Richard Day, London].BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. K. J. Reznicek, 4 JanHarmensz. Muller as Draughtsman:Addenda," Master Drawings 2 (1980), pp.120-121, 131, pi. 3.5656. HENDRICK GOLTZIUSDutch, 1558-1617Bust of an Angel, 1609Black chalk and white chalkheightening, 55.6 x 39.7 cm(21 ,5 /i6"xl5 5 /8"). Signed anddated: HG/A.1609 in blackchalk in the right middle margin.86.GB.593This drawing, exemplifying Goltzius'late, classical style, has only recentlycome to light. Its cartoonlike scale,softly modeled flesh, and angelic subjecttie in closely with his late paintings,suggesting that it might have beenintended as a preparatory study. No correspondingpainting, however, has beendiscovered. The drawing is powerfullyaffecting, owing to its impressive size,the immediacy of the subject, and thebroad, rich application of black chalk.PROVENANCE: Private collection, Malmτ,Sweden; private collection, London; [ArsLibri, Boston].BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. K.J. Reznicek, "A Surveyof Recent Discoveries and of BibliographyConcerning Dutch Art, 1500-1600," inNetherlandish Mannerism, G. Cavalli-Bjτrkman, ed. (Stockholm, 1985),pp. 10-11.57. REMBRANDT VAN RIJNDutch, 1606-1669An Artist in a Studio, circa 1632—1633Pen and brown ink, 20.5 x 17 cm(8Vi6" x 6 u /i6"). Collection marks of57

190 Acquisitions/1986E. Bouverie in the lower left cornerand of an anonymous collector inthe lower right corner.86.GA.675Rembrandt here depicts a solitary youngartist, possibly his friend and colleagueJan Lievens, holding a palette, brushes,and maulstick, and contemplating apainting in progress. Beside the easelstands a stone on which to preparepaint* Rembrandt's varied pen workdescribes a range of textures as well asthe shadowy atmosphere pervading thehigh-ceilinged interior, The masterfulmanipulation of space and chiaroscuro,combined with the painter's expressionof intense concentration as he confrontshis painting, make this one of the mostpowerful and original seventeenthcenturyimages of an artist at work,PROVENANCE: E, Bouverie, Delapr£ Abbey,near Northampton; Lewis Huth Walters;Dr, and Mrs, Francis Springeli, Portinscale,Cumberland (sale, Sotheby's, London, June30,1986, lot 41),BIBLIOGRAPHY: A, M. Hind, "Rembrandt inHis Studio/' Old Master Drawings 1 (June1926), p. 9; O. Benesch, Rembrandt: Werkund Forschung (Vienna, 1935), p, 28; idem,Selected Drawings by Rembrandt (Oxford andLondon, 1947), no, 33; idem, The Drawingsof Rembrandt (London, 1954), vol 2, no.390; S. Slive, "Rembrandt's 'Self-Portraitin a Studio,' " Burlington Magazine 106(November 1964), p, 485, fig, 4; idem,The Drawings of Rembrandt (London, 1973),vol, 2, no. 390; I. W. L. Moerman, et al.,Geschildert tot Leyden anno 1626, ex. cat.(Leiden, Stedelijk Museum de Lakenhal,1976), p, 26,59 (recto)58. AELBERTCUYPDutch, 1620-1691A Milkmaid, circa 1640-1650Black chalk, graphite, and graywash, 12 x 14.7 cm (4%" x 5 1 Vie")86.GG.672It was Cuyp's practice to make separatefigure studies which he later used in hislandscape paintings, often more thanonce. The present drawing was used inseveral of his paintings of milkmaids,the most important of which is in theMuseum Boymans-van Benningen,Rotterdam. Cuyp brought this drawingto an unusually high degree of finish,lavishing particular attention on themany soft folds of the garment and thefall of sunlight over the figure,PROVENANCE: L. Dupper (probably) (sale,Roos/Engelberts/Roos, Dordrecht, June28-29, 1870, part of lot 452); Victor deStuers, The Hague; private collection,the Netherlands; [Ars Libri, Boston],BIBLIOGRAPHY: Aelbert Cuyp: Originalabbildungennach seiner vorzüglichsten Gemäldenund Handzeichnungen (Leipzig, 1912), pl, 12;Honderd Teekeningen naar oud hollandschemeesters (Bloemendaal, n,d,), pl, 15;Handzeichnungen alter Meister der holländischenMalerschule (Leipzig, n,d,), vol, 2,pl, 2; S, Reiss, Aelbert Cuyp (London,1975), p, 90.59 (verso)59, AELBERT CUYPDutch, 1620-1691View of the Rhine Valley (recto); Viewof the Heideberger Mill near Cleves(verso), circa 1651-1652Black chalk, graphite, and graywash, 13,2 x 237 cm (SV x 9 5 /ie"),Inscribed (recto): A Cuyp in blackchalk in the lower left corner.Inscribed (verso): Coll ten Gate 196in graphite,86.GG673This drawing belongs to a sketchbookof landscapes and townscapes that Cuypmade during a trip to the region ofNijmegen and Cleves in 1651-1652,Other examples from this sketchbookinclude those in the Groninger Museumvoor Stad en Lande, Groningen (inv.no. 1931-146); the British Museum,London (E.1912, inv, no, 172); and thePondation Custodia, Collection FritsLugt, Paris (inv. no. 5304), The drawingsfrom this sketchbook are allexecuted in a similar technique, Darkblack chalk appears in the foregroundand the middle ground, and graphite isused in the background; this producesan effect of atmospheric perspective.Cuyp here built up the landscape in asuccession of horizontal zones, achievinga sense of expansiveness reminiscentof the work of Rembrandt and PhilipsKöninck, While the town on the rectoremains unidentified, the sketch on theverso shows the Heideberger Mill out«side Cleves, Van Gelder and Jost notethat it is a continuation of a drawing inthe Musee Conde, Chantilly (inv. no,

Drawings 1911085) showing the city of Cleves fromthe Galgenberg outside the walls, and itexemplifies Cuyp's habit of beginning alandscape on the recto of a sheet andcontinuing it on the verso of thepreceding page,fftoVENANGfirtB, Houthakkef, Amsterdam];H, E, ten Gate, Almelo, the Netherlands;[C. G, Boerner, Düsseldorf]; [ft M. Lightand Co,, Boston]; Charles Cunningham,Massachusetts,BIBLIOGRAPHY: D, Hannema, Collection ofH, £, ten Cate (Oldenzaal, the Netherlands,1955), no, 196, fig, 98; F. W. Robinson, OneHundred Master Drawings from New EnglandPrivate Collections, ex, cat, (Hartford, Conn,,Wads worth Atheneum, 1973), no, 26 (entryby J, G, van Gelder and I, Jost); J, Giltay,Aeibert Cuyp en Zijn Pamilie, ex. cat,(Dordrechts Museum, 1977), p, 172, n, 1,under no, 70,60, CORNELtS SAFTLEVENDutch, 1607-1681An Enchanted Cellar with Animals,circa 1655-1670Black and red chalk, gray andbrown wash, and watercolor, 25,7 x32 cm (10W x 12%"). Collectionmark of Armand Sigwalt in thelower left margin.86,GG,17Saftleven here combines his talents as apainter of animal drolleries and of rusticinteriors, The animals engage in variousactivities, including giving a concertand reading books. These are both traditionalthemes in Netherlandish animalpainting, occurring, for example, in thework of Jan Brueghel the Elder, With itselaborate composition and high degreeof finish, this is one of the mostaccomplished animal drawings inSaftleven's oeuvre,PROVENANCE: Sale, Paillet/Delaroche, Paris,April 25, 1803, lot 236; Armand Sigwalt,Paris; Eugene Rodrigues, Pads (sale, FrederikMuller, Amsterdam, May 27-28,1913, lot192); sale, Sotheby's, Amsterdam, November15,1983, lot 247; [John Morton Morris,London],BIBLIOGRAPHY: W, Schulz, Cornells Saftleven(Berlin, 1978), no, 353, p, 147,6161. ADRIAEN VAN DE VELDEDutch, 1636-1672Seated Female Nude, circa 1660-1670Black chalk and white chalk heighteningon gray paper, 26,5 x 19,6 cm(10W x Wie")86,GB,641Van de Velde was among the finestDutch figure draughtsmen of the lateseventeenth century, This examplederives its charm from the soft anddelicate modeling of the form in lightand shadow, combined with the gracefulpose and contemplative expression ofthe young model, It is comparable to anumber of other drawings by van deVelde, possibly of the same model,including a signed example in theLouvre (R Lugt, Musie du Louvre,Inventaire giniral des dessins des holes duNord, Ecole hollandaise [Paris, 1931],vol, 2, no, 779) and one sold atSotheby's, Amsterdam, May 3,1976(lot 110),PROVENANCE: C, R, Rudolf, London (sale,Sotheby's, Amsterdam, April 18,1977, lot66); private collection, South Africa;[Richard Day, London],BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. White, et al,, Old MasterDrawings from the Collection of Mr C. R.Rudolf, ex, cat, (London, Arts Council, 1962),no, 144,60

192 Acquisitions/19866262. GERARDUS VAN VEENDutch, circa 1620-1683Standing Ruff (Philomachuspugnax), 1677Black chalk, pen and brown ink,watercolor, and gouache on paper,23.3x27.1 cm (9 3 /i 6" x 10"/i6").Signed and dated: Gerardus VanVeenfec:/A° 1611: in the lower leftcorner.86.GG.15Van Veen was a draughtsman who forthe most part produced highly finishedwatercolors of birds. His rare drawingsare close in style to that of his brotherRochus, also a natural history draughtsman(A. van der Willigen, Les artistes deHarlem [Haarlem and The Hague, 1870],p. 302). This drawing shows a speciesof sandpiper named for the distinctivecollar of long black feathers that appearson the neck of the male as part of itssummer plumage. It is drawn almostentirely with the brush, in a delicateand precise technique in which eachfeather is delineated. This is especiallynoticeable in the intricate patterns ofthe dorsal plumage.PROVENANCE: [John Morton Morris,London].63FLEMISH63. DENYS VAN ALSLOOTFlemish, 1570-1628Forest Landscape with a DistantCastle, 1608Pen and brown ink and brown andblue-gray wash, 20.3 x 27.6 cm (8" x107s"). Signed: D. ab Alsloot. S.A.Pic.: in the bottom right corner.Dated: 1608 in the lower left corner.86.GA.9Van Alsloot developed a variant of thedense forest landscape invented by Gillisvan Coninxloo, which combines thistype of scene with views of actual castlesand abbeys situated in the environsof his native Brussels, especially in theregion of the forest of Soignes. Thepresent drawing might well representone of these buildings, although thesite has yet to be identified. The treatmentof foliage as delicate, lacy tufts,combined with the deft handling ofwashes, create the effect of airy sunlightpenetrating successive glades.PROVENANCE: Private collection, Paris;[Richard Day, London].64. PETER PAUL RUBENSFlemish, 1577-1640The Adoration of the Shepherds,circa 1613-1614Pen and brown ink, brown wash,and white gouache heightening;indented for transfer, 27.9 x 18.1 cm(11" x 7Vi6"). Inscribed: P. Rub... inbrown ink in the lower left corner.86.GA.592This is one of eleven illustrations and atitle page Rubens designed for a newedition of the Breviarium Romanum,published by the Plantin Press inAntwerp in 1614. Theodore Galle receivedpayment for cutting the plate onApril 12, 1614 (Judson and van de Velde,Appendix 3, p. 455, no. 17).The drawing is among the most highlyfinished in the series, comparable inthis respect to the Adoration of the Magi(New York, Pierpont Morgan Library,inv. no. 1,230) and The Resurrection ofChrist (London, British Museum, inv.no. 1895.9.15.1049). The technique is richand painterly in its combination of vigoroushatching, warm brown washes,and extensive white highlights. Thecomposition focuses on the sleepingChrist child, who radiates holy light.Rubens' interpretation of the theme ofthe Adoration of the Shepherds in thisexample is notable for the beautiful

Drawings 193effects of nocturnal lighting, the emphasisupon the rustic stable interior,and the inclusion of the statuesquemaiden balancing a milk pitcher onher head—a figure that appears in hislater works.PROVENANCE: H. Tersmitten, Utrecht (sale,de Bary and Yver, Amsterdam, September23, 1754 et seq., lot 43); Pieter Testas theYounger, Amsterdam (sale, de Leth,Amsterdam, March 29, 1757, lot 49); GerardHoet, Jr., The Hague (sale, Franken andThol, The Hague, August 25-28, 1760, lot243); Dionis Muilman (sale, de Bosch, Jr.,Ploos van Amstel, de Winter, Amsterdam,April 29, 1773, lot 965); Neyman collection,Amsterdam (sale, Hotel dAligre, Paris, July8, 1776, lot 755); Armand FredericErnest Nogaret (sale, Langlier, Antoine,Thierry, Paris, April 6, 1807, lot 457); privatecollection (sale, Christie's, London, April 2,1947, lot 47); Ludwig Burchard, Berlin andLondon; private collection, Switzerland;[Wildenstein and Co., New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. Rooses, L'Oeuvre deP. P. Rubens (Antwerp, 1892), vol. 5, p. 60,no. 1253; E. Haverkamp-Begemann,Olieverfschetsen van Rubens, ex. cat. (Rotterdam,Museum Boymans, 1953), p. 50, underno. 20; F. Boudouin, "De Aanbidding derHerders, een Schets van P. P. Rubens," Antwerpen1 (1955), p. 3, fig. 4; L. Burchard andR.-A. d'Hulst, Tekeningen van P. P. Rubens,ex. cat. (Antwerp, Rubenshuis, 1956), p. 56;idem, Rubens Drawings (Brussels, 1963), vol.1, p. 114, under no. 68; J. R. Judson and C.van de Velde, Corpus Rubenianum LudwigBurchard, vol. 21, Book Illustrations and TitlePages (London and Philadelphia, 1978), vol. 1,no. 21a, vol. 2, fig. 81.FRENCH65. FRANCOIS STELLAFrench, 1563-1605View of Tivoli, circa 1587Black chalk, traces of red chalk, penand brown ink, and gray and brownwash, 26.9 x 41.3 cm (10W x 16V 4").Inscribed: Paul Brill in brown ink atthe bottom of the mount. Collectionmark: AW (close to Lugt 202)on the verso.86.GG.28Stellas biographer Jacques Pernettirecords that the artist visited Rome in1576 with the Jesuit priest and architectEtienne Martellange (Recherches pourservir ä Vhistoire de Lyon [Lyons, 1757],vol. 2, pp. 24-27). J. Vallery-Radot64points out, however, that the correctdate of the trip is 1586—1587, basedupon a group of fifteen drawings inthe Musee du Louvre (inv. nos.32866-32880), all formerly attributedto Stella and all bearing dates of1586-1587 ("Le Sejour de Martellangea Rome en 1586 et 1587 et ses dessins dejeunesse," Revue du Louvre, 12, no. 5[1962], pp. 205—216). Recognizing tenof these drawings as the work of Martellange,Vallery-Radot has retainedStellas authorship for four (inv. nos.32866, 32867, 32869, 32873), which forma stylistically homogeneous group, allshowing the cascades of Tivoli. TheMuseum's drawing closely parallels thegroup in the Louvre. Not only is itthematically related, but it also shows asimilar handling consisting of broadlyapplied washes and varied pen work,including frequent parallel hatchingand sinuous passages articulating thecavities of the tufa stone. The Getty65Museum and Louvre sheets are amongStellas few known drawings.PROVENANCE: Probably Sir AnthonyWestcombe, England; Sir William Forbes,Bt., Scotland, and by descent (sale,Christie's, London, April 10, 1985, lot 30);[Galerie de la Scala, Paris].BIBLIOGRAPHY: Old Master and XlXth CenturyPaintings and Drawings, ex. cat. (Paris, Galeriede La Scala, November 6-29, 1985), no. 32.

194 Acquisitions/19866666. NICOLAS POUSSINFrench, 1594-1665Two Girls Accompanied by Cupid,circa 1625Pen and brown ink and brown washover black chalk, 145 x 12,4 cm(5W x 4V). Collection mark ofBaron Milford on the verso.86.GG.468It has been suggested that the scene mayrepresent a bride being led to her bridegroomby a putto and an attendant,while Cupid urges her on. In generalstylistic terms this example is related toPoussins drawings made soon after hisarrival in Rome in 1624 Its theme isperhaps closest, as Friedlδnder andBlunt suggest, to depictions of Bacchusand Ariadne or of a classical marriagescene (Friedlδnder-Blunt, vol. 3, nos,A61 [Leningrad, Hermitage, inv, no.5076], 181,182 [Windsor, Royal Library,inv. nos. 11888 verso and 11911]),PROVENANCE: Baron Milford, RichardPhilipps, Pickton Castle, Pembrokeshire;by descent to Sir John Philipps; AnthonyBlunt, London; private collection, Zurich;[Ars Libri, Boston],BIBLIOGRAPHY: W, Friedlδnder and A. Blunt,The Drawings of Nicolas Poussin, catalogueraisonne (London, 1974), vol. 5, p, 115,no, 444.6767 NICOLAS POUSSINFrench, 1594-1665The Crossing of the Red Sea,circa 1634Red chalk, 15.5 x 22.6 cm (6W' x87s")86.GB.466One of only a handful of drawings byPoussin in red chalk that is more thana marginal notation, this scene of theCrossing of the Red Sea (Exod. 15) wasmade as a composition study for thepainting of the same subject in the NationalGallery of Victoria, Melbourne.Its principal figure groups consist of aturbulent, fleeing crowd above and acluster of praying women in the lowerforeground. This is among the mostanimated and fluent composition studiesin Poussins drawings oeuvre.PROVENANCE: J. Isaacs, London (sale,Sotheby's, London, February 27,1964,lot 69 [as "Italian School"]); Anthony Blunt,London; private collection, Zurich; [ArsLibri, Boston],BIBLIOGRAPHY: W, Friedlδnder and A, Blunt,The Drawings of Nicolas Poussin, catalogueraisonne (London, 1974), vol. 5, p, 66, no.386; A, Blunt, The Drawings of Poussin(New Haven, 1979), p. 90,68. NICOLAS POUSSINFrench, 1594-1665Study for the Triumph of Neptuneand Amphitrite, circa 163568Pen and brown ink, 14,6 x 20.6 cm(5 3 A" x 8VH"). Collection mark ofN. Hone at the bottom right.Fragment of a letter, not byPoussin, on the verso,86.GA.470Depicted here are a putto at the right,two nymphs and a triton at the center,and a standing marine goddess at theleft that is similar to Venus figures inother drawings by Poussin, The puttoand the group of two nymphs with atriton appear in the artist's importantpainting of the mid-1630s, The Birth ofVenus (Philadelphia Museum of Art).PROVENANCE: Nathaniel Hone, London;Anthony Blunt, London; private collection,Zurich; [Ars Libri, Boston],BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Friedlδnder and A, Blunt,The Drawings of Nicolas Poussin (London,1953), vol, 3, p, 34, no, 213,

Drawings 1956969, NICOLAS POUSSINFrench, 1594-1665Votary of Bacchus, circa 1640Pen and brown ink and brownwash, 15,7 x 13,6 cm (6 3 A 6" x 5 5 /ir>").Inscribed (recto): 109 in brown inkat the top right corner and (verso)G.F.M.86,GG469It has been proposed that this drawing isbased upon a damaged Roman cameoand thus represents a rare instance ofPoussin attempting to reconstruct anantique artifact, This and a seconddrawing by Poussin (private collection,London) show the same running figure,except that the two carry different objects(in this case a jug and in the other,two torches) and wear differently disposedanimal skins. This has led to thehypothesis that these drawings representalternative "restorations" byPoussin of a carved figure on a cameomissing its hands and background.Features that suggest the cameo shapeinclude the roughly drawn circle inscribingthe form, and the shading,which indicates that the figurestands out in relief from a hollowedoutsurface,PROVENANCE: Private collection, England(circa 1825); Anthony Blunt, London; privatecollection, Zurich; [Ars Libri, Boston].BIBLIOGRAPHY; A, Blunt, "Newly IdentifiedDrawings by Poussin and His Followers,"Master Drawings 12 (1974), no. 3, pp. 243-244; idem, "Further Newly Identified Drawingsby Poussin and His Followers," MasterDrawings 17 (1979), no, 2, pp, 139-140.70 (recto)70 (verso)70. NICOLAS POUSSINFrench, 1594-1665Studies of Antiquities (recto andverso), circa 1645Pen and brown ink and brown wash(recto); pen and brown ink; later redchalk framing lines (verso), 26,8 x19,6 cm (10V x TVie"). Inscribed(recto): hypocrateridium, .. .pasa,and testa di hour by the brazier at topleft; torques by the draped torso atthe right; in villa Julia on the tripodbase, middle left; putto and bulla conla trabea by the bust, bottom leftallby Poussin in brown ink. Collectionmarks of Moriz von Fries at theupper right, the marquis de Lagoyat the lower right, and A.Ch.H. Hisde la Salle at the center. Inscribed;a.65 in brown ink and 96 in graphiteon the verso of the mount,86.GA.467Among the various types of drawingsPoussin made after the antique, thisrepresents what Blunt calls his "anthological"drawings, in which the artistbrought together a wide range of motifson a single page, Here he depicts a brazier(top left), an Etruscan mirror (topright), a tripod dedicated to Apollo(middle row, left), the torso of a manwearing several torques (middle row,right), the bust of boy wearing a bulla(lower row, left), and a sandaled foot(lower row, right). This sheet is notablefor the beautiful mise-en-page, fine line,and warm brown washes producing theeffect of sunlight on stone reliefs. Theverso contains drawings of a sphinx anda woman holding a water pot in thelower half and in the upper half a friezecomposed of swags, an eagle, a ram'shead, and other decorative details.PROVENANCE; Count Moriz von Fries, Vienna;marquis de Lagoy, Aix-en Proyence; SirThomas Lawrence, London; A,Ch,H, Hisde la Salle, Paris; Sir E. J. Poyner (sale,Sotheby's, London, April 25, 1918, lot 225, toThomas Agnew and Sons, Ltd,); Clark collection,London; [Thomas Agnew and Sons,Ltd.]; Anthony Blunt, London; private collection,Zurich; [Ars Libri, Boston],BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Blunt, "Poussin et lesceremonies religieuses antiques," Revue desarts 10 (1960), p. 61; W. Friedlδnder andA, Blunt, The Drawings of Mcolas Poussin,catalogue raisonne (London, 1963), vol, 4,p, 25, no. 247,1974, vol, 5, p. 41, no, 344,

196 Acquisitions/198671 (recto)72BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Friedlδnder and A. Blunt,The Drawings of Nicolas Poussin, catalogueraisonne (London, 1974), vol. 5, p. 42,nos. 346, 346a.71 (verso)71 NICOLAS POUSSINFrench, 1594-1665Two Studies of an Ancient(recto); Scylla and a Centaurcirca 1645Statue(verso),Pen and brown ink and some laterred chalk framing lines, 16.2 x 12.6cm (6W x 4 5 /i 6")86.GA.471The recto shows two views of anunidentified Roman statue of a manin a short toga. The verso is basedupon an antique trapezophore (a typeof ornate table) with reliefs of centaurs,Eros, and Scylla, which was in the VillaMadama, Rome, in the sixteenth andseventeenth centuries and is now in theMuseo Nazionale, Naples. Both therecto and verso are characteristiccopies by Poussin of the remains ofancient Rome.PROVENANCE: Sale, Sotheby's, London, July 9,1968, lot 49; Anthony Blunt, London; privatecollection, Zurich; [Ars Libri, Boston].72. JACQUES STELLAFrench, 1596-1657An Apple Harvest, circa 1655Brush and varying shades of graywash over black chalk; indentedwith a stylus throughout; versocovered with red chalk for transfer,24.3 x 324 cm (9 9 /i 6" x 12 3 A")86.GG.619Stylus indentations throughout indicatethat this drawing was created as a designfor a print. It is closely related to the seriesof engravings entitled Pastorales, designedby Stella and executed by hisniece and follower, Claudine BouzonnetStella, twelve years after his death. Althoughthe drawing is not a preparatorystudy for any of the works in Pastorales,it is not unlikely that it was made as anadditional print in the series. An especiallyfine example of a genre drawingby Stella, it was executed almost entirelywith the brush in delicately modulatedtones that lend weight to thefigures and produce a lively play of sunlightand shadow.PROVENANCE: Private collection, Paris;[Christopher Comer, Paris].7373. HYACINTHE RIGAUDFrench, 1659-1743Portrait of a Man, circa 1710-1720Black chalk, gray wash, and whiteand gray gouache heightening onblue-gray paper, 35.4 x 28 cm(14" x 11")86.GB.612When this drawing was sold in Paris in1971, it was suggested that the sitterwas the marquis de Louvois. Rigaudprobably drew it as a copy of one ofhis paintings, as he did of the wellknownPortrait of Samuel Bernard

Drawings 197(1727, Kansas City, Missouri, Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art).Such finishedportrait drawings by Rigaud are exceptionallyrare. This example displays acharacteristically impressive poseand virtuoso rendering of velvet, silk,and lace.PROVENANCE: Sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris, May10, 1971, lot 26; private collection, Paris;[Bruno de Bayser, Paris].74. ANTOINE WATTEAUFrench, 1684-1721The Remedy, circa 1716—1717Red, black, and white chalk,23.4 x 37.1 cm (9 3 /i 6" x 14W).Inscribed: Watteau/Etudenue couchee sur un lit.de femmeServantetenant une serigue./F. Villot in penand brown ink on the verso ofthe mount.86.GB.594One of Watteau's greatest nudes, thishighly finished drawing was made inpreparation for the painting RecliningNude (circa 1716/17, Pasadena, NortonSimon Museum). Somewhat smallerthan the drawing (572" x 6 3 A"), thepainting has been cut just above theknees, making it impossible to tellwhether it ever similarly contained amaid administering a clyster. The clysterwas an erotic subject commonlytreated by eighteenth-century artists. InTheRemedy Watteau experimented withthree different placements of the maid'shead and did not finish drawing her armand shoulder, which suggests that thisfigure might have been included as anafterthought. The drawing's main focusis on the magnificent nude, whosebeauty Watteau enhanced by using thetrois crayons to help create a delicate headand pearly, volumetric flesh.PROVENANCE: F. Villot, Paris; A. Dumas theYounger, Paris; A. Vollon, Paris; C. Groult,Paris; by descent to P. Bordeaux-Groult,Paris; John Gaines, Lexington, Kentucky.BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Adhemar and R. Huyghe,Watteau, sa vie, son oeuvre (Paris, 1950), p. 54,no. 20; K. T. Parker and J. Mathey, AntoineWatteau: Catalogue complet de son oeuvre dessine(Paris, 1957), vol. 2, no. 865; M. Cormack,The Drawings of Watteau (London, 1970), no.114; D. Posner, "Watteau's Reclining Nude andthe 'Remedy' Theme," Art Bulletin 54(December 1972), pp. 385-388; D. Posner,Antoine Watteau (London, 1984), pp. 105-106;74P. Rosenberg and M. Grasselli, Watteau,1684-1721, ex. cat. (Washington, DC,National Gallery of Art, 1984), no. 88, p. 333,under no. 37.75. ANTOINE WATTEAUFrench, 1684-1721Studies of Threecirca 1716-1717Women,Red, black, and white chalk,26.8 x 32.7 cm (10 9 /i 6" x 12 7 /s")86.GB.596Several paintings by Watteau containfigures based on this drawing. Thestanding woman at the right appears onthe arm of a swain in Assembly in a Park(Paris, Musee du Louvre). This figurewas also engraved by J. Audran {Figuresde differents caracteres, no. 205) and byDemarteau (reproduced in P. Mantz,Antoine Watteau [Paris, 1892], p. 37). Theseated woman with a fan was employedfor the figure in the right foregroundof both versions of the Pilgrimage to

198 Acquisitions/1986Cythera(Paris, Musee du Louvre, andBerlin, Schloss Charlottenburg), as wellas in a lost painting by Watteau knownthrough a print by Benoit Audran withthe title Bon Voyage (reproduced in E.Dacier and A. Vuaflart, Jean de Jullienneet les graveurs de Watteau au XVIIFsiede[Paris, 1921], vol. 4, fig. 35). The standingwoman on the left side of the sheetappears in an engraving after Watteau byLaurent Cars, Diseuse de bonneaventure.The trois crayons technique is here usedwith great effectiveness,with the highlyworked central figure done predominantlyin black chalk and the sketchierflankingpair executed primarily in red.With its varying poses and subtle spatialarrangement, this sheet exemplifiesWatteau's ability to unify a series ofunrelated individual studies.PROVENANCE: Jules-Robert Auguste, Paris(sale, Paris, May 28, 1850, lots 101-102);Baron L. A. de Schwiter, Paris (sale, HotelDrouot, Paris, April 20-21, 1883, lot 157, toLarroque); H.-A. Josse, Paris (sale, GalerieGeorges Petit, Paris, May 28, 1894, lot 46);Jacques Doucet, Paris (sale, Paris, 1912, lot55, to Feral); Donaldson collection, London;Walter Burns; Mortimer L. Schiff, New York(sale, Christie's, London, June 24, 1938, lot54, to Leggatt); Lord Wharton, Dublin andSwitzerland; heirs of Lord Wharton,Switzerland.BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. de Goncourt, Catalogue raisonnede Voeuvre peint, dessine et grave d AntoineWatteau (Paris, 1875), p. 366; G. Dargenty,Antoine Watteau (Paris, 1891), p., 47; K. T.Parker, The Drawings of Antoine Watteau(London, 1931), no. 53; H. Adhemar,L'Embarquement pour Vile de Cythere,Watteau (Paris, 1947), ill. no. 12 (no page no.);K. T. Parker and J. Mathey, Antoine Watteau:Catalogue complet de son oeuvre dessine(Paris, 1957), vol. 2, no. 606; P. Rosenbergand M. Grasselli, Watteau, 1684-1721, ex.cat. (Washington, DC, National Gallery ofArt, 1984), pp. 386, 406.7676. JEAN-BAPTISTE PATERFrench, 1695-1736Study of a Seated Woman, circa 1730Red chalk on tan paper, 15.2 x 16.7cm (6" x 6 9 /i6"). Inscribed: JB. paterin graphite and 25 in brown ink inthe lower left corner.86.GB.613This hitherto unpublished figure studyshows a robust young peasant womanseated on the ground. It was made as apreparatory study for Pater's paintingTheHalting Place of the Troops of circa1730, now in a private collection, NewYork (F. Ingersoll-Smouse, Pater [Paris,1921], no. 417, fig. 126). The figure inthe painting is shown seated in theforeground among the troops, holdinga baby.PROVENANCE: Private collection, Paris;[Bruno de Bayser, Paris].7777. JEROME-MARTIN LANGLOISFrench, 1778-1838Alexander Ceding Campaspe toApelles, 1819Black chalk, gray wash, and whitegouache heightening, 39 x 51.4 cm(15 3 / 8" x 20V4")86.GG.475Langlois made this as a presentationdrawing for his painting of the samesubject of 1819, which won a first-placemedal in the Salon of 1819. The paintingis now in the Galerie Municipale duChateau de l'Eau, Toulouse. Thecomposition is closely related to anunfinished painting of the same subjectby Langlois' teacher, David (Lille, Museedes Beaux-Arts), which he beganaround 1813 and continued to work onduring his exile in Brussels (1816—1825).Langlois thus could have become familiarwith the project during its initialstages. The subject must have had particularsignificance for David and for hispupil Langlois, since the latter portrayedthe aged David in the famous portrait of1825 (Paris, Musee du Louvre) at workon a drawing for the Lille painting.PROVENANCE: Private collection, U.S.;[Zangrilli, Brady and Co., Ltd., New York].

Drawings 19978. THEODORE GERICAULTFrench, 1791-1824Sailboat on the Sea, circa 1818—1819Watercolor, wash, and whitegouache over traces of blackchalk on tan paper, 15.3 x 24.7 cm(6" x 9 3 //')86.GG.67978This newly discovered study forGericault's painting The Raft of theMedusa of 1819 (Paris, Musιe du Louvre)probably shows the frigate Medusa indifficulty while another ship disappearson the horizon. Gericault's biographerClιment reports that the artist made abrief visit to Le Havre in order to studythe sky for his painting (C. Clιment,Géricault: Etude biographique et critique[Paris, 1879], pp. 357-358). It is likelythat he made this and two other cloudstudies done in the same technique duringthis reported trip (Bayonne, MusιeBonnat, inv. nos. NI 800, NI 801). Possessingall of its original coloristicstrength and subtlety, this drawingranks among the most powerful ofGericault's studies of nature, capturingits dramatic qualities through stronglycontrasting tonal effects.PROVENANCE: Private collection, Paris;[Richard Day, London].BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Grunchec, Master Drawingsby Gericault, ex. cat. (New York, PierpontMorgan Library; San Diego Museum of Art;Houston, Museum of Fine Arts, 1985), no.64; L. Eitner, "Review of Master Drawings byGericault," Burlington Magazine 128 (January1986), p. 56; H. Luthy, "Review of MasterDrawings by Gericault," Master Drawings(in press).79. THEODORE GERICAULTFrench, 1791-1824The Giaour, circa 1822/23Watercolor over pencil, 21.1 x 23.879cm (8 5 /IÔ" x 9 3 /8"). Inscribed (verso):géricault in brown ink and le giaourin black chalk.86.GC.678Among Gericault's earliest and mostimpressive renderings of a Byronictheme, this highly finished watercolorillustrates Byron's 1813 poem The Giaour.The poem is about a Christian outlawroaming the Turkish coasts at night.Gericault's image reflects the description

200 Acquisitions/1986of this figure in the poem with specificityof mood and gesture:His brow was bent, his eye was glazed;He raised his arm, and fiercely raised,And sternly shook his hand on high,As doubting to return orfly...The watercolor served as a preparatorystudy for the Gericault lithograph of1823 (L. Delteil, Le Peintre-graveurillustre [Paris, 1924], vol. 18, no. 71)published by the Gihaut brothersin 1823.PROVENANCE: De la Cressonniere collection,Lausanne; Hans E. B٧hler collection,Winterthur (sale, Christie's, London,November 15, 1985, lot 58); [H. ShickmanGallery, New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. Clement, Gericault, Etudebiographique et critique (Paris, 1879), no. 171bis; L. Eitner, "Gericault's 'La Tempete',"Museum Studies 2 (1967), pp. 11, 16, n. 9;idem, C. Clement, Gericault Supplement (Paris,1973), p. 472; P. Grunchec, Gericault: Dessinset aquarelles de chevaux (Lausanne, 1982), pp.138—139; L. Eitner, Gericault: His Life andWork (London, 1983), pp. 258, 260, 261, pi.215, pp. 262, 359, n. Ill; P. Grunchec, MasterDrawings by Gericault, ex. cat. (New York,Pierpont Morgan Library; San Diego Museumof Art; Houston, Museum of FineArts, 1985), p. 161.8080. HENRI LEHMANN (Karl ErnestRudolphe Heinrich Salem)French, 1814-1882LamentationCross, 1847at the Foot of theBlack and white chalk, graphite,and gray wash on dark tan paper,8142.8 x 29.2 cm (167s" x ÜV2"). Signedand dated: Henri Lehmann.1847.inblack chalk in the lower left corner.86.GB.474Lehmann produced this highly finisheddrawing in preparation for his paintingof 1847 in the chapel of the Compassion,church of Saint-Louis-en-lTle,Paris. This was part of an importantcommission that included two furtherpaintings for the same church, theAssumption (1849) and the Virgin Presentsthe Child Jesus (1850). Lehmann alsoexhibited the painting of The Virgin atthe Foot of the Cross in the Salon of 1848.In addition to numerous individualfigure and drapery studies, he did atleast two elaborate drawings of thecomposition as a whole, that in theGetty Museum and one in a privatecollection in Paris made at an earlierstage in the evolution of the composition(Aubrun [1984] no. D.287).Between the Paris and Getty drawings,Lehmann made a number of changes,retained in the final painting. Themost important of these is the deletionof background figures in favor of thedeserted barren landscape, whichheightens the emotional desolation ofthe scene.PROVENANCE: Descendants of the artist;private collection, Paris; Mario Amaya,New York; Frederick J. Cummings, Detroit;[Zangrilli, Brady and Co., Ltd., New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. Kashey and M. H. Reymert,Christian Imagery in French NineteenthCentury Art, 1798-1906, ex. cat. (ShepherdGallery, New York, 1980), no. 86; J. Foucartand L.-A. Prat, "Quelques oeuvres ineditesd'Henri Lehmann (1814—1882) au Louvre etau Musee d'Orsay," La revue du Louvre et desmusees de France 33 (1983) no. 1, p. 23, n. 12;M. M. Aubrun, Henri Lehmann, 1814-1882:Portraits et decors Parisiens, ex. cat. (Paris, MuseeCarnavalet, 1983), p. 75, under no. 81;idem, Henri Lehmann, 1814—1882: Catalogueraisonne de Voeuvre (Nantes, 1984), vol. 1, no.D288, p. 113.81. EUGENE DELACROIXFrench, 1798-1863The Education of Achilles,circa 1855-1858Pastel on paper, 30.6 x 41.9 cm(12716" x^/z"). Signed: EugDelacroix86.GG.728at the bottom left.This large and beautifully preservedpastel represents Achilles' instructionin the art of hunting by the centaurChiron. Delacroix painted this subjectin one of the pendentives of thePoetry cupola in the Bibliotheque duPalais Bourbon, Paris. This importantofficial commission, which involvedthe decoration of two hemicycles andfive cupolas with mythological scenes

Drawings 201representing various branches of humanknowledge, occupied Delacroix from1838 to 1847.The Museum's pastel is based on thependentive painting of The Education ofAchilles, which similarly shows the centaurfrom behind, bounding forward.The drawing differs most significantlyfrom the painting in its addition ofthe expansive landscape and cloudsweptsky—passages that highlightDelacroix's brilliant sense of color andbravura handling of the pastel medium.Lee Johnson points out the drawing'sclose compositional relation toDelacroix's oil painting of the samesubject (formerly in the Alexis Rouartcollection), which is dated 1862 (as citedin the sale catalogue, Sotheby's, NewYork, November 17, 1986, lot 29).PROVENANCE: George Sand (sale 1864); KhalilBey (sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris, January 16,1868, lot 22); Quincy Shaw McKean, Boston;Richard S. Davis, New York and London;John Gaines, Lexington, Kentucky (sale,Sotheby's, New York, November 17, 1986,lot 29).BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Moreau, E. Delacroix etson oeuvre (Paris, 1873), p. 323; A. Robaut,L'Oeuvre complete de Eugene Delacroix (Paris,1885), p. 218, no. 841; M. Serullaz, Inventairegeneral des dessins ecole francaise, EugeneDelacroix (Paris, 1984), vol. 1, p. 164, underno. 305.82GERMAN82. ALBRECHT ALTDORFERGerman, circa 1480-1538Christ Carrying the Cross,circa 1510-1515Pen and black ink and gray washover black chalk, Diam: 30.4 cm(ll 1 5 /l6").86.GG.465This newly discovered drawing is reminiscentof the panel Christ Carrying theCross from the Saint Florian Altarpiece(Austria, Monastery of Saint Florian);both are composed with monumental,relieflike figures concentrated near theforeground. The most striking of thesefigures in the drawing is the livelystanding man on the left, who pulls atChrist with his right arm. The individualistic,varied draughtmanship, encompassingbroad outlines, meanderingabstracting lines, and distinctive zigzagpen work, is also found in a groupof drawings by Altdorfer in theUniversitδtsbibliothek, Erlangen(F. Winzinger, Albrecht Altdorfer/Zeichnungen [Munich, 1952], nos.96—99). The circular format and planarcomposition of the drawing indicatethat it was probably made as a designfor a stained glass window.PROVENANCE: Gφsta Stenman, Stockholm(sale, Christie's, London, December 12,1985, lot 341, as "Circle of Wolf Huber");[Ars Libri, Boston].BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. R. Goldner and L.Hendrix, "A New Altdorfer Drawing," BurlingtonMagazine 129 (June 1987), no. 1011, pp.383-387.

202 Acquisitions/198683a84 (recto)83b83. HANS SEBALD BEHAMGerman, 1500-1550A Peasant Man Holding a Jar,circa 1520A Peasant Woman Carrying a Jug,circa 1520Black chalk and pen and brown ink,each 10.7 x 5.8 cm (47i 6" x 2 5 /i 6")86.GG.477-478These drawings show a young laborerholding ajar and standing in front oftwo wheels of cheese and a hook-nosedcrone with a pitcher, walking forwardand pointing. Such animated depictionsof peasants are characteristic of Beham.This pair is close in many details toBeham's undated woodcut illustrationof a Peasant Couple with Jugs and a Goose(R. A. Koch, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch,vol. 15 [formerly vol. 8, pt. 2], EarlyGerman Masters: Barthel Beham andHans Sebald Beham [New York, 1978],nos. 142-143).PROVENANCE: Robert P. Roupell; T. Straus-Negbaur (sale, Cassirer and Helbing, Berlin,November 25, 1930, lot 25); private collection(sale, Christie's, London, December 12, 1978,lot 232); private collection; [Yvonne TanBunzl, London].ITALIAN84. LEONARDO DA VINCIItalian, 1452-1519Three Sketchesof a Child with a Lamb(recto); A Child with a Lamb, Head ofan Old Man, and Studies of(verso), circa 1503—1506MachineryBlack chalk and pen and brown ink(recto and verso), 20.3 x 13.8 cm (8"x5 7 /i6"). Inscribed (recto): jicipitliber, endaborum.assauasorda.judeoinebraicho copositfus] et a platone/ti-84 (verso)

Drawings 203burtinj inlatin sermone translates]anno, arabu.dx. mse sap h ar / capitulu pimu ingeometrice arihtmetice (p)vnyversaliaproposita: and franco.o dif.Inscribed (verso): vedj la testa de[llo]alto vitj sella tenvto ilfermo / essapidal caiano / il zendato invernjca[to e]stacciatovi.suso la cimatura conuarjcolori / a vso dj gianbellotto.e altreopere.regie allacqa / essimilmente.sidebbe.f[a]/re.da potere.rimecter[e] / ilpolo.quando.fussi.ch[o] / summato /[Figura] polo, (s) rimessibile. Allinscriptions in pen and brown ink.86.GG.725This drawing contains elements of anumber of the diverse aspects ofLeonardo's artistic and intellectualcharacter. The principal image of thechild with a lamb appears on the rectoin three pen-and-ink sketches and onthe verso in another black chalk sketch.The infant has been alternatively identifiedas Christ and Saint John the Baptist.These studies were made in relation to alost painting by Leonardo of the Virginwith the Two Holy Children, now knownthrough at least three studio versions(Oxford, Ashmolean Museum; Florence,Uffizi; Italy, private collection).The pose is also quite similar to thoseemployed in the various cartoons andpaintings by Leonardo of the Virgin andChild with Saint Anne. The image of thechild and the lamb evolves on the sheetthrough several stages, exemplifyingthe spontaneously creative aspect ofLeonardo's draughtsmanship and hismanner of formulating imagery. Twoclosely related studies of the child witha lamb are in the Royal Library at WindsorCastle (Clark and Pedretti [1968],nos. 12539, 12540).Leonardo's scientific and mechanicalinterests are exemplified by the inscriptionin mirror writing on the recto concerninga twelfth-century mathematicalmanuscript and on the verso by thesketch of a laminating machine and theaccompanying explanatory notes, alsoin mirror writing. His fascination withhuman physiognomy is reflected in thesketch of the head of an old man, alsoon the verso.PROVENANCE: Probably Abbot Luigi Cellotti,Venice; Sir Thomas Lawrence, London;probably King William II of Holland85 (recto)85 (verso)[Willem Frederik George Lodewijk, Princeof Orange], The Hague (sold 1850?); GrandDucal collection, Schlossmuseum, Weimar(sold 1929); S. Schwartz, New York;John Gaines, Lexington, Kentucky (sale,Sotheby's, New York, November 17, 1986,lot 3).BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Mφller, "Die Madonna mitden Spielenden Kindern aus der WerkstattLeonardos," Zeitschrift für Bildende Kunst 62(1928-1929), pp. 221, 226; T. Borenius,"Leonardos Madonna with Children at Play,"Burlington Magazine 56 (March 1930), p. 142;C. Pedretti, Studi Vinciani (Geneva, 1957),pp. 228-229; K. Clark and C. Pedretti, TheDrawings of Leonardo da Vinci in the Collectionof Her Majesty the Queen at Windsor Castle(London, 1968), pp. 98-99, under no. 12540;J. Wasserman, "A Rediscovered Cartoon byLeonardo da Vinci," Burlington Magazine 112(April 1970), pp. 201, 203; C. Pedretti, et al.,Leonardo dopo Milano. La Madonna deifusi(1501) (Florence, 1982), p. 82.85. CESARE DA SESTOItalian, 1477-1523The Swooning Virgin Supported byThree Holy Women and Three Studiesof Men (recto); Saint George and theDragon (verso), circa 1510—1514

204 Acquisitions/1986Pen and ink over red chalk, 13.6 x 19cm (5 3 /s" x 7V2"). Inscribed (recto):Sfasimo (?) by Cesare in brown inkon the left edge near the center. Inscribed(verso): 23 by another handin brown ink in the upper rightcorner.86.GA.1The drawing almost certainly onceformed part of a now dismemberedsketchbook, of which the largestremaining share is in the PierpontMorgan Library, New York. Cesare,whowas originally from Milan, probablymade this sketchbook during hisstay in Rome in the second decade ofthe sixteenth century. The recto of thisdrawing consists of several sensitivelydrawn studies indicative of his exposureto the work of Raphael in Rome, whilethe verso is derived from Leonardo daVinci's famous interpretations ofhorsemen.PROVENANCE: Sale, Christie's, London,December 13, 1984, lot 27; [Ars Libri,Boston].86. DOMENICO CAMPAGNOLAItalian, circa 1500-1552Saint Christopher, circa 1520—1525Pen and brown ink, 33.3 x 23 cm(13V 8" x 9Vi6"). Inscribed: 1 in penand brown ink in the upper rightcorner.86.GA.691This drawing of Saint Christopher carryingthe Christ child across the ford isgenerally similar to Titian's fresco of thesame subject of circa 1523 in the PalazzoDucale, Venice. A relatively early drawingby Campagnola, it is comparable toseveral others in the same techniquewhich have also often been attributed toTitian. A typical example is the study ofThe Jealous Husband Murdering His Wife(Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts, inv. no.401). Despite its previous attribution toTitian, there can now be little doubtthat this drawing is by Campagnola.Monumental in form and distinguishedby richly animated pen strokes, it ranksamong Campagnola's greatest drawings.PROVENANCE: Gφsta Stenman, Stockholm(sale, Christie's, London, December 12, 1985,lot 295); [Yvonne Tan Bunzl, London].86BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Tietze, "Venetian RenaissanceDrawings in Swedish Collections,"Gazette des Beaux-Arts (March 1949),pp. 178-179 (as Titian); R. Pallucchini,Tiziano (Venice, 1969), pp. 330, 555(as Titian).87. IL SODOMA (Giovanni Antonio Bazzi)Italian, 1477-1549The Resurrection (recto); ChristCarrying the Cross (verso), circa 1535Pen and brown ink and whitegouache heightening over blackchalk on brownish green paper(recto); brush and brown ink andwhite gouache heightening (verso),21.5x18.8 cm (8 7 /i 6" x 7W).Collection mark of AlfredoViggiano on the verso.86.GA.2The recto of this drawing, showing theResurrection of Christ, served as a preparatorystudy for the fresco of the samesubject in the Palazzo Pubblico, Siena,87 (recto)painted in 1535. The pentimenti in variousplaces are indicative of Sodoma sattempt to establish the positions ofthe arms and hands of Christ, as well asthe placement of his feet in relation tothe open tomb. The verso is executed

Drawings 205scale, pose, and technique to a studyof a reclining woman by Salviati inthe Musee du Louvre (C. Monbeig-Goguel, Vasari et son temps [Paris, 1972],no. 157).PROVENANCE: Pierre Crozat, Paris(?); privatecollection, Switzerland; private collection,U.S.; [Robert Dance, New York].PROVENANCE: Sale, Sotheby's, London, July 4,1985, lot 15; [John Morton Morris, London].87 (verso)in a more painterly style, with the compositionfocusing on the impassiveimage of Christ—set in sharp contrastto his tormentors. The drawingbroadens our knowledge of this raredraughtsman, as it exemplifies twovery different yet complementaryaspects of his style.PROVENANCE: Alfredo Viggiano, Venice; sale,Sotheby's, New York, January 16, 1985, lot28; [Ars Libri, Boston].BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Goldner, "A New Drawingby Sodoma," Burlington Magazine 127(November 1985), pp. 775-776.88. FRANCESCO SALVIATI(Francesco dei Rossi)Italian, 1510-1563Reclining Male Nude, circa 1550Red chalk and white chalk heightening,27 x 39.7 cm (10W x 15 5 /s").Inscribed (verso): di Fr. Salu...i inlight brown ink.86.GB.574Although not connected with a survivingfresco, this previously unpublisheddrawing might have been made as astudy for one of a pair of decorativefigures situated on either side of adoorway. The drawing compares in8989. SANTI DI TITOItalian, 1536-1603The Resurrection, circa 1568Pen and brown ink over blackchalk on blue paper, 37.6 x 25.3 cm(14 13 /i6" x 10"). Collection mark ofPierre Crozat(?) at the lower right.Inscribed (verso): G. Vasari, N10,and fis 15000 (?) in graphite; and twoillegible inscriptions in graphite andbrown ink.86.GA.18This drawing was made as a preparatorystudy for the painting by Santi di Titoin the Medici chapel of the church ofSanta Croce, Florence. It appears to bean early study for the project, sincethere are many differences in detailbetween the drawing and painting.Other drawings for this project includesix preparatory studies in the Uffizi(inv. nos. 7687 F, 764 F, 7756 F, 7705 F,2396 S, 2416 S), one in the GabinettoNazionale delle Stampe, Rome (inv.no. EC. 130629), and one in theGraphische Sammlung, Munich.The definitive modello is in the Uffizi(inv. no. 7687 F).90. IL MORAZZONE(Pier Francesco Mazzuchelli)Italian, 1573-1626Angel Musicians, circa 1598—1599Black chalk and brown wash andwhite gouache heightening on bluepaper, 39.5 x 24.7 cm (15 9 A 6" x 9 3 A").Inscribed (verso): 164 (?) in brown ink.86.GG.16Nicholas Turner points out that thisdrawing is connected with MusicalAngels, One Playing a Cello, one of thefour compartments depicting musicalangels in the Cappella del Rosario inthe church of San Vittore, Varese.Morazzone carried out these ceilingfrescoes in circa 1598—1599, soon afterhis return to Lombardy from Rome.The unusual format of the drawing—a square with a lunette shape attachedto the left side—is repeated in aslightly altered form in two of theceiling compartments. The angelplaying the cello, the most prominentfigure in the drawing, appearsin the fresco behind another angel onthe left. These and other differencesbetween drawing and fresco have ledTurner to propose that the drawingrecords an early stage in the planningof one of the scenes.PROVENANCE: Sale, Christie's, London, April3, 1984, lot 10; [John Morton Morris, London].BIBLIOGRAPHY: N. Turner, "Some UnpublishedDrawings by Morazzone," MasterDrawings 22 (1984), pp. 426-427.

206 Acquisitions/1986BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Bodmer, "Drawings bythe Carracci: An Aesthetic Analysis," OldMaster Drawings 8 (March 1934), pp. 65—66;R. Wittkower, Drawings of the Carracci in theCollection of Her Majesty the Queen at WindsorCastle (London, 1952), p. 110, under no. 89,p. 121, under no. 157 [Supplement, London,1971, p. 60, under no. 93]); D. Mahon, Mostradei Carracci, Disegni, ex. cat. (Bologna, Palazzodell'Archiginnasio, 1956), no. 71; D.Posner, Annibale Carracci: A Study in the Reformof Italian Painting around 1590 (London,1971), vol. 1, p. 66, vol. 2, p. 47, under no.108; H. Brigstocke, Italian and Spanish Paintingsin the National Gallery of Scotland '(Glasgow, 1978), pp. 40, 42, n. 13; D. De-Grazia Bohlin, Prints and Related Drawings bythe Carracci Family, ex. cat. (Washington,DC, National Gallery of Art, 1979), pp. 470,472, 474, n. 7.92 (recto)9191. AGOSTINO CARRACCIItalian, 1557-1602Sheet of Studies, circa 1598-1600Pen and brown ink, 40.5 x 30.9 cm(15 15 /i 6" x 12V 8"). Inscribed: An.C inpencil at the lower left. Collectionmarks of the marquis de Lagoy,Thomas Lawrence, ThomasDimsdale, and the Duke ofSutherland at the bottom.86.GA.726Executed circa 1598—1600 duringAgostino's Roman period, this drawingcontains a number of motifs, includingthe principal figure group of shepherdsadoring the Christ child, heads of threeold men, a caricatured head at the rightcenter, and naturalistically renderedanimals. The group of shepherds wasemployed in a painting by AnnibaleCarracci, now known only through acopy, made circa 1606, by Domenichinoin the National Gallery of Scotland,Edinburgh. The caricatured head atthe right is found in other drawings byAgostino, including one in the RoyalLibrary, Windsor Castle (inv. no.1928). With its decisive, lively penwork and subtle integration of diverseforms and figure groups, this is amongAgostino's most impressive drawings.PROVENANCE: Marquis de Lagoy, Aix-en-Provence; Thomas Dimsdale, London; SirThomas Lawrence, London; Lord FrancisEgerton, First Earl of Ellesmere, London;by descent to the Fifth Earl of Ellesmere,Sixth Duke of Sutherland (sale, Sotheby's,London, July 11, 1972, lot 32); John Gaines,Lexington, Kentucky (sale, Sotheby's, NewYork, November 17, 1986, lot 12).92 (verso)92. GIULIO CESARE PROCACCINIItalian, 1574-1625Head of a Female Figure (recto);Female Nude (verso), circa 1610Black and white chalk, 33.4 x 23.7cm (13 3 A 6" x 9 3 / 8"). Inscribed (recto):Scuola di Carraci in pen and brownink in the lower right corner. Inscribed(verso): n° 20, S.B. n° 131 and

Drawings 207twoink.86.GB.20illegible inscriptions in brownThis drawing may have been made inpreparation for a painting, although aprecise connection has not yet been discovered.The head finds numerous parallelsin Procaccini's work, such as thedrawing of the Head of a Boy withCurlyHair in the Albertina, Vienna (inv. no.24.984, B. 448; V. Birke, et al, Old MasterDrawings from the Albertina,ex. cat.[Washington, D.C., National Galleryof Art,New York, Pierpont MorganLibrary, 1984], no. 59) and the headof the Virgin in the altarpiece of theAdorationof the Magi (Milan, CastelloSforzesco). The nude torso of a womanon the verso is comparable to thefigure of Venus in the painting Venusand Amor (New York, Didier Aaron,Inc.). The extraordinary luminosityand textural subtlety seen in this drawingresult from Procaccini's characteristichandling of the two chalks,using black chalk for the underdrawingfollowed by the liberal application ofstunning white highlights.PROVENANCE: "Borghese Album" (anonymouseighteenth-century Venetian collector?);private collection, Paris; [Bruno deBayser, Paris].9393. GIOVANNI BENEDETTOCASTIGLIONEItalian, circa 1610-1663/65Pastoral Journey, circa 1650Brush and brown oil paint andtouches of white, blue, and rosegouache, 28.1 x 41.3 cm (ITA/ x16V/). Inscribed (recto): Benedettoin black chalk. Inscribed (verso):Benedetto Castiglione and 40 x 53 ingraphite; and Collection Denon inblue pencil. Collection mark ofBaron Vivant-Denon in the lowerright corner of the recto.86.GG.573Prior to its recent reappearance, thisdrawing had been known through thelithograph by J.-B. Mauzaisse in Monumentsdes arts du dessin chez les peuples tantanciens que modernes, vol. 3 (Paris, 1829),pi. 232 (also engraved by Charles Mace,in C. Le Blanc, Manuel de Vamateur d'estampes[Paris, 1854-1890], vol. 2, p. 583)since passing from the Vivant-Denoncollection in the early nineteenth century.It is one of the finest of a numberof versions of this composition byCastiglione, which include thepainting of Rebecca Led by the Servantof Abraham (?) (University ofBirmingham, England, BarberInstitute of Fine Arts) and brushdrawings in the Rasini collection,Milan (reproduced in A. Morassi,Disegni antichi dalla collezione Rasini inMilano[Milan, 1937], pi. 49), formerlyBenedict Nicolson collection, London(Percy, no. 59) and the P. de Boercollection, Amsterdam (Le dessin Italiendans les collections hollandaises, ex. cat.[Paris, Fondation Custodia, CollectionFrits Lugt, 1962], no. 172). Percy pointsout that while these versions repeat thecentral figure of the woman astride thedonkey, they also contain different attendantfigures and animal groupings,so that each provides an interestingvariant of the same basic theme.PROVENANCE: Baron Dominique Vivant-Denon, Paris; private collection, Paris;[Bruno de Bayser, Paris].BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Percy, Giovanni BenedettoCastiglione: Master Draughtsman of theBaroque, ex. cat. (Philadelphia Museum ofArt, 1971), p. 94, under no. 59.

208 Acquisitions/19869494. BARTOLOMEO BISCAINOItalian, circa 1632—1657Mystic Marriage of Saint Catherine,circa 1655Red chalk and white heightening onyellow-brown paper, 28.9 x 39.9 cm(UW x lSW). Inscribed: Biscainodi Genova in pen and brown ink inthe lower right corner and E andS.L.n°:65 in pen and brown ink onthe verso of the mount.86.GB.6This drawing exhibits Biscaino's characteristicrich colorism with its vibranteffects of texture and light. Examplesof his draughtmanship comparable inmanner and medium to the Museum'sdrawing include the Vision of SaintAugustine(Paris, Musee du Louvre, inv.no. 9191) and the Holy Family withJohn the Baptist as an InfantSaint(Edinburgh,National Gallery of Scotland, inv. no.D1621). Biscaino's etching of theMysticMarriage of Saint Catherine (P. Bellini,ed., The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 47[formerly vol. 21, pt. 2], ItalianMastersof the Seventeenth Century [New York,1983], no. 33 [198]) is related to thisdrawing only in a few isolated details.PROVENANCE: "Borghese Album" (anonymouseighteenth-century Venetian collector?);private collection, New York; [BobHaboldt, New York].9595. GIOVANNI BATTISTA PIAZZETTAItalian, 1683-1754A Boy Holding a Pear, circa 1740Black and white chalk on blue-graypaper (two joined sheets), 39.2 x30.9 cm (15 7 /i6" x 12 3 A 6")86.GB.677This drawing, which is among the finestand most beautifully preserved ofPiazzettas half-length figures done inblack and white chalk, is closest toYoung Woman Holding a Pear (New York,Pierpont Morgan Library, inv. no. iv,89) and Giacomo Feeding a Dog (Art Instituteof Chicago, inv. no. 1971.326).An autograph copy of this drawingis in Berlin (Staatliche MuseenPreussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett,inv. no. KdZ 5874).Piazzettas painting of a Boy with aLemon (Hartford, Conn., WadsworthAtheneum; engraved by Marco Pitteri)shows what appears to be the samemodel in half-length, wearing a similarcostume and holding up a lemon in hisright hand, but turning his head to theleft. The significance of the upheld fruitin the Museum's drawing has yet to bedetermined. This gesture in otherworks by Piazzetta has been interpretedas representing either the sense of tasteor an erotic allusion (J. Bean and EStampfle, Drawings from NewYork CollectionsIII: The EighteenthCenturyin Italy [New York, 1971], no. 42; A.Mariuz, Opera completa del[Milan, 1982], no. 89).PiazzettaPROVENANCE: H. A. Vivian Smith, London(sale, Christie's, London, May 20, 1955, lot45, to Welker); sale, Christie's, London,December 12, 1985, lot 269; [John MortonMorris, London].

Drawings 2099696. CANALETTO (Antonio Canale)Italian, 1697-1768Warwick Castle: The East Front fromthe Courtyard, circa 1748Pen and brown ink and gray wash,31.7 x 57.1 cm (12V 2" x 22V 2"). Collectionmark of Paul Sandby inthe lower left corner of the recto.Inscribed: Warwick Castle Canallettiin brown ink on the verso of themount. A Paris customs stamp onthe verso.86.GG.727This drawing depicts the East Front ofWarwick Castle as seen from inside thecourtyard. Its pendant, in the RobertLehmann collection, MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York, shows theEast Front from outside the courtyard.This is among five paintings (Constable,nos. 443—447) and five drawings(Constable, nos. 756—760) of WarwickCastle that Canaletto made for CharlesGreville, Earl of Warwick, around1748—1749. Canaletto here succeeded inconveying the impressive mass and balanceof the castle walls—enlivened bya scintillating play of light and shadowacross the irregular surfaces ofthe masonry.PROVENANCE: Possibly the Hon. Charles Greville;Paul Sandby, London; Lady Eva Dugdale,Royal Lodge, Windsor Great Park (sale,Sotheby's, London, November 18, 1920, lot42, with pendant); [Sabin Gallery, London];Adrien Fauchier-Magnan, Neuilly-sur-Seine(sale, Sotheby's, London, December 4, 1935,lot 5); A. Tooth, London; Sir George Leon,Bt.; [E. V. Thaw, New York]; John Gaines,Lexington, Kentucky (sale, Sotheby's, NewYork, November 17, 1986, lot 25).BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. F. Findberg, "A CatalogueRaisonnι of Canaletto's English Views," TheWalpole Society 9 (1920-1921), p. 68; W G.Constable, Canaletto (Oxford, 1962), vol. 1,p. 142, vol. 2, p. 536, no. 760 (reprinted andrevised by J G. Links [Oxford, 1976], vol. 1,p. 142, vol. 2, p. 584, no. 760); J. Bean and F.Stampile, Drawings from New York CollectionsIII: The Eighteenth Century in Italy (NewYork, 1971), p. 68, under no. 157; T. Pignatti,Venetian Drawings from American Collections,ex. cat. (Washington, DC, NationalGallery of Art, 1974), p. 50, under no. 103;A. Bettagno, Canaletto, Disegni-Dipinti-Incisioni, ex. cat. (Fondazione Giorgio Cini,Venice, 1982), p. 76, under no. 105.

DECORATIVE ARTSCHINESE98 (detail)worked fringes and trim that embellishedgrand beds of the Baroque periodthroughout Europe but particularly inEngland and France. Trims of this typewere also used to decorate the interiorsof coaches and sedan chairs. The samecraftsmen produced the fringes and tasselsfor curtains and upholstery.PROVENANCE: [Juliette Niclausse, Paris].9799. TAPESTRY, The Offering to Bacchusfrom the Grotesques seriesFrench (Beauvais), circa 1685—1730Wool and silk, 289 x 201 cm(9' 5 3 / 4" x 6' 77 4")86.DD.645The Offering to Bacchus is one of a seriesof six tapestries woven at the BeauvaisManufactory after the cartoons of Jean-Bap tiste Monnoyer (1636-1699). Thecomposition is in a light, open style thatwas extremely popular with the aristocracy,who were turning away from thesolemn and majestic tapestries produced97. LIDDED VASEChinese (Kangxi), circa 1662—1722Hard-paste porcelain, H: 59.7 cm(1' IIV2"); Diam: 37.5 cm (1' 2 3 A")86.DE.629Porcelain objects, painted in underglazeblue with patterns of stylized flowersand figures in landscapes, were manufacturedin large quantities in Chinaduring the Kangxi dynasty (1662—1722)for export to Europe. The wares wereavidly collected by Europeans in thesecond half of the seventeenth centuryand throughout the eighteenth andnineteenth centuries. They wereused for decorative purposes, massedon cabinets in grand salons or inPorzellenkammers.PROVENANCE: [Spink and Son, Ltd., London]FRENCH98. LENGTH OF PASSEMENTERIEFrench, circa 1670Wire, parchment, and silk thread,81.9 x 18.5 x 4 cm (2' 8V/ x 7W'x IV2")86.DD.667This length of passementerie is a raresurviving example of the elaborately99

Decorative Arts 211by the royal manufactory at the Gobelins.This was the first tapestry series forwhich seat upholstery was designed andwoven en suite. The background coloris saffron yellow, called tabac dEspagne.PROVENANCE: Rothschild collection, Vienna;(anonymous sale, Christie's, London, June22, 1939, lot 159); (sale, Christie's, London,July 1, 1982, lot 3); [Bernheimer Fine Arts,Ltd., London, 1982].100100. CARPETFrench (Beauvais), circa 1700—1725Wool and silk, 371.5 cm x 246.3 cm(12' 3" x 8' 1")86.DC.633This woven carpet is attributed to theBeauvais Manufactory on the basis of itsstyle and color, particularly the backgroundcolor of saffron yellow, whichwas introduced by this manufactory before1689 and known as tabac d'Espagne.One carpet of the same design and dimensionsis found in the collection ofthe Art Institute of Chicago, and examplesof seat upholstery in the same styleare known in two private collectionsin France.PROVENANCE: Sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris,May 27, 1910, as one of four lots, (?)131-134;Thenadey collection, Paris; [Mayorcas, Ltd.,London, 1985].101 (Terrestrial Globe)101. CELESTIAL AND TERRESTRIALGLOBESFrench (Paris), circa 1728-1730Printer paper, papier-mδche, giltbronze, and wood painted withvernis Martin, H: 110 cm (3' 7V/);Diam: 45 cm (1' 5V 2"); Diam.ofglobes:32cm(l'V 2")86.DH.705.1-2The globes were designed and assembledby Jean-Antoine Nollet(1700-1770) and the maps printed byBalleuil le jeune. The terrestrial globebears a dedication to the duchesse duMaine (1676-1743) and the date 1728;the celestial globe bears a dedicationto her nephew the comte de Clermont(1709-1771) and the date 1730. Thestands are painted with a yellow vernisground, polychrome flowers, and redreserves with chinoiserie scenes, allpicked out and framed with gilding.Nollet was a fashionable scientist anda member of the Academie des Sciences.By 1758 he was named maitre en physiquedes enfants de France.PROVENANCE: Guillaume, twelfth marquisde Biron; due de Talleyrand and by descentto the due de Dino Andia y Talleyrand-Perigord; [Maurice Segoura, Paris].

212 Acquisitions/1986102. COMPOUND MICROSCOPEWITH CASEFrench (Paris), circa 1751Gilt bronze, mirror glass, enamel,and shagreen. The case is of wood,covered with tooled and gildedleather. It has brass closing fixturesand is lined with silk velvet andsilver braids. 48 x 28 x 20.5 cm(1' 67s" x 11" x 8Vi 6"); case: 66 x34.9 x 27 cm (2' 2" x V l V x 10 5 /s")86.DH.694102The mechanical parts of the microscopeare attributed to Alexis Magny (1712—after 1777). A microscope of the samemodel in the Musee de Nancy is inscribedMagny construsit et fecit Paris anno1751. The name of the bronzier responsiblefor the stand is unknown.A drawer in the leather case containsall the necessary attachments, such astweezers, pointers,lenses, mica slides, andinterchangeablenineteenth-centuryslides of various small specimens,labeled ailes de mouche, petal de geranium,cheveaux, and ecaille de papillon.Alexis Magny described himself as"ingenieur pour Thorologerie, les instrumentsde physique et de mathematiques."He listed among his clients Louis XV,Stanislas Leczinski, and the scientistsde Reaumur (1683—1757) and Duhameldu Monceau (1683—1757). A microscopeof the same model once stood in thecabinet d'optique of Louis XV atLa Muette. (I am grateful to Jean-NereeRonfort for this information. — G. W.)PROVENANCE: (Sotheby's, Monaco, February23, 1986, lot 901) [Mrs. Kila Kugel,New York].103. PAIR OF BUSTS: LOUIS XV ANDMARIE LECZINSKAFrench (Luneville), circa 1755Earthenware (faience) bust ofLouis XV: 53 x 24 x 25 cm (1' 8 7 /s"x 9 7 /i6" x 9 7 /s"); bust of MarieLeczinska: 53 x 15.5 x 25 cm(1' 8 7 / 8" x 67s" x 9 7 /s")86.DE.668These portrait busts on socles are of aglazed earthenware known as faience.They portray Louis XV (1710-1774) andMarie Leczinska (1703—1768) in theirprime as king and queen of France. Thebusts were pressed molded at the103

Decorative Arts 213Luneville Manufactory (in easternFrance near Strasbourg), possibly byPaul-Louis Cyffle (1724-1806), whowas a modeler well known for figuralgroups. The proud and confident poseof the king was inspired by a bronzebust of him cast in 1751 by Jean-BaptisteLemoyne (1669-1731).PROVENANCE: [M. Vandermeersch, Paris].the Palais Royal (residence of Louis-Philippe, due d'Orleans) after 1756,when the palace was redecorated by thearchitect Contant dTvry (1698-1777).The wall lights were executed in giltbronze by the silversmith Francois-Thomas Germain (1726-1791) in 1756.Four of the lights survive, conserved, inthe Museum's collection (81. DF. 96.1-4).The drawing is inscribed (S) Girandollede dessus la Chem[inee][. . .?]/ de Jeu dansVElevation N° 6. in ink at the lower right.PROVENANCE: F. A. Maglin, 1902; Francois-Gerard Seligmann, Paris.104104. FIGUREFrench (Mennecy), circa 1755—1760Soft-paste porcelain, 23.9 x 11.5 x10.7 cm (9W x 4V 2" x 4 1 //). Thebase of the figure is incised withDFfor the Mennecy Manufactory.86.DE473Although the modeler of this figure isnot known, it can be dated with somecertainty to the 1750s, the decade whenthe Mennecy Manufactory produced avariety of full-length figures. It seemsthat figures portraying members of thelower social orders were found appealingduring the Rococo period, as quantitiesof them were made by Europeanporcelain manufactories, based uponengravings known as the Cris de Parisafter such artists as Edme Bouchardon(1698-1762).PROVENANCE: Mr. and Mrs. William BrownMeloney, Riverdale, New York; [AntiquePorcelain Company, New York].BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. Craven, "French Soft PastePorcelain in the Collection of Mr. and Mrs.William Brown Meloney," Connoisseur 143(May 1959), no. 577, p. 142.j _ _ j105105. DRAWING FOR A WALL LIGHTFrench (Paris), circa 1756—1783Ink and paper, 26.5 x 17.1 cm(10 7 /i6" x 6 3 A"). The reverse of thedrawing is inscribed Bachelier inpencil and FA. Maglin 1902 in ink.Tworectangular pieces of differentpaper were glued to thereverse, one inscribed Ir in penciland the other Th rc .also in pencil.86.GA.692Van Thulden,This drawing is a study of one of a setof wall lights which were hung in thechambre d'apparat and the salon desjeux of106. BEDFrench (Paris), circa 1760-1770Gilded beechwood and modernsilk upholstery, 174 x 264.8 x188 cm (5'8 1 / 2"x8'8 1 /4"x6' 2")86.DA.535This large bed, known as a lit ä laTurque, was undoubtedly made for alarge chambre ä coucher in a fashionableand grand hotel. It would have beenplaced against the wall, with a drapedbaldachin above. It is attributed to themenuisier Jean-Baptiste Tilliard II (maitre1752, died 1797), who made—andstamped—two other lits a la Turque ofsimilar sculptural monumentality.PROVENANCE: [Alexander and Berendt,Ltd., London].106

214 Acquisitions/1986107107. PAIR OF LIDDED VASESFrench (Sevres), circa 1768—1770Soft-paste porcelain, enameled andgilded, with gilt-bronze mounts,45.1x24.1x19.1 cm(l' 5 3 A" x9V 2" x 7V 2")86.DE.520.1-2The lids are incised 2 and 4, and thebases 3 and 4. They were made at theSevres Manufactory but are apparentlyunrecorded in the existing archives ofthe manufactory. The bleu Fallot groundis covered with gold dots in groups offour. The reserves are painted ingrisaille and are supported by babiessimilarly painted. The vases are of almostunique form. One other vase ofthe same model, with an egg on its lid,was at Gatchina Palace, Leningrad,in 1914. Its present whereaboutsare unknown.PROVENANCE: [Rocheux, Paris], boughtin 1819 by Sir Harry Fetherstonhaugh,Uppark, Hampshire (I am grateful to SirGeoffrey de Bellaigue for this information. —G.W.); Alfred de Rothschild, Halton, Buckinghamshire;Lionel de Rothschild, ExburyHouse, Buckinghamshire; (sale, Christie's,London, July 4, 1946, lot 90); Sir CharlesClore, London and Monaco (sale, Christie's,Monaco, December 6, 1985, lot 6).108108. BAROMETERFrench (Paris), circa 1770-1775Oak veneered with ebony; set withplaques of enameled metal; glassbarometrical tube; bone pointers;gilt-bronze mounts, 124 x 24.1 cm(4' 1" x 9V 2")86.DB.632The maker of the barometer is unknown.Examples of this early phase ofNeoclassicism, known as goüt grec, arecomparatively rare. The rather heavydecorative elements in gilt bronze, setoff against a background of ebony, aretypical of this style.PROVENANCE: Marquis da Foz, Lisbon; (sale,Christie's, London, June 10, 1892, lot 65);Mrs. Orme Wilson (sale, Parke-BernetGalleries, Inc., New York, March 25-26,1949, lot 386); Madame Lucienne Fribourg(sale, Parke-Bernet Galleries, Inc., NewYork, April 19, 1969, lot 189); [Alexander andBerendt, Ltd., London]; Frau Quandt,Munich; [Jeremy, Ltd., London].109109. PAIR OF CANDELABRAFrench (Paris), circa 1785Gilded and patinated bronze; whiteand griotte marbles, H: 82.2 cm(2' 8 3 //); Diam: 29.2 cm (IIV2")86.DE521.12The candelabra are attributed to Pierre-Philippe Thomire (1751-1843). A singlecandelabra of the same model appears ina drawing in the Musee des Arts Decoratifs,Paris, which illustrates differentdecorative proposals for a mantelpiecewith firedogs, a clock, various candelabra,and ornamental bronzes. Aclock of the same model is also in theMuseum's collection (82.DB.2), while apair of brüle parfums, also shown in thedrawing, are on loan to the collection(L.82.DF.56). Two other pairs of candelabraof the same model are known,one in the Palacio Reale, Madrid, andthe other in theHusgeradskammaren,Stockholm. A later pair, from circa 1810,with identical figures but completelygilded, is in the office of the directeur dela musique, Paris.PROVENANCE: [Bernard Barouch Steinitz,Paris].

Decorative Arts 215GERMANThis figure, made of white Bφttger porcelain,probably represents Beltramo diMilano, one of the stock characters ofthe commedia dell'arte. The name ofthe modeler is unknown.PROVENANCE: Dr. Marcel Nyfeller, Switzerland(sale, Christie's, London, June 9, 1986,lot 21).Illno110. BOWLPorcelain: Chinese (Kangxi),circa 1710Painted decoration: German(Breslau), circa 1715-1720Hard-paste porcelain, incised andpainted in underglaze blue; paintedand gilded, H: 7.3 cm (2 7 /s"); Diam:14.9 cm (5 7 /s")86.DE.738The Chinese bowl is painted in blackand gold (Schwarzlot)with allegoricalscenes representing spring and summer.The painting is attributed to theHausmalerIgnaz Preissler (1676—1741) ofBreslau, an independent artist who wasknown for his painted decoration onboth oriental and European porcelainfrom the Meissen and Viennese manufactories.On this bowl, Preissler usedthe Chinese underglaze blue diaper patternon the rim, the lower section of thebowl, and the foot to frame the sceneshe added. The source of inspiration inthis instance was the cycle of the fourseasons painted by Pierre I Mignard(1612-1695) in 1677 for the GaleriedApollon in the Chateau de Saint-Cloud. The plate matching this bowl,with scenes of fall and winter, is conservedin the Musee National deCeramique, Sevres.PROVENANCE: Octave du Sartel, Paris; (sale,Hotel Drouot, Paris, June 4-9, 1894, lot 251);Familie von Plupart(?), Berlin; (sale, Lepke,Berlin, March 18-22, 1912, lot 488); NordbφhmischesGewerbemuseum, Reichenberg(now Liberec, Czechoslovakia), 1912; privatecollection, Germany [German dealer]; [KateFoster, Ltd., London].BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. Cassidy-Geiger, "TwoPieces of Porcelain Decorated by IgnazPreissler in the J. Paul Getty Museum,"Getty MusJXS (1987), pp. 35-52.111. LEAF-SHAPED DISHPorcelain: German (Meissen), circa1715-1720Painted decoration: German(Breslau), circa 1715-1725Hard-paste porcelain, painted andgilded, 4 x 8.3 x 11.1 cm (l 9 /i 6" x3W x 4W)86.DE.541Made of white Bφttger porcelain, thedish is modeled after a Chinese prototype.The painted and gilded decorationis attributed to the BohemianIgnaz Preissler (1676-1741).HausmalerPROVENANCE: Dr. Marcel Nyfeller, Switzerland(sale, Christie's, London, June 9, 1986,lot 183).BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. Cassidy-Geiger, "TwoPieces of Porcelain Decorated by IgnazPreissler in the J. Paul Getty Museum,"GettyMusJ 15 (1987), pp. 35-52.112112. FIGUREGerman (Meissen), circa 1720Hard-paste porcelain, glazed, 16.5 x6.8 x 6.5 cm (6V2" x 2 n /i6" x 2 5 /s")86.DE.542113113. LONG-CASE CLOCKGerman (Berlin or Potsdam), circa1755-1760Oak, painted, silvered, and lacquered;mirror glass, enameledmetal, and gilt bronze, 252 x 76 x57 cm (8' 3V 2" x 2' 57 2" x T IOV2")86.DB.695The maker of the clock case is unknown.The clock face is signedRehnisch, Berlin. Rehnisch is recorded ashaving been active in that city in themid-eighteenth century. In style, thecase of the clock relates closely to thework of Johann Michael HoppenhauptII (1709-1769). He designed interiors inthe robust Rococo style for Frederickthe Great in Berlin, Potsdam, and atSans Souci. The case is painted in fauxhois, and the carved decoration is silvered,overlaid with yellow varnish toresemble gilding.PROVENANCE: Herr Michael Kφnig, Munich;[Alexander and Berendt, Ltd., London].

SCULPTURE AND WORKS OF ART115114CERAMICS:ITALIAN114. ORAZIO FONTANAItalian (active Urbino), 1510-1571Basin (rinfrescatoio),1561-1571circaTin-glazed earthenware,46 cm (18V 8")86.DE.539Diam:This basin was part of a service traditionallysaid to have been commissionedby Duke Guidobaldo II della Rovere ofUrbino (1538-1574). The largest groupfrom this service—thirty-two objects—is in the Bargello, Florence. Orazio Fontanacopied a mid-sixteenth-centuryGerman print in depicting the scene ofDeucalion and Pyrrha (Ovid Metamorphoses,1.315—415) on the basins centralboss. Around this boss, the delicategrotesques on a painterly white grounddecorating the basins rim and the concavelobes are typical of Fontana s ceramicdecoration; the grotesques wereinspired by Raphael's Vatican frescoeswhich, in turn, were influenced by theantique Domus Aurea grottoes. Thisbasins glaze painting and its highly decorativeand plastic shape reflect the newornate style of the mid-sixteenth century.Although basins of this type usuallyfunctioned as refreshment cisternsto cool wine glasses and bottles at thetable, this elaborately molded and embellishedwork probably served solelyfor display.PROVENANCE: Baron Adolphe de Rothschild,Paris, 1870-1890; Baron Maurice de Rothschild,Paris, 1890-1916; Duveen, NewYork, 1916; private collection, Stuttgart;sale, Reimann and Montasberger, Stuttgart,January 1986; [Alain Moatti, Paris].115. PILGRIM FLASKItalian (Florence), circa 1575—1587Produced by the Medici FactorySoft-paste porcelain, H: 28.6 cm(llW). Inscribed with the dome ofSanta Maria del Fiore (the cathedralof Florence) accompanied by theletter F on the underside.86.DE.630This flask is one of a small but seminalgroup of soft-paste porcelain wares—the earliest examples of porcelain inEurope—produced in the FlorentineMedici Factory (which operated between1574 and 1587) under Francesco Ide'Medici's patronage. Since these ceramicsoften display signs of their experimentalnature, the present flask isremarkable for its exceptionally fine,well-formed, translucent white body,decorated with clear blue designs.Chinese high-fire ceramics weremuch sought after in Italy from the timeof Marco Polo's travels to the East in thelate thirteenth century; their fame andpopularity further spread through theactive trade between Italy, Asia, and theNear East in subsequent centuries.Translucent Chinese porcelain was aparticular favorite in Italy partly becauseit appeared to combine characteristics ofpottery and glass—two crafts masteredby Italian artists by the late fifteenth

Sculpture and Works of Art 217TUNAE SUAE QUISQUE FABER(Each man is the maker of his ownfortune) in two cartouches on theobverse.86.DE.533116This tabletop is painted with four elaboratecartouches interspersed with landscapescenes of birds and hares in theirnatural habitat, intertwining vegetation,and floral and fruit swags. The cartouches—composedof scrolls, shells,acanthi, and vegetal motifs—encloseMoorish and European hunting scenes.The fanciful curvilinear forms, charmingpastoral scenes, and exotic depictionsof Moors hunting elephants andostriches are typical of the eighteenthcenturyRococo.Francesco Saverio II Maria Grue wasthe last active member of a family longconnected with the manufacture ofpainted maiolica at Castelli in theAbruzzi region. In 1774 he became directorof the royal porcelain factory atCapodimonte, where he executed porcelainstatuettes, small busts, and reliefspainted in a refined style inspired byPompeiian figures and ornament. Onmaiolica, however, Grue painted mainlyscenic landscape and genre scenes in aloose, almost sketchy style emphasizingthe "rustic" quality of the medium.PROVENANCE: Earl of Warwick, Warwickshire;sale, Sotheby's, London, March 4,1986, lot 24; [Winifred Williams, London].FURNITURE:ITALIAN117century. This flask's form and its glazeembellishment reflect the influences ofChinese blue-and-white porcelain, contemporaneousmaiolica production, andTurkish Isnik ware. Only about sixtypieces of Medici porcelain are known tohave survived.PROVENANCE: William Spence, Florence, until1857; Alessandro Foresi, 1857; GiovanniFreppa, Florence; Eugene Piot, Paris (sale,Paris, March 19, 1860, lot 82, to BaronAlphonse de Rothschild); Baron Alphonse deRothschild, Paris, 1860; Baron Edouard deRothschild, Paris; Baron Guy and Marie-Helene de Rothschild, New York; [CurarrowCorporation N. V., Curasao, Antilles].116. FRANCESCO SAVERIO II MARIAGRUEItalian, 1731-1799Tabletop, circa 1760Tin-glazed earthenware, Diam:59.5 cm (2378"). Signed twice withSaverio Grue's monogram, SG, onthe horse's haunch in the scene ofEuropeans hunting deer and FSGon the horse's haunch in the sceneof Moors hunting ostriches. Inscribed:FLAVA CERES TENUSSPICIS REDEMITA CAPILLOS(Blond Ceres whose hair is enwreathedwith grain) and FOR-117. TABLEItalian (Verona), late sixteenthcenturyVerona marble, 81 x 309 x 123.5 cm(317s" x 1217s" x 487s")86.DA.489The table's reddish color and irregular,branchlike veining are characteristic ofthe rosso di Verona marble from which itwas made. The carved decoration of thesupport slabs, elegant in its simplicityand proportion, is based on late sixteenth-centuryarchitectural motifs ofoval oculus (or oeil-de-boeuf) and doublespiral. Carved on either side of the centralpilaster elements, these volutes appearto flatten with the weight of the

218 Acquisitions/1986heavy top slab they support. Althoughundocumented as to place of manufacture,it is presumed that, because of itsmaterial, the table was made in Verona.PROVENANCE: Baron Edmond de Rothschild,Chateau de Pregny, Switzerland, 1930s-1984;[Sameart, Ltd., Zurich].118118. FILIPPO PELAGIO PALAGIItalian, 1775-1860Daybed, 1832-1835Designed by Palagi and probablymade by Gabriele CapelloMaple inlaid with mahogany, 80 x224 x 69 cm (31V 2" x 88V 8" x 27 1 /a").On the back of the frame: 3421 stenciledin green paint from Racconigiinventory of 1900 (obscured by upholstery),DazioVerificato inkstamp, and PPR 3421 incisedstamp; on the frame of the upholsteredseat: DazioVerificato inkstamp and Racconigi Camera da lettodegli Augusti Sposi in pencil acrossthe front; on the frame structure:37 in ink on part of the label anda pencil design for inlay.86.DA.511This daybed was designed by FilippoPelagio Palagi for King Carlo Alberto's(1798—1849) Racconigi palace (one ofthe residences of the kings of Sardinia,later kings of Italy) near Turin. Basedupon ancient Roman and Napoleonicprototypes, the daybed form probablyhad "imperial" associations for the designerand his patron.An architect, portrait painter, furnituredesigner, ornamentalist, and collector,Filippo Pelagio Palagi developed aninterest in archaeology after a trip toRome in 1806. As in the Museum'sdaybed, Palagi's furniture and ornamentdesigns reveal his interest in Egyptian,Greek, Etruscan, and Roman antiquity,whose motifs he inventively and eclecticallycombined. This work also showsthe influence of the Empire style, disseminatedin Italy with the installationof the Bonaparte courts.Gabriele Capello, known as Moncalvo,executed most of Palagi's furniture,and he probably made theMuseum's daybed. An innovator in inlaytechnique, Capello devised a newmethod of completing more easily andquickly the many commissions for inlaywork from the Court of Savoy. Thechiaroscuro effects of the daybed's sophisticatedinlay design are typical ofthe Italian, and more particularly theEmilian, tradition.PROVENANCE: Made for the Racconigi palacenear Turin; sale, 1922; private collection,Switzerland, 1938-1980; [Heim Gallery,Ltd., London, 1980-1986].119bMETALWORK:FRENCH119. LEONARD LIMOUSINFrench, circa 1505-1575/77Allegory of Charles IX as Mars, 1573AllegoryJuno, 1573of Catherine de'Medici asPolychrome enamel with paintedgold highlights on copper and silver(each, unframed), 17.5 x 23 cm(6 7 /s" x 9"). Inscribed: LL on thesword in the Mars plaque anddated 1573 in the center of thecloud at the left; inscribed: LLat the bottom of the cloud in thebottom center of the Juno plaque;inscribed: C DE MEDICIS andCHARLES IX on the backs of bothplaques at a later date.86.SE.536.1-.2Limousin was the foremost master ofmid-to-late sixteenth-century Limogesenamels. The Museum's plaques areallegorical portraits of Charles IX(1550-1574) as Mars, and his mother,Catherine de'Medici (1519-1589), asJuno. Charles is portrayed riding triumphantlyacross the sky, bearing thesword and shield that are the attributesof the Roman god of war. His chariot ispulled through the clouds by wolves,animals considered sacred to Mars. Inthe background is a war-ravaged landscapein which a woman screams whileher house burns and a pillager runs offwith her belongings; directly above thisscene, a man beats another man while athird man flees. In the second plaque,Catherine de'Medici, queen of France asthe wife of Henri II and queen motherof Charles IX, is likened to Juno, who,as the wife of Jupiter and mother ofMars, was queen of the heavens. Shebears Juno's attributes: the scepter, signifyingher queenship, and the weddingveil, signifying that she was the Romangoddess of marriage. Her chariot ispulled across the clouds by peacocks,birds sacred to Juno. Behind her is arainbow, symbol of peace and the personaldevice of Catherine de'Medici. Inthe background is a peaceful, pastorallandscape. Besides being general allegoriesof the king and the queen mother, itis possible that these plaques reflect aniconography dictated by Catherine tocelebrate two triumphs of her politicalcareer—the Peace of Saint Germain(1570) and the marriage of Charles IXand Elizabeth of Austria, both of whichshe helped arrange.The Museum's plaques belong to agroup of about a dozen related worksby Limousin, all of which depict mythologicalgods or members of the Frenchcourt as gods. Originally they probably

Sculpture and Works of Art 219would have been incorporated into acabinet.PROVENANCE: Debruge-Dumenil, 1847;Mentmore collection, 1883(?) (sale, London,May 20, 1977); Lord Astor, Hever Castle(sale, London, May 6, 1983, lot 296); [CyrilHumphris, London].METALWORK:SPANISH120120. PAIR OF CANDLESTICKSSpanish, circa 1650—1670Bronze (each), H: 175 cm (68 7 /s")86.DH.601.1-.2The base of each work bears the arms ofthe counts of Benavente, a branch of thePimentel family. An approximate terminusante quern for the candlesticks is suggestedby Juan de Valdes Leal's paintingIn Ictu Oculi of 1672, in which a candlestickof similar sobriety and solemnitytriumphs over more ornate gold and silverartifacts. Like the painting, the austerecandlesticks are reflective of aprofoundly spiritual movement thatswept up many of Spain's noble patronsin the seventeenth century. With theirsimple baluster forms and unadornedsurfaces, the Museum's candlestickscontrast with the more elaborately decoratedworks produced at the same timein Italy and Germany, recalling, instead,medieval and Renaissance precedents.PROVENANCE: Commissioned by the countsof Benavente; [Antoine Perpitch, Paris]; (sale,Christie's, London, April 24, 1986, lot 34);[Rainer Zeitz, Ltd., London].121SCULPTURE:DUTCH121. ADRIAEN DE VRIESDutch, 1545-1626Rearing Horse, circa 1613—1622Bronze, 49 x 55 cm {WW x 21 5 / 8").Signed: ADRIANUSFRIESHAGUENSIS FECIT at the rear ofthe base.86.SB.488De Vries was Giambolognas most originaland influential follower, and heplayed a key role in disseminating thatsculptor's late Mannerist stylethroughout Northern Europe. By 1593the artist had begun to work at thecourt of Prague for Emperor RudolphII, whose official court sculptor he becamein 1601. He was active until hisdeath. De Vries' mature works begin tomove away from the abstract pneumaticforms and convoluted compositionswhich he had learned from Giambologna.Instead, as in the Rearing Horse,they exhibit an increasing pro to-Baroque interest in more realistic forms,open compositions, and the play of lightand shadow.In the first decade of the seventeenthcentury, a number of bronze statuettesof rearing horses were being made byGiambologna and his workshop, as wellas by his followers. By this time,bronze-casting techniques had becomemore sophisticated and the subject wastechnically easier to accomplish. Also,an open composition with forms projectinginto space and the sense of a"captured-fleeting-moment," both ofwhich are basic to depictions of rearinghorses, were prime concerns of earlyBaroque sculptors. The Museum'sRearing Horse can be dated to circa1613—1622 on the basis of comparisonwith de Vries' other equestrianstatuettes.

220 Acquisitions /1986PROVENANCE: Emperor Rudolph II, Prague;Queen Christina of Sweden; Antoine Brun,Baron d'Aspremont, 1658; Claude Ferdinand,Marquis de Brun, 1664; Agalange Ferdinand,Baron de Brun, 1716; descendants of Baronde Brun, 1746 (sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris,December 12, 1984, lot 78); [Sameart, Ltd.,Zurich].SCULPTURE:FRENCH122122. JEAN-JACQUES CAFFIERIFrench, 1725-1792Hope Nourishing Love, 1769Marble, H: 72 cm (28 3 /s"). Inscribed:L'ESPERANCE NOURRITL'AMOUR on the front of the baseand j.j. CAFFIERI. INVENTIT &SCULPSIT.1769 on the back of thebase.86.SA.703Jean-Jacques Caffieri was the last andmost celebrated member of a renownedfamily of sculptors. He established hisfame with a series of busts executed forthe Theatre Francais, and throughouthis career he produced numerous portraitbusts—of important dead and livingfigures—that reflect the spirit of theEnlightenment in their combination ofextreme realism with psychological acuity.For this marble group, however,Caffieri adopted a more elegant anddecorative style perfectly suited to hissubject matter.Hope Nourishing Love is a love-andfriendshipallegory—an importantsculptural genre of mid-eighteenthcenturyFrance. Sculptures of this type—including Pigalle's allegorical portraitsof Madame de Pompadour—displayearthly sensuality and gentle eroticismloosely veiled by the supposed nobilityof the subjects they represent. The onlyother known version of this compositionis a terracotta model for the marble,now lost, that was exhibited at theSalon of 1769.PROVENANCE: Michel Ephrussi, Paris, by1877; princesse de Faucigny-Lucinge, SaintBiez-en-Belin, 1935-1952; [Wildenstein andCo., New York].SCULPTURE:GERMAN123123. ERNST FRIEDRICH AUGUSTRIETSCHELGerman, 1804-1861Bust of Felix Mendelssohn, 1848Marble, 59.7 x 39.4 x 25.4 cm(23V2"xl5V2"xlO").Inscribed: E. rietschel 1848 on the back.86.SA.543This sculpture of the composer FelixMendelssohn (1809—1847) was commissionedthe year after his death by thesubject's family for display in theirhome, and it remained in the family'spossession until it was purchased by theMuseum.Rietschel's artistic training, by ChristianRauch, the leading Neoclassicalsculptor in Germany, was reinforced byhis study of antique sculpture in Italy in1830. He experienced great success uponhis return to Germany, receiving a professorshipat the Dresden Akademie in1832 and a steady stream of major sculpturalcommissions, including those forpublic monuments dedicated to famousGermans such as Lessing, Goethe,Schiller, and Luther.Despite his rigorous education in therestrained Neoclassical idiom, Rietschelintroduced elements of naturalism intohis works; the Mendelssohn bust exemplifiesthe transitional nature of hisstyle. The lower portion of the bust istreated in a Neoclassical fashion, withthe shoulders and chest truncated bysharp edges above the cartouche andsocle. In contrast to this generalizationof form, Rietschel stresses his subject'sindividuality in his treatment of thehead by naturalistically renderingMendelssohn's large forehead, full lips,flowinghair, and penetrating gaze.PROVENANCE: Mendelssohn-Bartholdy family,1848-1986; [Sam Nystad, The Hague].124124. ANTICOSCULPTURE:ITALIAN(Pier Jacopo Alari-Bonacolsi)Italian (Mantua), circa 1460-1528Bust of the Young Marcus Aurelius,

Sculpture and Works of Art 221circa 1520Bronze; eyes inlaid with silver,54.7 x 45 x 22.3 cm (21V 2" x 17 3 // x8 3 A")86.SB.688Trained as a goldsmith, Pier JacopoAlari-Bonacolsi became the principalsculptor at the court of Mantua in thelate fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.His main patrons were membersof the Gonzaga family, including thewife of Francesco I Gonzaga, Isabellad'Este, for whom he executed a series ofbronze reductions and variants of famousantique statues. It is presumablybecause of the close relation of hisworks to antique models that the artistwas nicknamed Antico. The Museum'sbronze, one of only seven known bustsgenerally accepted as being by Antico,represents the Roman emperor MarcusAurelius as a young man. Very subtlymodeled, the Young Marcus Aureliushasa less schematic, freer, and more naturalisticrendering of forms than is to befound in most of the artist's other busts.It is likely to have been executed latein Antico's career, at the time of theemergence of the High Renaissance stylein Italy.PROVENANCE: Grimani family, Venice; AntonioSanquirico, Venice (since at least 1831);duchesse of Talleyrand and Sagan, Paris (offeredfor sale by her heirs through an unknownauction house in Paris, June 19—20,1907, possibly as lot 44 or 45, unsold); Talleyrandfamily (sale, Sotheby's, Monaco, February23, 1986, lot 913); [Sameart, Ltd., Zurich].125. GIROLAMO CAMPAGNAItalian (Venice), 1549-1625Infant Christ as Salvatorcirca 1605Bronze, H: 88 cm (347s")86.SB.734Mundi(?),Campagna worked chiefly in Venice,where he was trained under the TuscanbornDanese Cattaneo (1509—1573). Hisstyle varied considerably throughout hiscareer, moving from the restrainedforms of his teacher to a dramatic andexpressive style whose compositionalsensuousness was inspired by the worksof Alessandro Vittoria and Giambologna.By 1590 he was a leading artisticfigure in Venice and secured commissionsfor many major churches andscuole there, including the sculpture forthe high altar at San Giorgio Maggioreand the Altare degli Orefici in SanGiacometto di Rialto. The infant Christshown here is approximately two tothree times larger than most Venetiantable or cabinet bronzes, suggesting thatthe piece might have functioned originallyas part of an architectural complex,probably an altar.PROVENANCE: Traditionally said to have beenin the collection of Prince Corleone, Vicenza;Arnold Seligman, Paris, circa 1900; JacquesSeligman, Paris; Jean Davray, Paris, before1930; sale, Hotel Drouot, Paris, April 14-15,1986, lot 90; [Alain Moatti, Paris].the bottom center of the front.86.SE.528Gemito was the most important latenineteenth-century Neapolitan sculptor.At the height of his artistic success hebecame seriously depressed and in 1887was committed to a home for the mentallydisturbed. He immediately escapedand returned to his own home, wherefor fourteen years he supposedly remainedhidden in a single room. In 1911he reentered the world and continuedworking actively until his death in 1929.Perhaps intended as a kind of apotropaicsymbol, this Medusa was executed justas Gemito emerged from his period ofseclusion.Although Gemito's works generallydisplay a vibrant, obsessive response tothe everyday realities—particularly thepoverty and misery—of life in Naples,they are tempered by a search for formalbeauty based on Hellenistic ideals andby a mastery of craftsmanship rivalingthat of Renaissance artists. Although itscomposition follows the design of theTazza Farnese, the famous Hellenistichardstone object in the Museo Archeologico,Naples, Gemito's Medusa ishardly a simple copy. He transformedthe incised, one-sided design of theTazza and extended it into a threedimensionalobject. In doing so, Gemitostretched the traditionally neat boundariesbetween relief sculpture, two-sidedmedallions, and sculpture in the round.The Medusa appears to be a compositionthat was executed in only one version,as opposed to Gemito's bronzes whichwere often cast several times.PROVENANCE: L. Carl and Hazel Bean,Shriverport, Maine; sale, Skinner's Auction,no. 709, October 3, 1980, lot 617; Mrs. PieroCorsini; [Piero Corsini, New York].126125126. VINCENZO GEMITOItalian, 1852-1929Medusa, 1911Silver, parcel gilt, Diam: 24.1 cm(9V 2"). Inscribed: 1911, GEMITO at

PHOTOGRAPHSNote: Listed here are the individualphotographers whose work was acquiredduring 1986. Each photographer'sname is followed by his or her nationality,life dates (or years flourished), andby the number of photographs acquired.This list is followed by reproductions oftwenty chronologically arranged photographsthat are highlights of the year'scollecting activity. There follows a sectionon six of the photographers whosework was acquired in depth during theyear, consisting of a brief commentaryon each and selected reproductions.PHOTOGRAPHERSADAMS, ANSEL(American, 1902-1984), 11ALINARI BROTHERS(Italian, active Florence: Giuseppe,1836-1890; Leopoldo, 1832-1865;Romualdo, 1830-1891), 3ARNDT, GERTRUDE(German, b. 1903), 1ATGET, EUGENE(French, 1857-1927), 2AUERBACH, ELLEN (Studio Ringl and Pit)(American, b. Germany 1906), 1BALZER, GERD(German, active 1930s, Bauhaus), 1BARDOU, A.(active Italy 19th century), 1BATZ, EUGEN(German, b. 1905), 1BAYER, HERBERT(American, b. Austria,1900-1985), 1BAYER-HECHT, IRENE(American, b. 1898), 1BEDFORD, SIR FRANCIS(British, 1815/16-1894), 1BEESE, LOTTE(German, b. 1903), 1BISSON FRERES(French: Auguste-Rosalie,1826-1900; Louis-Auguste,1814-1876), 1BONFILS(French: Felix, 1831-1885;Lydie, 1837-1918; Adrien,1861-1929), 57 (album)BONFILS, FELIX(French, 1831-1885, active NearEast), 1BORRI, V. E FIGLIO(Italian, active Greece 1870s-1907), 3BOTH, KATT(German, active 1930s, Bauhaus), 1BOURKE-WHITE, MARGARET(American, 1904-1971), 1BRANCUSI, CONSTANTIN(French, b. Romania, 1876-1957), 1BRANDT, BILL(British, 1904-1983), 11BRASS AI (Gyula Halδsz)(Hungarian, 1899-1984,active France), 13CAMERON, HENRY HERSCHEL HAY(British, 1852-1911), 15CAMERON, JULIA MARGARET(British, b. India, 1815-1879), 10CAMERON STUDIO (H. H. H. Cameron)(British, active late 19th century), 2CLIFFORD, CHARLES(British, 1819/20-1863, activeSpain), 1COLLEIN, EDMUND(German, b. 1906), 1CONSTANTIN, DIMITRIOS(Greek, active Athens1858-1860s), 1COPPOLA, HORACIO(Argentinian, b. 1906), 1DANA STUDIOS,(American, active 1880s), 1DEGAS, EDGAR(French, 1834-1917), 3DEGAS, EDGAR AND BARNES STUDIO(active France 19th century), 1DELAMOTTE, PHILIP HENRY(British, 1821-1889), 1EAKINS, THOMAS(American, 1844-1916), 4EHRLICH, FRANZ AND LOEW, W. M.HEINZ(German: Ehrlich, active1920s-1930s; Loew, 1903-1981,active England), 1EVANS, WALKER(American, 1903-1975), 1FEININGER, T[heodore]. LUX (Lucas)(American, b. Germany 1910), 11FEIST, WERNER DAVID(German, b. 1909), 1FENTON, ROGER(British, 1819-1869), 8FERREZ, MARC(Brazilian, 1843-1923), 165(album)FRITH, FRANCIS(British, 1822-1898), 3FUNKAT, WALTER(German, b. 1906), 1GENTHE, ARNOLD(American, b. Germany,1869-1942), 2GOOD, FRANK MASON(British, active London and NearEast 1860s-1890s), 3HAGEMEYER, JOHAN(American, b. Holland,1884-1962), 1HAJO, ROSE(Bauhaus, 20th century), 1HAWARDEN, LADY CLEMENTINA(British, 1822-1865), 1HENRI, FLORENCE(American, 1895-1982, activeFrance and Germany), 1HOPKINS, THURSTON(British, b. 1913), 1JACKSON, WILLIAM HENRY(American, 1843-1942), 1JACOBI, LOTTE(American, b. Germany 1896), 1KALES, ARTHUR(American, 1882-1936), 103

Photographs 223KEMMLER, FLORENCE(American, 1900-1972), 9KERTESZ, ANDRE(American, b. Hungary,1894-1985), 46KORTH, FRED G.(American, b. Germany,1902-1983), 21KRULL, GERMAINE(Polish, b. 1897, active Germany,Holland, and France), 64 (book)LE GRAY, GUSTAVE(French, 1820-1882), 2LONDON STEREOSCOPIC CO.(British, active 1850s-1890sBritain, Canada, and U. S.), 1LOUGHTON, ALFRED J.(British, 19th century), 1LYNES, GEORGE PLATT(American, 1907-1955), 3MAN RAY (Emmanuel Radnitsky)(American, 1890-1976), 26MARTIN, IRA W.(American, active New York 20thcentury), 5MATHER, MARGRETHE(American, 1885-1952), 6MAULL AND POLYBANK(British, active 1850s), 34MELVILLE, R. LESLIE(British, 1835-1906), 132 (album)MODOTTI, TINA(Italian, 1896-1942, active U.S.,Mexico, and Germany), 7MOFFETT STUDIO(active Chicago circa 1913), 1MOHOLY, LUCIA(German/Swiss, b. Bohemia 1899), 1MOON, KARL(American, 1878-1948), 8MORAITES(Greek: Petros, 1835-1905;Georgios, active 1874-1900), 5MUCHA, GEORG(German, b. 1895), 1MUNKACSI, MARTIN(American, b. Hungary,1896-1963), 5NINCI, GIUSEPPE(Italian, 1823-1890), 1PAP, GYULA(Hungarian, b. 1899), 1REJLANDER, OSCAR GUSTAF(British, b. Sweden, 1813-1875), 1RICE, CHESTER(American, active 1890s), 1ROBINSON, HENRY PEACH(British, 1830-1901), 2SANDER, AUGUST(German, 1876-1964), 1SCHNEIDER, DR. ROLAND(American, 1884-1934), 4SMITH, LEWIS(American, active circa 1921), 1SOMMER, FREDERICK(American, b. Italy 1905), 1STEICHEN, EDWARD(American, b. Luxembourg,1879-1973), 5STERN, GRETE(Argentinian, b. Germany 1904), 1STIEGLITZ, ALFRED(American, 1864-1946), 7STORY-MASKELYNE, M. H. NEVIL(British, 1823-1911), 1STRAND, PAUL(American, 1890-1976), 119STRAUB, KARL(German, active 1930s, Bauhaus), 1STRUWE, CARL(German, b. 1898), 10SUDEK, JOSEF(Czech, 1896-1976), 1SUTCLIFFE, FRANK MEADOW(British, 1853-1941), 1TABARD, MAURICE(French, 1897-1984), 1TALBOT, WILLIAM HENRY FOX(British, 1800-1877), 2TEYNARD, FELIX(French, 1817-1892), 160 (book)THALEMANN, ELSE(German, active 1930s), 13THOMSON, JOHN(British, 1837-1921), 27VALLOU-DE-VILLENEUVE, JULIEN(French, 1795-1866), 3WATKINS, HERBERT(British, 19th century), 4WEEGEE (Arthur H. Fellig)(American, b. Hungary,1899-1968), 11WESTON, EDWARD(American, 1886-1958), 833 (795album photographs, includingabout 150 of undeterminedauthorship)WESTON, EDWARD AND MATHER,MARGRETHE(American: Weston, 1886-1958;Mather, 1885-1952), 2WILSON, GEORGE WASHINGTON(British, 1823-1893), 54 (book)WINOGRAND, GARRY(American, 1928-1984), 1WOLCOTT, MARION POST(American, b. 1910), 8WORTLEY, COL. H. STUART(British, 1832-1890), 1

224 Acquisitions/1986SELECTEDACQUISITIONS127127. WILLIAM HENRY FOX TALBOTBritish, 1800-1877Leaves of Orchidea, 1839Photogenic drawing,17.1x20.8 cm (6 3 //x 8 3 A 6").Inscribed: HF Talbot photogr./April1839. on the verso." 86.XM.621PROVENANCE: Robert Shapazian; [DanielWolf, Inc., New York].128. GUSTAVE LE GRAYFrench, 1820-1882Seascape with Steamboat and Three-Masted Ship, circa 1856Albumen print, 30 x 41.2 cm (117s"x I6V4"). Photographer's wet stampin red ink in the lower right cornerof the image; photographer's blindstamp on the mount at the centerbelow the image.86.XM.604.1PROVENANCE: French private collection;Robert Hershkowitz, London; [CharlesIsaacs, Philadelphia].129. R. LESLIE MELVILLEBritish, 1835-1906Going to the Portree Ball, from theMelville Album of 138 photographs(86. XA.21.1-137), circa1860sAlbumen print, 18.5 x 23.3 cm(7 5 /i 6" x 9 3 /i 6"). Inscribed: MissWilloughby, Sophy L.M., R.L.M.,Jack Thorold, Applecross, Lady Middleton,Going to the Portree Ball.Bingy Lawley. on the mount belowthe image.86.XA.21.103PROVENANCE: Heirs of R. Leslie Melville;[Howard Ricketts, Ltd., London].130. FRANK MEADOW SUTCLIFFEBritish, 1853-1941The Dock End, Whitby, 1880Carbon print, 23.6 x 29.2 cm(9 5 A 6" x ٢V2"). Signed in ink at thelower left.86.XM.518.1PROVENANCE: European vendor; [RobertKlein Gallery, Boston].

Photographs 225131131. EDGAR DEGAS ANDBARNES STUDIOFrenchDegas: 1834-1917Barnes Studio: active 19th centuryApotheosede Degas (after Ingres'L'apotheose d'Homere), 1885Albumen print, 8.2 x 9.5 cm(37/ x 3 3 //)86.XM.690.4PROVENANCE: Madame Joxe-Halevy; Estate ofFrancois Braunschweig, Paris.132. ALFRED STIEGLITZAmerican, 1864-1946Portrait of Eva Hermann, circa 1894Platinum print, 25.2 x 20.2 cm(9 1 5 /i 6"x7 1 5 /i6")86.XM.622.4PROVENANCE: Kurt Hermann; [Daniel Wolf,Inc., New York].133. EUGENE ATGETFrench, 1857-1927Vieille Cour, 22 rue Quincampoix,1908Albumen print, 22.2 x 17.7 cm(S n h6 ,f x 67s")86.XM.628.1PROVENANCE: Elias Antinopoulis, Paris;[Brent Sikkema, Boston].133

226 Acquisitions/1986137137. TINA MODOTTIItalian (active U.S., Mexico, andGermany), 1896-1942Dog and Tree, 1924Gelatin silver print, 8.3 x 11.9 cm(3 3 /s" x 4 11 /i6"). Signed and dated onthe mount below the image.86.XM.722.4PROVENANCE: Edward Weston; by descent,Cole Weston, Carmel.134134. KARL MOONAmerican, 1878-1948The Peace Pipe, circa 1909Sepia-toned gelatin silver printwith additions in oil; squaredin pencil, 34.6 x 43.2 cm(13W x 17")86.XM.472.61879-1973Untitled, 1915Mock gum-bichromate print,21.2 x 16.6 cm (8W x 6V2"). Signedand dated at the upper right.86.XM.625.1PROVENANCE: John Simpson; [Mack Lee];[Daniel Wolf, Inc., New York].PROVENANCE: Estate of Karl Moon;[Argonaut Bookshop, San Francisco].138138. JOHAN HAGEMEYERAmerican (b. Holland), 1884-1962Lily, 1926Gelatin silver print, 16.2 x 22.4 cm(6 3 /s" x 8 13 /i6"). Signed and dated onthe mount below the image.86.XM.724.1PROVENANCE: Edward Weston; by descent,Cole Weston, Carmel.136135135. EDWARD STEICHENAmerican (b. Luxembourg),136. MARGRET HE MATHERAmerican, 1885-1952Edward Weston, 1921Platinum print, 19.1 x 24.1 cm(7 1/ 2" x 9'/2"). Signed and dated onthe mount below the image.86.XM.721.5PROVENANCE: Edward Weston; by descent,Cole Weston, Carmel.

Photographs 227and corrections in black-andwhiteink, 22.4 x 16.5 cm(8 13 /i6" x 6V2"). Designer's scalingmarks and StudioDeberny-Peignotstamp on the verso.86.XM.627.1PROVENANCE: Paul Pavel family; [BrentSikkema, Boston].139139. ANSEL ADAMSAmerican, 1902-1984Group Portrait, circa 1930Gelatin silver print, 17 x 22.7 cm(6 n he" x 8 15 /i 6")86.XM.588.10PROVENANCE: Donald Tressider; Oliene TressiderMintzer; Butterfield and Butterfield;[Paul M. Hertzmann, Inc., San Francisco].141141. LOTTE JACOBIAmerican (b. Germany), 1896Modern Monk Cleaning in Cloister,early 1930sGelatin silver print, 21.8 x 13.4 cm(87i6" x 5 5 /i 6"). Signed in pencil atthe right; photographer's wetstamp on the verso.86.XM.642.1PROVENANCE: Folkwang-Auriga Archive,Berlin, West Germany; [Mathias Schroeder,Radbruch, West Germany].143143. BRASSAI (Gyula Halδsz)Hungarian (active France),1899-1984Odalisque, 1934-1935Cliche-verre, gelatin silver print,39.4 x 29.3 cm (157/ x ll 9 /i 6")86.XM.3.5PROVENANCE: Louis Stettner, New York.140140. MARTIN MUNKACSIAmerican (b. Hungary),1896-1963Motorcycle, circa 1930Gelatin silver print,33.9 x 26.9 cm (137s" x 107i 6")86.XM.529.5PROVENANCE: Joan Munkacsi; [HowardGreenberg, New York].142142. MAURICE TABARDFrench, 1897-1984Schön ist ein Zylinderhut, 1931Gelatin silver print with additions

228 Acquisitions/1986145144144. WEEGEE (Arthur H. Fellig)American (b. Hungary),1899-1968Their First Murder, circa 1936Gelatin silver print, 25.6 x 27.9 cm(lOVie" x 11"). Two photographer'swet stamps on the verso.86.XM.4.6PROVENANCE: Louis Stettner, New York.145. JOSEF SUDEKCzech, 1896-1976Panorama of Prague, circa 1946Gelatin silver print, 15.9 x 50.7 cm(6V4" x 20")86.XM.516.1PROVENANCE: Victor Musgrove, London;[David Dawson and Paul Kasmin, London].146. BILL BRANDTBritish, 1904-1983Girl on Boat, circa 1946Gelatin silver print, 25.4 x 20.1 cm(10" x 7 15 /i 6"). Photographer's wetstamp on the verso.86.XM.618.4PROVENANCE: Noya Brandt, London;[Marlborough Fine Art, Ltd., London];[Edwin Houk Gallery, Chicago].146

Photographs 229A SELECTION OFPHOTOGRAPHERSCOLLECTED IN DEPTHJULIA MARGARET CAMERON. During1986 the Museum acquired a group oftwenty-seven photographs made by orrelating to the English photographerJulia Margaret Cameron (1815-1879),who was the subject of the Departmentof Photographs' inaugural exhibition,Whisper of the Muse, held in the fall. Tenof this group are portraits by Cameronherself; seven of these are albumenprints, two are carbon prints, and one isan autotype. They range in date from1865 to 1875, thus covering nearly all ofher working life. The people depictedinclude three of Mrs. Cameron's fivesons, the essayist Sir Henry Taylor, anda Singhalese girl.Fifteen of the photographs were madebetween 1870 and 1900 by the youngestof Mrs. Cameron's five sons, HenryHerschel Hay Cameron (1852-1911),who was a successful portrait photographerin his own right. These are albumenand gelatin silver prints. All fifteenare portraits except one, which is a photographof a portrait of Julia MargaretCameron painted by George FredericWatts (1817-1904).The two remaining photographs inthis group are by unknown makers.One is an unsigned albumen print ofthe 1860s which depicts Mrs. Cameron'shouse on the Isle of Wight and whichmay be by her. The subject of the last,a gelatin silver print from the 1880s, isa pair of chess players; one of them isHardinge Hay Cameron (1846-1911),another of her sons, who may havemade this study.Julia Margaret Cameron is the mostimportant portrait photographer in thehistory of English photography. BornJulia Margaret Pattle in Calcutta andraised and educated in Paris, she livedagain in India and Ceylon for a decadeafter her marriage to the distinguishedAnglo-Indian jurist Charles HayCameron (1795-1880). They movedto England in 1848 and settled on theIsle of Wight in 1860. There, at the ageof forty-eight, she took up photography.She pursued the medium withgreat energy, and it brought her considerablecritical acclaim and modest commercialsuccess. Cameron made fewphotographs after 1875, the year sheand her husband returned to Ceylon;she died there in 1879. Henry HerschelHay Cameron's portrait of his mother(no. 147) shows her enveloped in oneof the shawls that were part of her usualgarb. This sedate image gives littleindication of Mrs. Cameron's indefatigablenature.The Museum's holding of Mrs.Cameron's work, now the most extensiveand important outside England,is complemented by a provocativegroup of Cameron family papers belongingto the Archives of the Historyof Art, a department of the GettyCenter for the History of Art and theHumanities. Both the Archives' holdingand the photographs reproduced herederive from Hardinge Hay Cameron.Her work has been characterized astypological. That is, in the characteristicCameron image the model stands bothfor him- or herself and for a figural typedrawn from a literary or religioussource. In thus representing her sitters,she hoped to imbue her photographswith both physical and spiritual beauty.In short, her intent was to makephotography an art of moral purpose.There was also a genre aspect to herwork. This is seen, for example, in thestudy of about 1872 she entitled MayPrinsep (The Letter) (no. 148). The subjectof letters bearing portentous news,whether from lovers, family, or friends,appeared often in Victorian images. Themodel here is May Prinsep, a niece of abrother-in-law of Cameron, who alsoposed often for G. F. Watts. Cameroncast her as Elaine in the photographsshe made as illustrations for Tennyson'sIdylls of the King (1875). The poignant1864 study of the young Ellen Terry(no. 149) is Mrs. Cameron's first masterpiece.The sitter is the celebrated actress,who had married the painter Watts theyear before the collodion negative forthe photograph was made. Albumenprints dating from 1864—and printed inreverse—were entitled Sadness, suggestingthe result of an unhappy union;Watts and Terry were later divorced.This carbon print, commissioned byMrs. Cameron, was made about 1875 bycraftsmen of the Autotype Companyof London. They restored the originaldamaged negative and somewhatenlarged the image, which received itspresent title, Ellen Terry at the Age ofSixteen, when it was published by AlfredStieglitz in his journal Camera Work inJanuary 1913. (A rectangular version ofthis subject exists which shows evenmore of the damage to the negative. Init the image is also reversed.) The decolletageand loosed hair, which areextraordinary for the period, serve toemphasize the vulnerability of the sitter,as does the carefully controlled light.Luminous portraits such as this oneexerted a great influence on the laterdevelopment of pictorial photographyand secured for Cameron a prominentplace in the history of photography.147147. HENRY HERSCHEL HAYCAMERONBritish, 1852-1911Portrait of Julia Margaret Cameron,1874Albumen print, 25.6 x 21.6 cm(10" x 872"). Inscribed: Photographfrom the life taken by my youngest sonHenry Herschel Hay Cameron. Takenin 1874. Tor my cherished sonHardinge with the love and blessingof his mother Julia Margaret Cameron.March 10th, 1877. on the mount belowthe image.86.XM.637.1PROVENANCE: Hardinge Hay Cameron;Adeline Blake (Mrs. Hardinge Hay)

230 Acquisitions/1986Cameron; Geraldine Blake Thomas (a sisterof Adeline Blake Cameron); Neville Hickman,Birmingham, England.148148. JULIA MARGARET CAMERONBritish, 1815-1879May Prinsep (The Letter), circa 1872Albumen print, 31.7 x 22.3 cm(12 9 /l6" X 8 13 /l6")86.XM.636.5PROVENANCE: Hardinge Hay Cameron;Adeline Blake (Mrs. Hardinge Hay)Cameron; Geraldine Blake Thomas (a sisterof Adeline Blake Cameron); NevilleHickman, Birmingham, England.149. JULIA MARGARET CAMERONBritish, 1815-1879Ellen Terry at the Age of Sixteen,circa 1875, from a negative of 1864Carbon print, Diam: 24.2 cm(9 9 /i6"). Inscribed: H. H. Cameron,100 Holywell on the verso.86.XM.636.1PROVENANCE: Hardinge Hay Cameron;Adeline Blake (Mrs. Hardinge Hay)Cameron; Geraldine Blake Thomas (a sisterof Adeline Blake Cameron); NevilleHickman, Birmingham, England.149FELIX TEYNARD. A French civil engineer,Teynard (1817—1892) made photographsin Egypt in 1851 and 1852 using apaper negative process. Beginning in1853 and continuing until 1858, printswere produced in France from his negativesone at a time and mounted byhand one to a page and then issued insmall groups. When these fascicles weregathered together in 1858, the completedset of photographs comprised atwo-volume set containing 160 plates,entitled Egypte et Nubie, sites et monumentsles plus interessants pour Vetude deVart et de l'histoire. Fewer than a dozencomplete copies survive, one of whichthe Museum has now acquired.Although Teynard's photographswere published with accompanyingplans of some of the monuments ofEgyptian antiquity and explanatorynotes to the photographs, his intent wasnot simply to record antiquity butrather to depict the overall beauty ofEgyptian architecture and its setting.His subjects were predominantly ruinedtemples, but they also included Arabhouses, mosques, and cemeteries, theNile and its cataracts, and studies ofpalm trees and mountains. At each ofthe many archaeological sites to whichTeynard traveled he made at least onegeneral view of the ruins, such as theview of the temple at Edfu (no. 152),then framed more particularized compositions,and finally photographed anarchitectural detail or two. As the viewof the capitals of the temple at Esna(no. 150) indicates, Teynard occasionallydecontextualized architectural details.He treated them with soft-focus tolend them a sense of mystery without,however, detracting from the sense hegave of the extraordinary solidity ofEgyptian monumental architecture.He is noted for his mastery of the useof shadow in patterning his work, asthe photograph of the rock-cut templeat Abu Simbel (no. 151) clearly demonstrates.It is unusual among nineteenthcenturyphotographs of this subject inthat it shows the temple's relation to

Photographs 231the Nile. Teynard's response to the atmosphereof Egypt was a mixtureof melancholy and wonder and, assuch, epitomizes nineteenth-centuryromanticism.150150. FELIX TEYNARDFrench, 1817-1892Capitals, Shafts, and Architrave,Temple of Knum, Esna, 1852Salt print, 24.9 x 30.8 cm(9 13 /i 6" x 12V 8")86.XB.693.1.71PROVENANCE: Private collection, Los Angeles;[Zeitlin and Ver Brugge, Los Angeles].151151. FELIX TEYNARDFrench, 1817-1892Colossi in Profile, Great Temple,Abu Simbel, 1852Salt print, 30.8 x 25.3 cm(1278" x 10")86.XB.693.2.154PROVENANCE: Private collection, Los Angeles;[Zeitlin and Ver Brugge, Los Angeles].152. FELIX TEYNARDFrench, 1817-1892Pylon, Temple of Horus, Edfu, 1852Salt print, 237 x 30.5 cm(9W x 12")86.XB.693.1.75PROVENANCE: Private collection, Los Angeles;[Zeitlin and Ver Brugge, Los Angeles].EDWARD WESTON. In 1986 the Museumacquired a collection of 821 photographsby and about Edward Weston(1886-1958) and his family, plus fourteenimages by artists associated withWeston. The entire group was purchasedfrom the artist's son Cole. Allmade at the time of the negatives, thesephotographs chronicle Weston's earlycareer, from 1906 when he moved fromChicago to Los Angeles to the 1920swhen he gravitated first to Mexico andthen to Northern California. For themost part, the individual prints and aminority of album prints are signed andtitled by the artist. The grouping includesprimarily gelatin silver and platinumprints, with some palladium andcyanotype prints; all range in size fromT/8-by-l 5 /s to lT/ 8-by-14Vi6 inches.Nearly eight hundred of these imagescome from family albums compiled andtitled by the artist's first wife, FloraChandler Weston. Most of these familyprints, which are primarily biographicaland autobiographical in nature, aremounted on pages which have beengathered, sometimes unbound, into albums.The majority of the album photographshave been attributed toWeston; however, about one hundredfifty are of undetermined authorship.The collection also contains manyindividual Weston photographs thatare central to his art before 1925 andwere printed for exhibition purposes.Master prints from the Armco Steelseries, portraits of his longtime modeland friend Tina Modotti, and figurestudies of the dancer Bertha Wardell areincluded, as well as those illustratedhere: Plaster Works (no. 156), ChandlerWeston (no. 155), and Chandler Westonin His Shop (no. 157).The album photographs provide insightfulglimpses into Weston's transitionfrom a promising juvenile to a fullfledgedartist. In addition to the 762photographs included in informalalbums, about thirty others wereoriginally mounted in albums andsubsequently removed before they arrivedat the Museum. One such print isthe Back Entrance of Edward Weston's FirstStudio, Tropico (no. 154). Constructed fora mere six hundred dollars in the smalltown of Tropico (today part of Glendale),this studio served Weston for theentire early phase of his career, from1911 to the early 1920s. Its pared-down,unpretentious facade is emblematic ofhis lifelong devotion to maintaining anuncomplicated, bohemian existence.Forsaking the financial rewards andglamour that might have been his hadhe fully pursued commercial photography,he made a choice to work out ofhis simple rural studio rather than onein the center of Los Angeles.Weston's Self Portrait (no. 153), alsoformerly mounted in an album, showsthe ambitious artist as he looked attwenty-four or twenty-five. Armsfolded, sleeves rolled up, and staringdirectly and self-assuredly at thecamera, he appears ready to go to work.Indeed, Weston worked very hard at hiscraft during these early years.During the first part of his career,Weston worked primarily in his studio.Between commercial assignments, hehoned his skills as a portraitist. The fineplatinum print Chandler Weston is oneof a series of sensitive portraits of hiseldest son; the newly acquired collectionincludes several other photographs fromthis series, such as Chandler Weston in

232 Acquisitions/1986His Shop. Weston's earlier portraits weretypically executed in the pictorialiststyle, of which he was an importantWest Coast exponent. In its flatteningof space and playful geometry ofshadow, Chandler Weston, from 1920,shows signs of Weston's modernistexplorations.Five years later, during a period oftravel and after his artistic renewal inMexico during 1923-1924, Weston photographedPlaster Works. This extraordinaryplatinum photograph, made on areturn visit to Los Angeles, invitescomparison with Chandler Weston in itssoft, evocative use of light and form.Utilizing the subtle geometric abstractionof a plaster mill, Weston goesbeyond his early flirtation with modernismto achieve a masterful merging ofthe softness of pictorialism with the dynamismof Constructivist painting.154. EDWARD WESTONAmerican, 1886-1958Back Entrance of Edward WestonsFirst Studio, Tropico, circa 1915Gelatin silver print, 11.9 x 20.3 cm(4 u /i6" x 8"). Inscribed: (?) edStudio, Glendale,Calif, in an unknownhand on the verso.86.XM.719.27PROVENANCE: By descent, Cole Weston,Carmel.155155. EDWARD WESTONAmerican, 1886-1958Chandler Weston, 1920Platinum print, 19.2 x 23.6 cm(7 9 /i6" x 9 5 /i6"). Signed, dated, andinscribed Chandler,on the recto ofthe mount below the image.86.XM.710.10PROVENANCE: By descent, Cole Weston,Carmel.153153. EDWARD WESTONAmerican, 1886-1958Self-Portrait, circa 1910-1911Gelatin silver print, 16.5 x 10.1 cm(6V2" x 3 15 /l6")86.XM.719.4PROVENANCE: By descent, Cole Weston,Carmel.156

Photographs 233156. EDWARD WESTONAmerican, 1886-1958Plaster Works, 1925Platinum print, 19.2 x 24 cm(7 9 /i6" x 9 7 /i6"). Signed, dated, andinscribed Los Angeles on the verso.86.XM.710.5PROVENANCE: By descent, Cole Weston,Carmel.157157. EDWARD WESTONAmerican, 1886-1958Chandler Weston in His Shop, 1920Platinum print, 23.7 x 19 cm(9 5 A 6" x 7V 2"). Signed and datedon the recto of the mount belowthe image.86.XM.710.12PROVENANCE: By descent, Cole Weston,Carmel.MAN RAY. In 1986 the Museumacquired a group of twenty-six photographsranging in date from 1917 to 1951by the American artist Man Ray(ne Emmanuel Radnitsky, 1890-1976).Varying in size from 3 7 /s-by-2 15 /i6 toU 13 /i6-by-9 3 /i6 inches, these prints arethe earliest or best surviving ones fromthe negatives and were made by him atthe time the negatives were made. Thisgroup of images, assembled from a varietyof sources by the New York dealercollectorDaniel Wolf, is particularlystrong in works from the first decadeof Man Ray's career.Man Ray—the painter, writer, andmaker of objects—was also an exceptionallyinventive photographer. Bornand educated in the United States, hefirst worked as a commercial artist inNew York City during the early teensof the century. His visits to AlfredStieglitz's 291 gallery acquainted himwith the idea of experimental art, andhe soon met Stanton MacDonald-Wright, Morgan Russell, and MarcelDuchamp. (He met the last in 1915,and the two developed a friendship thatlasted nearly fifty years.) During muchof his career Man Ray worked simultaneouslyat painting, collage, andphotography. In his autobiography hedescribed how natural it was for him tocreate in several media. "I had nevershared the contempt shown by otherpainters for photography," he wrote."There was no competition involved,rather the two mediums [paintingand photography] were engaged indifferent paths."About 1915, Duchamp invited ManRay to visit his work space in a commercialloft building that housed suchtradesmen as printers and tire vulcanizers.In Duchamp's quarters hefound nothing that resembled a painter'sstudio. "In the far corner near the window,"he later recalled, "stood a pairof trestles on which lay a large pieceof heavy glass covered with intricatepatterns laid out in fine lead wires."The piece had a deep influence on ManRay, who soon quit his job as a commercialartist to dedicate himself exclusivelyto photography.Man Ray soon followed Duchampto Paris and was introduced there toTristan Tzara, Andre Breton, FrancisPicabia, and other participants in theDadaist movement. In Paris in 1917he photographed Duchamp with hisGlissiere contenant un moulin ä eau en metauxvoisins (1913—1915, a study for hisLarge Glass), the most impressive Dadaobjectfrom Duchamp's Paris years.Man Ray's photograph (no. 158) introduceselements of spatial illusion andportraiture to Duchamp's sculpture viathe background, which includes wiresfrom an electric meter that appear to beattached to the top edge of the sculpture.Duchamp is shown stretched ambiguouslyon a table supporting theobject in a way that confuses what is upwith what is down. Between them,Man Ray and Duchamp created a workthat bridges the gap between the creativeact and public perception of awork of art.It was through the filter of Man Ray'seye that the world saw Duchamp'swork. Duchamp's celebrated alteredready-made, L.H.O.O.Q. (a colorpostcard of da Vinci's Mona Lisa, towhich Duchamp added drawing andtext), was propagated via Man Ray'sphotograph La Joconde vue par Duchamp(no. 159). Even though Duchamp hadthe idea of manipulating the celebratedpainting, Man Ray initialed the photographof it, thus identifying himselfwith the idea. The Museum's print isbelieved to be the earliest survivingMan Ray replica of L.H.O.O.Q., the oneDuchamp valued over the "original"altered postcard.Soon after arriving in Paris, Man Raybegan a romantic relationship with Kikiof Montparnasse (nee Alice Prin in Brittany),who was a popular artist's model.She inspired Man Ray's artistic interestin the female figure. Le violon dTngres(no. 160), Man Ray's altered photographof her, was his answer to Duchamp'sL.H.O.O.Q. Without the ink designrepresenting the sound holes of aviolin that has been superimposed onthe model's back, the photograph wouldresemble an academic study; with thedesign, there is a witty reference toIngres' hobby of playing the violin andto the figure in his celebrated paintingThe Turkish Bath (1859-1863, nowin the Musee du Louvre).

234 Acquisitions/1986158158. MAN RAYAmerican, 1890-1976Duchamp avec son verre (Duchampwith [a study for his] Large1917Glass),Gelatin silver print, 8.6 x 15.2 cm(3W x 6Vi6"). Signed, dated, inscribed,and marked with a photographers wet stamp on theverso.86.XM.626.4PROVENANCE: Arturo Schwarz; [Daniel Wolf,New York].159. MAN RAYAmerican, 1890-1976La Joconde vue par Duchamp(MonaLisa as seen by Duchamp), 1921/22(from a ready-made of 1914)Gelatin silver print, 16.9 x 10.5 cm(6 5 /s" x 4V 8")Initialed at the lower right.86.XM.626.1PROVENANCE: Arturo Schwarz; [Daniel Wolf,New York].159160. MAN RAYAmerican, 1890-1976Le violon dTngres, 1924Gelatin silver print, 29.5 x 22.8 cm(llWx 9"). Signed and dated at thelower right; photographer's wetstamp on the verso.86.XM.626.10PROVENANCE: [Robert Kasmin, London]; PaulKasmin; [Daniel Wolf, New York].160

Photographs 235PAUL STRAND. During 1986 theMuseum acquired a group of 117 photographsranging in date from 1913 to 1955by the American artist Paul Strand(1890-1976). These photographs,varying in size from 4V2-by-5 3 /4 to13V8-by-7 3 A inches, are the best survivingprints made at the time the negativeswere made. Strand, a master printer,employed platinum, palladium, satista,Cykora, bromide, and gelatin silverpapers in creating these photographs.This comprehensive group of printsspans Strand's career from before hisfirst critique with Alfred Stieglitz in1915 to his later years and expatriate lifein France.Still Life with Matchboxes (no. 161) isone of a series of experiments in abstractionproduced by the artist at his family'ssummer cottage at Twin Lakes, Connecticut,in 1916. Although the imagemost likely originated as a 3V4-by-4V4-inch negative made with Strand's handheldEnsign camera, the large satistaprint was probably contact printedfrom a negative enlarged by the lanternslideprojection method. At this timeStrand was making his carefully craftedprints at the Camera Club of NewYork, where he had been using a darkroomsince graduating from the EthicalCulture School in 1909. In the summerof 1916, perhaps with the encouragementof Stieglitz, the artist pushed hismodernist instincts to their limits.Stieglitz had reviewed Strand's work in1915 and, in March 1916, had given hima one-man show, Photographs of NewYork and Other Places by Paul Strand, athis gallery, 291. That summer, Strandwas looking not at the city but ratherat compositions of his own making, setup on the porch of the Twin Lakes cottage.Bottles, bowls, chairs, fruit, andmatchboxes provided the raw materialfor imagery that finally ranged from thenearly realistic to the totally abstract. InStill Life with Matchboxes, subject matteris still recognizable, albeit unexpected,but the sense of space and scale is fracturedand ambiguous. The warm graysof the print range beautifully throughthe solids and shadows from the whitebowl at the upper left to the almostblackbottle at the lower right.In 1919 Strand met Rebecca Salsbury,a teacher who would later become apainter; in 1922 they were married.Through Strand, Rebecca met and becamefriends with Alfred Stieglitz andhis wife, Georgia O'Keeffe. Rebecca atDr. Stieglitz's, Mamaroneck, New York(no. 162) was made in 1920, the yearStrand began compiling a "portrait"of his wife. This series also chronicledtheir twelve-year marriage. In 1932,after exhibiting together at Stieglitz'sAn American Place gallery in NewYork, they separated. The 1986 acquisitionincludes eight of Strand's portraitsof Rebecca. His series is sometimescompared to that made by Stieglitz,entitled Georgia O'Keeffe, A Portrait,between 1917 and 1930. Stieglitz's ideaof one portrait made of many partsmay have inspired Strand's series; onthe other hand, it may have been anextension of the intense investigationof portraiture he had begun severalyears earlier in his "candid" NewYork street photographs.Strand seems to have become awareof architecture as an important subjectfor photography very early in his career.When he established himself as a commercialphotographer in 1912 he set outto earn an income by documenting thearchitecture of college campuses andselling the final hand-colored platinumprints to departing seniors as souvenirs.Although this enterprise did not proveparticularly lucrative, it did provide himwith the excuse to travel around thecountry, to look at various kinds ofbuildings, and to develop an eye for theforms and potential iconography ofarchitectural photography. Strand'sWall Street (1915) shows his ability touse architectural forms expressively, butWhite Fence, Port Kent, New York (1916),more significantly, foreshadows hismature work and, in particular, hispersistent attention to the forms ofvernacular architecture.Between 1930 and 1932 the Strandsspent summers in Taos, New Mexico,using as their base one of the cottagesowned by the art patron Mabel DodgeLuhan. From there Strand explored thearchitectural remnants of the region thatwas once frontier America. City Hall,Ghost Town (St. Elmo?) Colorado (no.163), a small bromide print of 1931, isan exquisite miniature rendering of theedifice of a deserted public building setagainst vigorous hills and clouds, lit bya bright full sun and photographedstraight on. Through Strand's honest visionthe onetime city hall is shown as amajestic American ruin. The Museum'sprint is indeed a much more accuraterecord of the city hall than the more familiarhorizontal version of this photograph,which harks back to Strand'sexperiments of the teens. In the horizontalimage the structure is isolatedfrom any context, natural or manmade,and the final effect is of a moreabstracted facade with bold blackenedwindows.

236 Acquisitions/1986163163. PAUL STRANDAmerican, 1890-1976City Hall, Ghost Town (St. Elmo?),Colorado, 1931Silver bromide print, 14.6 x 11.3 cm(5 3 A" x 47i 6"). Inscribed: Paul StrandHS. by Hazel Strand on the verso.86.XM.683.64PROVENANCE: The Aperture Foundation,New York.161161. PAUL STRANDAmerican, 1890-1976Still Life with Matchboxes, 1916Satista print on rice paper mount,33.4 x 19.8 cm (13V 8" x 7 5 /s"). Signedat the lower right.86.XM.683.59PROVENANCE: The Aperture Foundation,New York.162. PAUL STRANDAmerican, 1890-1976Rebecca at Dr. Stieglitz's,Mamaroneck, New York, 1920Platinum print, 25.1 x 20 cm(9 7 /s" x 7 7 /s")86.XM.683.1PROVENANCE: The Aperture Foundation,New York.162ANDRE KERTESZ. In 1986 the Museumacquired a group of forty-one photographsby Andre Kertesz (1894-1985),who was born in Hungary and movedto Paris in 1925 and then to New Yorkin 1936. These prints, varying in sizefrom 6 7 /s-by-6V4 to ll 7 /s-by-7 15 /i6 inchesand in date from the 1910s to 1958, arefor the most part either unique piecesor the earliest and best surviving printscreated by the photographer in gelatinsilver at the time the negatives weremade. Acquired principally from theestate of Andre Kertesz, the group includesimages ranging from the beginningof his career in Budapest to hisfirst experimental work in Paris to hisNew York period, when he was in fullcreative stride.In Paris Kertesz entered the circleof leading painters and sculptors, includingTristan Tzara, Marc Chagall,Alexander Calder, and Piet Mondrian.Kertesz's photographs have much incommon with the work of artists with

Photographs 237whom he fraternized, yet he remainedgenerally independent of their manifestosand movements. Both an innovatorand a teacher, he introduced Brassa'i,who was trained as a writer, to the artof photography, and he also greatlyinfluenced Henri Cartier-Bresson.Kertesz once provided an aptcharacterization of his work when hedescribed himself as a "naturalistsurrealist."Indeed, in his most characteristicphotographs, a surrealisticperspective is mixed with his abidinginterest in the manifestly ordinaryaspects of daily life.This naturalist-surrealist element isevident in the four photographs reproducedhere. Kertesz had an instinct forendowing commonplace subjects withan aura of the mysterious and supernatural.If the subject was a still life,Kertesz would deftly choose his viewpointand occasionally make a subtlealteration to gain the desired effect.Chez Mondrian (no. 165), for example,was photographed from the inside ofthat artist's studio looking toward thestairwell. A straw hat belonging tothe writer and photographer MichaelSeuphor hangs nearly obscured on thewall where Kertesz presumably foundit; the vase, however, has been movedfrom the center of the table to its edgein order to complete the effect of a balancedcomposition. Kertesz was lesslikely to rearrange his subject, however,than to photograph it at themost revealing instant or from themost telling viewpoint. This tendencyis evident in Smokestacks at Night, Paris(no. 164). The key to this photograph isthe time of day—presumably dusk—when there was just enough light leftin the sky to silhouette the smokestacksbut not so much as to diminish themysterious glow of the singlelighted windowKertesz's distinctive talent lay in hisability seemingly to record a visual perceptionthe moment he had it, to createthe illusion that the picture was made inthe eyes and mind without the interventionof the hands. In Diver in a Paris Pool(no. 166) and Fete Performer (no. 167)much is left to the viewer's imagination.Both photographs rely on us to fill inelements that lie outside the frame orthat are so indistinct as to be illegible. InFete Performer we infer that the buskerhas an audience other than the solitaryfigure in the background and that thetwo chairs are standing on an elevatedplatform; in Diver we assume the figureis diving into a swimming pool and thatthe blurry foreground is water.164164. ANDRE KERTESZAmerican (b. Hungary),1894-1985Smokestacks at Night, Paris, 1927Gelatin silver print, 6.6 x 6.2 cm(2 3 /l6" X 27l6")86.XM.706.2PROVENANCE: Estate of Andre Kertesz,New York.165. ANDRE KERTESZAmerican (b. Hungary),1894-1985Chez Mondrian, 1926Gelatin silver print, 10.9 x 7.9 cm(4 5 /IÖ" x 3V8"). Signed and inscribedParis below the image.86.XM.706.10PROVENANCE: Estate of Andre Kertesz,NewYork.

238 Acquisitions/1986166166. ANDRE KERTESZAmerican (b. Hungary),1894-1985Diver in a Paris Pool, 1929Gelatin silver print, 25 x 19.1 cm(97s" x 7V 2"). Dated at the top centerof the verso.86.XM.706.30PROVENANCE: Estate of Andre Kertesz,New York.167167. ANDRE KERTESZAmerican (b. Hungary),1894-1985Fete Performer, 1931Gelatin silver print, 23.9 x 19 cm(97i 6" x 77i6"). Dated at the lowerright of the verso.86.XM.706.28PROVENANCE: Estate of Andre Kertesz,New York.

Trustees Staff List (As ofJuly 1, 1987)Harold E. BergChairmanHarold M. Williams*PresidentNorris Bramlett*Kenneth DaytonJohn T. FeyGordon P. Getty*J. Ronald Getty(honorary )Jon B. LovelaceFranklin D. Murphy*Stuart T. PeelerRocco C. SicilianoJennifer Jones Simon*J. Patrick WhaleyOtto Wittmann*Federico Zeri(honorary )*Acquisitions Committee memberJohn WalshDirectorDeborah GribbonAssociate Director forCuratorial AffairsBret WallerAssociate Director for Educationand Public AffairsBarbara WhitneyAssociate Director forAdministrationBurton B. FredericksenSenior Curator for ResearchADMINISTRATIONADMINISTRATIVE OFFICEPatricia HowardExecutive Assistant to the DirectorBarbara AndersonCollections Projects CoordinatorEvelyn Bassel LittlejohnAdministrative CoordinatorMary HoltmanExecutive SecretaryBrenda CalsbeckSenior SecretaryTheresa WilliamsSenior SecretaryPERSONNEL ANDADMINISTRATIVE SERVICESAlison SowdenDirector of Personnel andAdministrative ServicesJudith ConnollyManager of Office ServicesCarol NordahlAccounting SupervisorRose Mary MootePersonnel AssistantAlice WardAccounting ClerkGregory BallardPayroll ClerkWilliam StevensGeneral Services ClerkPatty BylerOffice AssistantTherese WhalenOffice AssistantMarcia CrewsReceptionistSherrie McConnellReceptionistCURATORIALDEPARTMENT OFANTIQUITIESMarion TrueCuratorKenneth HammaAssociate CuratorMark R. Jentoft-NilsenAssistant CuratorKaren ManchesterAssistant CuratorKarol WightCuratorial AssistantDorothy OsakiSenior SecretaryDEPARTMENT OFDECORATIVE ARTSGillian WilsonCuratorDavid CohenAssociate CuratorCharissa Bremer-DavidCuratorial AssistantTheresa MoralesSenior SecretaryDEPARTMENT OF DRAWINGSGeorge R. GoldnerCuratorLee HendrixAssistant CuratorNancy E. YoccoConservation Assistant 2Stacy PiersonSenior SecretaryDEPARTMENT OFMANUSCRIPTSThomas KrenCurator

Ranee KatzensteinAssistant CuratorNancy TurnerConservation Assistant 1Peggy RobertsSenior SecretaryDEPARTMENT OF PAINTINGSMyron LaskinCuratorLouise LippincottAssociate CuratorDawson CarrAssistant CuratorChristopher RiopelleAssistant CuratorChristiane RamirezSenior SecretaryDEPARTMENT OFPHOTOGRAPHSWeston NaefCuratorJudith KellerAssociate CuratorGordon BaldwinStudy Room SupervisorVictoria BlascoCuratorial AssistantJoan GallantCuratorial AssistantJames EvansConservation Assistant 2Ernest MackConservation Assistant 1Louise StoverRegistration AssistantJane BettsSenior SecretaryRobin SparksSecretaryDEPARTMENT OFSCULPTURE ANDWORKS OF ARTPeter FuscoCuratorCatherine HessCuratorial AssistantNina BannaSenior SecretaryCONSERVATIONANTIQUITIES CONSERVATIONJerry C. PodanyConservatorMaya BarovAssociate ConservatorClaire DeanAssistant ConservatorLisbet ThoresenAssistant ConservatorSusan LansingConservation Assistant 2Patricia MinatoyaConservation Assistant 2James StahlSenior Conservation Technician/MountmakerWayne HaakConservation Technician/MountmakerVivian CoeSenior SecretaryDECORATIVE ARTSAND SCULPTURECONSERVATIONBarbara RobertsConservatorBrian B. ConsidineAssociate ConservatorBillie MilamAssociate ConservatorGraham PowellAssociate ConservatorLinda StraussAssistant ConservatorGeorge JohnsonSenior Conservation Technician/MountmakerMark MittonConservation Technician/MountmakerDiane BiehlSenior SecretaryPAINTINGS CONSERVATIONAndrea R. RotheConservatorMark LeonardAssociate ConservatorElisabeth D. MentionAssistant ConservatorYvonne J. SzafranAssistant ConservatorRobert KeefeSenior Frame SpecialistSusan AckermanSenior SecretaryCOLLECTIONS SUPPORTPHOTOGRAPHIC SERVICESCharles PasselaHead of Photographic ServicesPenelope PotterAssociate PhotographerJack RossAssistant Photographer 2Stephenie BlakemoreAssistant Photographer 1Jacklyn BurnsPhoto TechnicianJonathan SwihartPhoto TechnicianRebecca Vera-MartinezPhoto TechnicianAmanda FishOffice AssistantPREPARATIONBruce A. MetroPrep arator/Head of Preparationsand Machine ShopScott ReuterAssociate PreparatorGary K. LopezAssistant PreparatorEduardo SanchezAssistant PreparatorStepheny C. DirdenPreparation Assistant 2Arthur ParkerPreparation Assistant 2Kathryn-Forouhar KleinPreparation Assistant 1Rita GomezPreparation Assistant 1Tony MorenoPreparation Assistant 1Susi StauntonSecretary

REGISTRATIONSally HibbardRegistrarJohn C. CaswellAssociate RegistrarCynthia NalevankoCollections ManagementSystems ManagerAmy NoelAssistant RegistrarJulia SmithSenior SecretaryKathleen KiblerSecretaryEDUCATION AND PUBLICAFFAIRSLisa BaylisManager of Program PlanningPatricia BrindleExecutive SecretaryDEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONAND ACADEMIC AFFAIRSDavid EbitzHead of Education and AcademicAffairsJudith Sloane BlockerMuseum EducatorAndrew ClarkMuseum LecturerLaurie FuscoMuseum LecturerMargaret JacobsonManager of Concertand Lecture ProgramsJoan SternAdministrative Support ManagerMary AckermanGallery TeacherConstantin AndronescuGallery TeacherRhonda MagnusGallery TeacherBarbara SchreiberGallery TeacherMarichia SimcikGallery TeacherAnne SpackmanGallery TeacherCarrie SuttonGallery TeacherJacqueline SuttonGallery TeacherGeorgia AngusSenior SecretaryJolanta KasztelewiczSenior SecretarySally MeadeSecretaryJennifer D. KellenEducation AssistantRobert WeinerOffice Assistant 2BOOKSTOREEsther EwertSales and Distribution ManagerRoberta StothartBookstore ManagerEddie A. TuckerAssistant Bookstore ManagerBarbara B. CampbellBookstore AssistantRobin JohnsonBookstore ClerkEdmond OsborneBookstore/Warehouse ClerkMaggie SarkissianBookstore ClerkPUBLICATIONSChristopher HudsonHead of PublicationsAndrea P. A. BelloliEditor-in-ChiefPatrick DooleyDesignerKaren SchmidtProduction ManagerPhil FreshmanEditorKurt J. HauserAssistant DesignerPatricia InglisAssistant DesignerLeslie ThomasAssistant DesignerElizabeth BurkeProduction AssistantLoren EislerProduction AssistantMary Beth PowellSenior SecretaryPUBLIC INFORMATIONLoriJ. StarrHead of Public InformationCarole LevinthalSpecial Events CoordinatorDenise YarfitzPublic Information AssistantConstance S. HaigSenior SecretaryMichael HamptonReservations Operations SupervisorYvonne BassReservations AgentDavid BrownReservations AgentAurora FlorescaReservations AgentDavid KearneyReservations AgentEloise KongReservations AgentEnrique RiveroReservations AgentAnnabelle StauntonReservations AgentGretchen Van LenteReservations AgentMAINTENANCE ANDFACILITIESGROUNDS MAINTENANCERichard NaranjoGrounds SuperintendentSteven CuttingAssistant Grounds SuperintendentRoberto R. GuerreroSenior GardenerGabrielle de BenedictisGardener 4Juan RomeroGardener 4Rogelio OropezaGardener 3J. Pablo RodriguezGardener 3

Luis BrambillaGardener 2Jose LunaGardener 2Manuel OliverGardener 2Rosario Aguilar RayaGardener 2Isabel SeguraGardener 2Aandrea StangOfficeAssistantPLANTHoward ShermanChiefEngineerRonald MezaMAINTENANCEAssistant Chief EngineerWayne T BranhamSeniorDavid HamiltonGeneralEngineer/ElectricianEngineerAlexander McDermottEngineer/PlumbChris JaeckelSenior OfficeerAssistantMACHINEJames DaviesMachine ShopPeter ShapiroWoodworking ShopWilbur FaulkDirectorSHOPSupervisorSECURITYof SecurityWill RoystonSupervisorAssistant Director of Security/OperationsRobert CombsAssistant Director of Security/TechnicalSystemsMinnie BatchStaff and FacilitiesSue SpethSecretaryWayne ArbaughSupervisorEd McGoughSupervisorCoordinatorTom Roberts Don PhilippSupervisorDeke TinnerSupervisorRon UejoSupervisorSecurityOfficersFasi Ali KahnAna AparicioDanAustinRoger BalabanowoHerbert BardLee BassBill BrandonOrlando CantonBill CamsJohn ConnollyDan CorbinBobby DavisFrank DuranteLarry FaulknerRobert FoleyDeshay FordDavid ForrestRay FrazierAlfonso GalangGary GambleSteven GidleyJanet GillBob GrimsrudSandy HansonCharles HarringtonDonna HarvathRoberto HernandezJack JacksonMark LaskenTim LewisJames LynchStu McDonaldTom MoseleyFrank MurphyFernando OstoichLynn ParkerRichard PriceVeronica RachalAaron RandlemanHermes SalalimaVince SarishIvona SavereideRobert SchelleyBruce SeglerIan SeidjNindapal SinghHarry SussholzMatt TamboerMary TennardWillie ThomasMatt ValentineDon Van PeltMario VasquezJimmy WashingtonJohn WilliamsRobert Wise

Editorial BoardBurton B. FredericksenSenior Curator for ResearchPeter FuscoCurator of Sculpture andWorks of ArtGeorge R. GoldnerCurator of DrawingsDeborah GribbonAssociate Director for CuratorialAffairs, SecretaryThomas KrenCurator of ManuscriptsMyron LaskinCurator of PaintingsWeston NaefCurator of PhotographsMarion TrueCurator of AntiquitiesGillian WilsonCurator of Decorative ArtsBret WallerAssociate Director for Education andPublic Affairs, ex officioJohn WalshDirector, ex officioChristopher HudsonHead of PublicationsAndrea R A. BelloliManaging EditorCreditsPhil Freshman, Lynne Hockman,and Angela ThompsonManuscript EditorsElizabeth BurkePhotographs CoordinatorKaren SchmidtProduction ManagerPatrick DooleyDesignerPatricia InglisAssistant DesignerKathe FlynnProduction ArtistCharles Passela, Donald Hull,Stephenie Blakemore, ThomasMoon, Penelope Potter, andJack RossPhotographersTypography by AndresensTucson Typographic Service, Inc.,TucsonPrinted by Alan Lithograph Inc.,Los AngelesThe J. Paul Getty Museum Journal ispublished once a year. Manuscriptsshould be submitted no later thanNovember 1 for consideration for thenext year's issue.The Journal contains articles andshorter notes related to aspects ofthe Museum's permanent collections:antiquities, illuminated manuscripts,European decorative arts andsculpture, late medieval throughnineteenth-century paintings anddrawings, and photographs.Abbreviation:GettyMusJSubscriptions may be addressed to theJ. Paul Getty Book DistributionCenter, P.O. Box 2112, SantaMonica, California 90406.The paper and binding in this bookmeet the guidelines for permanenceand durability of the Committee onProduction Guidelines for BookLongevity of the Council on LibraryResources.© 1987 The J. Paul Getty Museum17985 Pacific Coast HighwayMalibu, California 90265(213) 459-7611ISBN 0-89236-133-6ISSN 0362-1979

The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal Volume 15 1987

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